Just International

The Fall of the U.S. Empire–And Then What?

By Prof. Johan Galtung

[Prof. Johan Galtung’s exceptional foresight predicting the fall of the US empire is being validated by successive administrations, with Trump sticking the last nail in the empire’s (not the Republic’s) coffin–irreversibly. I repeat in unison with Prof. Galtung: ‘I love the US republic, and I hate the US empire’. —TMS Editor]

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[Economic Contradictions- (2)]- between productive and finance economy: Domestic and global market turnover being high even if the growth is sluggish in the productive economy in many countries, and distribution being low, there will be heavy accumulation of liquidity high up searching for an outlet. Luxury consumption and productive investment being limited, the obvious outlet is buying and selling in the finance economy, also known as speculation. The productive economy responds by putting up bogus, virtual enterprises like ENRON and WORLDCOM that the growth in the finance economy quickly gets out of synch with growth in the productive economy. Thus, the 2001 sharpening of this contradiction into a crash for some stocks and depreciation of the US dollar was as expected, indicative of a chronic pathology. One basic cure for that pathology is the distribution that the US Empire, through its use of the WB/IMF/WTO-NYSE-Pentagon system is impeding. As that cure is at present unavailable, the underlying pathology will produce new increases in financial goods values and new crashes.

1. Definitions and Hypotheses: An Overview

Definition: An empire is a transborder Center-Periphery system, in macro-space and in macro-time, with a culture legitimizing a structure of unequal exchange between center and periphery: economically, between exploiters and exploited, as inequity; militarily, between killers and victims, as enforcement; politically, between dominators and dominated, as repression; culturally, between alienators and alienated, as conditioning.

Empires have different profiles. The US Empire has a complete configuration, articulated in a statement by a Pentagon planner: “The de facto role of the United States Armed Forces will be to keep the world safe for our economy and open to our cultural assault. To those ends, we will do a fair amount of killing”.[1]

In other words, direct violence to protect structural violence legitimized by cultural violence.[2] The Center is continental USA and the Periphery much of the world. Like any system it has a life-cycle reminiscent of an organism, with conception, gestation, birth, infancy, childhood, adolescence, adulthood, senescence and death. Seeded by the British Empire, the maturing colonies honed their imperial skills on indigenous populations, ventured abroad in military interventions defining zones of interest, took over the Spanish Empire, expanding with world, even space hegemony as goal, now in the aging phase with overwhelming control tasks quickly overtaking the expansion tasks.

Decline and fall is to be expected as for anything human; the question is what-why-how-when-where-by whom-against whom. Answers:

  • what: the four unequal, non-sustainable, exchange patterns above;
  • why: because they cause unbearable suffering and resentment;
  • how: through the synergies in the synchronic maturation of 14 contradictions, followed by demoralization of system elites;
  • when: within a time frame of, say, 20 years, counting from Y2000;
  • where: depending on the maturation level of the contradictions;
  • by whom: the exploited/bereaved/dominated/alienated, the solidary, and those who fight the US Empire to set up their own;
  • against whom: the exploiters/killers/dominators/alienators, and those who support the US Empire because of perceived benefits.

The hypothesis is not that the fall and decline of the US Empire implies a fall and decline of the US Republic (continental USA). To the contrary, relief from the burden of Empire control and maintenance when it outstrips the gains from unequal exchange, and expansion increases rather than decreases the deficit, could lead to a blossoming of the US Republic. This author admits an anti-Empire bias because of enormous periphery suffering outside and inside the Republic; and a pro-US Republic bias because of the creative genius and generosity of the USA. “Anti-American” makes no such distinction between the US Republic and the US Empire.[3]

There is no dearth of predictions of economic disaster for the US Republic in the wake of decline and fall of the system “to keep the world safe for our economy and open to our cultural assault”, also from marxists who (still) believe that Empire-building can be reduced to economic greed satisfied by flagrant inequity. But this is only one component in a complete imperial syndrome with components attracting and repelling different niches in societies and persons. Economists blind to externalities design theories legitimizing inequity, unrealistic “realists” enforce “order”, liberals guide and dominate political choices of others, and missionaries, religious and secular, try to convert anybody. All together an enormous drain of resources.

The case of England indicates that an empire can be a burden. The decline of the Empire started long before, but the fall of the crown jewel, India, due to a combination of nonviolent (Gandhi) and violent struggle, and the incompatibility of imperialism with the Atlantic Charter, was decisive. The Empire unravelled very quickly over a period of 15 years from 1947, obviously unstable.

And England? Today richer than ever in history. Welcome, USA.

2. The US Empire: A Bird’s-Eye View

Right after the mass murder in New York and Washington on September 11 2001 Zoltan Grossman circulated a list, based on Congressional Records and The Library of Congress Congressional Research Service, with 133 American military interventions during 111 years, from 1890-2001, from the brutal murder of the indigenous population at Wounded Knee in Dakota to the punishment expedition to Afghanistan. Six of them are the First and Second World Wars, and the Korea, Vietnam, Gulf and Yugoslavian wars: Democrats started five of them (Bush senior and junior are the exceptions among isolationist Republicans who usually focus more on the exploitation of their own population). The average per year is 1.15 before, and 1.29 after, the Second World War, in other words an increase. And after the Cold War, from late 1989, a heavy increase up to 2.0, compatible with the hypothesis that wars increase as empires grow, with more privileges to protect; more unrest to quell, revolts to crush.

William Blum has 300 pages of solid documentation in his Rogue State: A Guide to the World’s Only Superpower (Monroe MA: Common Courage Press, 2000). The total suffering is enormous: the victims, the bereaved, the damaged nature, structure (through verticalization) and culture (through brutalization, myths of revenge and honor). Most of it fits into one single pattern: building a US Empire based on economic exploitation of other countries and other peoples, using direct violence and indirect violence, open (Pentagon) and overt (CIA); with open and covert support from US allies. The result is the international class structure with increasing gaps between the poor and rich countries, and between poor and rich people.

There is no sign of any clash of civilizations, nor any sign of territorial expansion. But there is enormous missionary zeal and enormous self-righteousness. And the rhetoric changes: containment of Soviet expansion, fight against Communism, drugs, intervention for democracy and human rights, against terrorism. Blum’s list of interventions up to the year 2000 covers 67 cases since 1945(Grossman has 56, the criteria differ somewhat):

China 45-51, France 47, Marshall Islands 46-58, Italy 47-70s, Greece 47-49, Philippines 45-53, Korea 4553, Albania 49-53, Eastern Europe 48-56, Germany 50s, Iran 53, Guatemala 53-90s, Costa Rica 50s, 7071, Middle East 56-58, Indonesia 57-58, Haiti 59, Western Europe 50s-60s, British Guiana 53-64, Iraq 5863, Soviet Union 40s-60s, Vietnam 45-73, Cambodia 55-73, Laos 57-73, Thailand 65-73, Ecuador 60-63, Congo-Zaire 77-78, France-Algeria 60s, Brazil 61-63, Peru 65, Dominican Republic 63-65, Cuba 59-, Indonesia 65, Ghana 66, Uruguay 69-72, Chile 64-73, Greece 67-74, South Africa 60s-80s, Bolivia 64-75, Australia 72-75, Iraq 72-75, Portugal 74-76, East Timor 75-99, Angola 75-80s, Jamaica 76, Honduras 80s, Nicaragua 78-90s, Philippines 70s, Seychelles 79-81, South Yemen 79-84, South Korea 80, Chad 81-2, Grenada 79-83, Suriname 82-84, Libya 81-89, Fiji 87, Panama 89, Afghanistan 79-92, El Salvador 80-92, Haiti 87-94, Bulgaria 90-91, Albania 91-92, Somalia 93, Iraq 90s, Peru 90s, Mexico 90s, Colombia 90s, Yugoslavia 95-99.

There was bombing in 25 cases (for details, read the book):

China 45-46, Korea/China 50-53, Guatemala 54, Indonesia 58, Cuba 60-61, Guatemala 60, Vietnam 6173, Congo 64, Peru 65, Laos 64-73, Cambodia 69-70, Guatemala 67-69, Grenada 83, Lebanon-Syria 8384, Libya 86, El Salvador 80s, Nicaragua 80s, Iran 87, Panama 89, Iraq 91-, Kuwait 91, Somalia 93, Sudan 98, Afghanistan 98, Yugoslavia 99.

Assassination of foreign leaders, among them heads of state, was attempted in 35 countries, and assistance with torture in 11 countries: Greece, Iran, Germany, Vietnam, Bolivia, Uruguay, Brazil, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Panama.

On top of this come 23 countries where the United States has intervened in elections or has prevented elections:

Italy 48-70s, Lebanon 50s, Indonesia 55, Vietnam 55, Guayana 53-64, Japan 58-70s, Nepal 59, Laos 60, Brazil 62, Dominican Republic 62, Guatemala 63, Bolivia 66, Chile 64-70, Portugal 74-5, Australia 74-5, Jamaica 76, Panama 84, 89, Nicaragua 84,90, Haiti 87-88, Bulgaria 91-92, Russia 96, Mongolia 96, Bosnia 98.

35 (attempted) assassinations + 11 countries with torture + 25 bombings + 67 interventions + 23 interferences with other people’s elections give 161 forms of aggravated political violence only since the Second World War. A world record.

Increase over time comes with shift in civilization target:

  • Phase I Eastern Asia Confucian-Buddhist
  • Phase II Eastern Europe Orthodox Christian
  • Phase III Latin America Catholic Christian
  • Phase IV Western Asia Islam

The phases overlap, but this is the general picture.

In the first phase the focus was above all on people in Korea, south and north, wanting reunification of their nation, and on poor peasants in Viêt Nam wanting independence. In the second phase there was the Cold, not Hot, War for containment of communism. In the third phase the targets were poor people, small and indigenous populations supported by “maoist” students. And in the fourth phase, which is dominating the picture today, the focus was on Islamic countries and movements, Palestinians being an important example.

All the time we find that the USA supports those who favor US business and growth, and works against those who give higher priority to distribution and basic needs of the most needy.[4]They die, 100,000 per day, underfed, underclothed, undersheltered, undercared, underschooled; jobless, hopeless and futureless.

Satisfiers for their needs cannot be bought with the money they do not have, and cannot be bought with labor because that requires jobs or land (seeds, water, manure) they do not have. A cruel world built on a world trade headed by the USA, supported by US dominated military and allied governments, and often populations who benefit from cheap resources and food products.

What is new in the fourth phase has something to do with religion. Islam is just as concerned with sin and guilt and expiation, with crime and punishment, as Christianity. But they do not place God and his country, and particularly “God’s Own Country”, the USA, higher than Allah and his countries, particularly not Allah’s own holy country, Saudi Arabia.

A United Nations Security Council with a nucleus of four Christian and one Confucian country has little authority in Islam, as opposed to the authority enjoyed in the Christian countries in Eastern Europe and Latin America. And Buddhist, East Asian countries are perhaps more inclined to change a bad joint karma than to issue certificates of guilt to the USA.

In other words, the real resistance had to come in the fourth phase with a new Pearl Harbor that many see as the introduction to a long-lasting Third World War.

Of that we should not be so certain. But one thing is clear: Anybody who was the least bit surprised 11 September was ignorant, naive or both. The bottomless, limitless state terrorism of the United States got a very unsurprising answer: terrorism against the United States. With an estimated 12-16 million killed, and an average of 10 bereaved for each one, with pain and sorrow, lust for revenge and revanche growing, no act of revenge would be inconceivable. But the deeper roots lie not in the never-ending chain of “blowback” violence. They are in the numerous unresolved conflicts built into the US Empire. The way to solution for sure passes through US Empire dissolution.

The Pentagon planner’s “to those ends we will do a fair amount of killing” reflects imperial reality. The when-where- against whom has just been explored. And then what?

3. On the Decline and Fall of Empires: The Soviet Empire Case

In a comparative study of the decline (of ten) and fall (of nine, No. 10 is the US Empire) in 1995[5], with an economic focus, the conclusion was that no single factor, but a combination of factors in a syndrome was the general cause:

  • a division of labor whereby foreign countries, and/or foreigners inside one’s own country, take over the most challenging and interesting and developing tasks, given the historical situation;
  • a deficit in creativity related to a deficit in technology and good management, including foresight and innovation;
  • one or several sectors of the economy neglected or lagging;
  • and, at the same time, expansionism as ideology/cosmology, exploiting foreign countries and/or one’s own people inviting negative, destructive reactions.

The syndrome idea came from an earlier study of the decline and fall of the Roman Empire[6] where many authors have come up with many single factor theories. The idea was then applied to the Soviet Empire in 1980[7], focusing on five factors referred to as contradictions, tensions, like the four points above:

In the society:

  • a top-heavy, centralized, non-participatory society run by the Russian nation controlling other nations,
  • the city controlling the countryside,
  • the socialist bourgeoisie the socialist proletariat,
  • the socialist bourgeoisie having nothing to buy because the processing level was too low;

In the world: a confrontational foreign policy run by the Soviet Union controlling and intervening in satellite countries.

The prediction, made many times by this author in 1980, was that the Soviet Empire would crumble not because of any single factor but because of “synchronic maturation of contradictions, followed by demoralization of Center and Periphery elites”, with the Berlin Wall crumbling in an early phase, within 10 years.

The mechanism was not the big bang of war, but the whimper of demoralized elites who after lashing out violently become corrupt, alcoholized, overfed, sometimes charming, ego-maniacs.

4. On the Contradictions of the US Empire

The prediction of the decline and fall of the Soviet Empire was based on the synergy of five contradictions, and the time span for the contradictions to work their way through decline to fall was estimated at 10 years in 1980. Sometimes I added a No. 5: between myth, the massive Soviet propaganda, and reality – to some extent dissolved in marvelous jokes.

The prediction of the decline and fall of the US Empire is based on the synergy of 14 contradictions, and the time span for the contradictions to work their way through decline to fall was estimated at 25 years in the year 2000. There are more contradictions because the US Empire is more complex, and the time span is longer also because it is more sophisticated. After the first months of President George W. Bush (selected) the time span was reduced to 20 years because of the way in which he sharpened so many of the contradictions posited the year before, and because his extreme singlemindedness made him blind to the negative, complex synergies. He just continued.

President William J. Clinton (elected, twice) was seen in a different light. Confronted with a pattern of contradictions, no doubt with significant differences in terminology and numbers, his violence was an intervention in Somalia that he canceled, a war against Serbia of which he evidenced heavy doubts and never any enthusiasm, and a couple of missiles fired in anger. Being superintelligent, demoralization in high places, and sex in strange places, might have been the consequences. Hypothesis: they tried to impeach him not so much for the latter as for the former – using the latter as pretext. The effort misfired, but a highly non-demoralized George Bush captured the US Presidency.

Here is the list of 14 contradictions posited in 2000:

I. Economic Contradictions (US-led System WB/IMF/WTO-NYSE-Pentagon)

  • between growth and distribution: overproduction relative to demand, 1.4 billion below $ 1/day, 100.000 die/day, 1/4 of hunger
  • between productive and finance economy (currency, stocks, bonds) overvalued, hence crashes, unemployment, contract work
  • between production/distribution/consumption and nature: ecocrisis, depletion/pollution, global warming

II. Military Contradictions (US-led System NATO/TIAP/USA-Japan)

  • between US state terrorism and terrorism: Blowback
  • between US and allies (except UK, D, Japan), saying enough
  • between US hegemony in Eurasia and the Russia-India-China triangle, with 40% of humanity
  • between US-led NATO and EU army: The Tindemans follow-up

III. Political Contradictions (US Exceptionalism under God)

  • between USA and the UN: The UN hitting back
  • between USA and the EU: vying for Orthodox/Muslim support

IV. Cultural Contradictions (US Triumphant Plebeian Culture)

  • Between US Judeo-Christianity and Islam (25% of humanity; UNSC nucleus has four Christian and none of the 56 Muslim countries).
  • Between US and the oldest civilizations (Chinese, Indian, Mesopotamian, Aztec/Inca/Maya)
  • Between US and European elite culture: France, Germany, etc.

V. Social Contradictions (US-led World Elites vs The Rest: World Economic Forum, Davos vs World Social Forum, Porto Alegre)

  • Between state-corporate elites and working classes of unemployed and contract workers. The middle classes?
  • Between older generation and youth: Seattle, Washington, Praha, Genova and ever younger youth. The middle generation?
  • To this could be added: between myth and reality. The list was a simple reading of the US Empire situation. More sophisticated discourses are certainly possible, keeping the key ideas of syndromes, synergies and demoralization.
  • The maturation of contradictions: An update after 3 years

We shall use the same formulations as above, drop the small explanatory remarks in the above list, and add some kind of, hopefully informed, running commentary on contemporary affairs.

Obviously, the US Empire as a functioning, dynamic reality, not as a static structure, with the 14 contradictions in its wake is a very complex system. In such systems linearities are rare, causal chains split and unite; loops, spirals, any curve shape, are ubiquitous. Quantum jumps when two factors are strongly coupled, one changes and the other remains constant, will be frequent. But the prediction is that within twenty years the four types of unequal exchange with the USA in the Center will wither away, whether what comes is more equal exchange or less exchange, in other words isolation. Or both.

1. Economic Contradictions

  • Between growth and distribution: generally growth is sluggish with the possible exception of China, and the distribution often worsening, both between and within countries. However, the basic concern is with livelihood at the bottom of world society, the preventable mortality and the suffering due to near-death morbidity from hunger or easily preventable/curable diseases. That syndrome is with us, and the analysis in terms of overproduction leading to unemployment leading to underdemand leading oversupply leading to more unemployment etc. stands. At the same time monetization of land/seeds/water/manure impedes the conversion of labor into food by tilling one’s own land. The US Empire pursues growth but neglects and prevents distribution, thereby undercutting itself since a key aspect of growth in increased demand, meaning increased consumption, all over.
  • Between productive and finance economy. Domestic and global market turnover being high even if the growth is sluggish in the productive economy in many countries, and distribution being low there will be heavy accumulation of liquidity high up searching for an outlet. Luxury consumption and productive investment being limited the obvious outlet is buying and selling in the finance economy, also known as speculation. The productive economy responds by putting up bogus, virtual enterprises like ENRON and WORLDCOM that the growth in the finance economy quickly gets out of synch with growth in the productive economy. Thus, the 2001 sharpening of his contradiction into a crash for some stocks and depreciation of the US dollar was as expected, indicative of a chronic pathology. One basic cure for that pathology is the distribution that the US Empire, through its use of the WB/IMF/WTO-NYSE-Pentagon system is impeding. As that cure is at present unavailable the underlying pathology will produce new increases in financial goods values and new crashes.
  • Between production/distribution/consumption and nature: The Bush administration’s unilateral exit from the Kyoto Protocol sharpened this contradiction considerably and was a key factor behind the banner at the 2002 summit in South Africa: Thank you, Mr Bush, you have made the world hate America. The explanation given was that the Protocol impeded US economic growth (meaning unacceptable to powerful corporations). This move endangers the planet and is an expression of contempt for global regimes based on negotiating ratifiable treaties. The USA could have demanded re-negotiation. But the US Empire had other priorities and mobilized millions in the movement for sustainable development against the USA.

2. Military Contradictions

  • between US state terrorism and terrorism: This contradiction underwent a quantum jump on 11 september 2001 although the number killed was less than the number killed in the aftermath of the other 11 September, in 1973, the USA supported coup against the socialist government of Salvador Allende (one of the now 68 interventions after the Second World War, counting Iraq). Highly predictable, as predictable as its repetition unless the US Empire itself exits from the cycle of violence and decides to understand “that the enemy may be us/US”. But the US Empire now talks about interventions in more than 60 countries, lasting more than a life time. A heavy price for the failure to try to, or the effort to avoid to, solve conflicts/contradictions.

At this point an obvious remark: an effort to explain 9/11, for instance as a “reaction to the US Empire by hitting two major instruments for economic and military operation”, or the short-hand as “revenge” and “unresolved conflict” in no way justifies the gruesome act. Nor is the US intervention in Afghanistan and Iraq justified. But like Kosova they can both be partly explained as efforts to maintain and expand the US Empire, for more control of the world oil market, and “to keep the world safe for our economy” by establishing military bases.

Violence hits the Empire at their strongest point, is as wrong, ineffective and counterproductive as the US violence and mobilizes against the perpetrators. Ruling out explanation as justification runs against Enlightenment rationality: solve problems by identifying causal chains, then removing causes like violence cycles and unresolved conflicts. But the US Empire stands in the way and will ultimately have to yield.

  • between US and allies: very fluid. The US Empire does not want to be seen as the US Empire but as something generally supported by “advanced societies”, “civilized” as against “evil”, “chaotic” and “terrorist”. Washington builds coalitions with Allies in the NATO/TIAP/US-Japan systems, and others.

This contradiction (and many others) has never surfaced so clearly as in connection with the war against Iraq, but there were also tensions budding in connection with the Yugoslavia and Afghanistan operations. Public opinion is not an important variable here.

Washington deals with governments and for that reason is very concerned with who are the members. The three ways of exercising power, persuasion, bargaining and threats, are best exercised behind closed doors so as not to be exposed to anything like the German Foreign Minister’s devastating remark to the US Secretary of Defense in München February 2003: “In a democracy you have to present arguments for your position, and your arguments are not convincing.” If the public knew what goes on behind closed door, like supporting an attack on Iraq in return for having somebody inscribed on the US list of terrorist organization, the opposition would increase.

In 2000 UK, Germany and Japan were seen as reliable allies. This failed to predict the German position, linked to the Social Democratic Party having been pressed already against its inner conviction over Yugoslavia and Afghanistan. Australia, however, was highly predictable as an Anglo-Saxon country [8], and Japan behaved as predicted. The cost-benefit analysis of the countries varies, but the trend is against unconditional support for the US Empire. A very sensitive contradiction that will sharpen if people exercise much more pressure on governments.

  • between US hegemony in Eurasia and Russia-India-China: these are enormous countries, unconquerable so the USA has approached them through their fear of Muslim populations, in Chechnya, in Kashmir (and all over) and Xinjiang respectively. After the NATO expansion eastward and the USA-Japan alliance (with Taiwan and South Korea as de facto members) expansion westward from 1995, the three countries resolved most of their problems, came closer together (although not in a formal alliance). But those moves were temporarily stopped by the USA aligning them against Islamic terrorism, meaning Muslims fighting for more autonomy/independence in the three places mentioned. The attack on Iraq seems to have sharpened the contradiction again as they do not participate in the occupation (knowing something about Islamic guerrillas). But the USA still has considerable market access and investment economic clout with all three governments. 7. between USA-led NATO and an EU army: this is not the same as the two preceding points which are more about abstaining from support, and countries feeling the pincer movement of the US Empire, possibly creating an alliance. Here we are dealing with a new multinational army of a potential superpower, creating identity problems for some members. The question, “why do they need this army when they have NATO?” has an answer in dualist logic: “this shows they are not entirely with us, hence they are against us.”

There will be much maneuvering behind closed doors concerning this contradiction. But the general move will be in the direction of an EU Army for some members, building on the present Eurocorps, with a line of command that does not end in Washington, nor passes through washington except for some exchange of information. For defensive purposes or a coming EU Empire? To take over the spoils?

3. Political Contradictions

  • between USA and the UN: the most powerful country in the world also uses the veto in the Security Council most frequently and has close to a de facto economic veto by withholding or withdrawing support for programs not to their liking, in addition to the US Empire clout on many UN members, like changing the conditions for loans according to voting pattern. That this behavior is resented stands to reason and that resentment came out in the open when the Anglo-Saxon USA/UK alliance failed to get their second resolution on Iraq accepted by the UNSC. However, very energetic US diplomacy and again US Empire clout prevented what Washington was afraid of using the Uniting for Peace resolution to lift an issue that has gotten stuck in the UNSC into the General Assembly. A UNGA debate and vote would make the limited support for an attack on Iraq rather than the French-German approach of deep UN inspection clear.
  • between USA and the EU: this goes far beyond EU army vs NATO. The EU has today 15 members, by May 2004 there will be 25, with more to come. If the EU, very much in their own interest, decided to bridge the basic fault-lines in the whole European construction, between Orthodox and Catholic/Protestant Christianity, and between Islam and Christianity (from 1054 and 1095 respectively) by opening the EU for Russian and Turkish membership, well, then the USA would be very far behind indeed. We would be talking of 750 million+ inhabitants. The process of membership might have to be gradual, like X% increase per year in access to EU labor market against X% increase per year in access to resources. The relation to East Asia may be problematic, but the EU is also doing good work on this fault-line.And a giant EU could only gain from abstaining from any imitation of the US Empire, signing up for UN support instead.

4. Cultural Contradictions

  • between US Judeo-Christianity and Islam: these are the abrahamitic religions, and the expression Judeo-Christianity, so frequent in the USA, draws a wedge among them. With the recent fundamentalist alliance based on the idea that Armageddon is near and that the first coming of the Messiah and the second coming of Christ could be the same person, this contradiction has become very sharp indeed. But Islam is expanding very quickly, Christianity is not and the Jews are a small minority. This rift will mark clear borders against US Empire penetration. The young Saudi Wahhabite perpetrators on 9/11 may have acted more than they dreamt of on behalf of 1.3 billion Muslims, and not only 300 million Arabs. And this warlike relation, will limit US Empire expansion considerably.
  • between US and the oldest civilizations: when people talk of fundamentalism they usually mean the religious articulation of old cultures. But cultures are many-dimensional, including language and other forms of expression, and sacred times and sacred places in history and geography, anything. There are awakenings all over the world, seeing ancient non-Western cultures not as exotic museum objects to be observed but not lived. The destruction of artifacts from Sumer/Babylon in Iraq was seen as an effort to make the Iraqis governable by destroying other foci of identification. A typical example of a contradiction in an early, infant stage, but filled with potential for rapid maturation and powerful articulation.
  • between US and European elite culture: the world, or so the West thinks, has four major geo-cultural Centers: the USA, the UK, France and Germany. Others can learn to imitate or produce exotica. France and Germany continue the struggle for cultural prevalence relative to the USA, with Anglo-Saxon UK being somewhere inbetween.

5. Social Contradictions

  • between state-corporate elites and working classes of unemployed and contract workers: the powerful US trade union complex, the AFL/CIO, voted for the first time against a war: Iraq. But the working classes are today kept in line by the threat of unemployment and the inferiority of contract work relative to that vanishing category, the real position, with security. The state-corporate elites are better organized and at making themselves insubstitutable. They can make hire and fire become easy, with the ultimate threat of automation (“modernization”) settling issues.

The postmodern economy can do without workers, but not without customers. Firing workers they fire customers by reducing their acquisitive power. The world middle classes can join by boycotting the products of the US Empire, like oil from Iraq, Boeing aircraft (one of the major death factories in the world); in general boycotting US consumer goods, capital goods and financial goods, like US dollars, stock and bonds -but keeping personal contacts.

  • between older generation and youth: younger than ever, not only college students against the Viêt Nam war but high school students, easily mobilized through the Internet as long as that lasts. Maybe an element of myth versus reality in this: they have been served propaganda that seems very remote from reality. The same may apply to women, but here Washington has played the cards well:`”homeland security” drives the issue home and women into the ranks defending the defenders of the home and the family. But the other nations in the USA, the Inuits, Hawai’ians, First Nations, Chicanos, African Americans, could be pitted against the Anglo-Saxon, Southern Baptist, militarized Deep South, now in command. Hopefully they will not create an emergency to cancel elections they may not win.
  • And the decline and fall?

Have a look at the 14 contradictions, and then a look at the definition of an empire. The way of solving these contradictions eating at the heart of the system is very simple:

for the 3 economic contradictions: reduce, even stop exploiting!
for the 4 military contradictions: reduce, even stop killing!
for the 2 political contradictions: reduce, even stop dominating!
for the 3 cultural contradictions: reduce, even stop alienating!
for the 2 social contradictions: reduce, even stop all the above!

For each reduction, the US Empire is, by definition, declining. For each stop the US Empire is falling. Stop all four, and the US Empire is gone, although some may survive in residual forms like the Russian Empire in Chechnya and the British Empire in Iraq. The most dramatic recent example is possibly the dissolution of the French Empire: de Gaulle had the incredible personal grandeur to terminate the whole empire (except for the Pacific and some other places) and like for the Soviet and British Empires a number of independent countries were born. Global capitalism, however, has a tendency to recreate transborder exploitation, and there are, as mentioned, residuals. A new world was born, however, in the 1960s from the Western empires, in the 1990s from the Soviet Empire.

Only the naive will assume that new world to be paradise on earth. New systems emerge with their contradictions. The rulers of the British, French and Soviet empires had concluded that the costs by far outrun the gains. Some others sometimes come to the conclusion that the costs of the fall, including for the Periphery, by far outrun the gains. That, of course, depends on the successor system, the alternative. This author favors United Nations global governance, and not an EU Empire.[9] But that is another story.

The British and French empires were based on “overseas” colonies, the Soviet empire on contiguous, Czarist/Bolshevik, “union”, and the US Empire is based on what the Pentagon planner said, with the non-US Periphery being “independent” countries. This confuses some whose empire concept is linked to “colonies” and not to independent countries; and others whose concept is linked to “overseas”, not to contiguous territory. Still others got confused because three of these Centers are Western democracies, beyond the suspicion of ever committing major wrongs. The definition opening this essay is based on a relation of unequal exchange between Center and Periphery, not on Periphery geography or Center polity.

That unequal exchange, divided into four components, is the root contradiction of the empire as a system. From the four deep contradictions flow the fourteen surface contradictions, visible to everybody, the subject of journalism. The deep contradictions almost never are. So the basic model explored so far is:

  • Deep contradictions imply 14 surface contradictions

As the 14 mature, synchronize and synergize the Center may loosen the grip on the Periphery in one conscious, enlightened act (de Gaulle) or see the Empire dissolve, slowly (UK) or quickly (the Soviet Union). USA, the choice is yours.

But the USA now behaves like a wounded elephant, lashing out in all directions. This is the boiling stage of demoralization, with emotions impeding rational thinking about is and ought, to be followed by a frozen stage, a “let go”, more like the Soviet Union, or Clinton. Demoralization is oscillating before it stabilizes. Like individual pathologies, healing is related to the ability to come on top of the pathology rather than the other way round. Like now, with the USA driven by a conflict mainly of its own making.

The Model Above Can Now Be Expanded:

[4] Implies [14] implies Demoralization implies -[4] implies -[14] The 4 deep lead to 14 surface contradictions and demoralization which leads to a let go of Empire and the dissolution of the 14. However: the 4 may have deeper roots. Thus, where does the inequity come from? From an unfettered capitalism so inequitable that it needs some military protection. But where does capitalism come from? And all that violence? The cultural superiority complex with missionary right and duty, and no duty to understand other cultures, may be related to the sense of exceptionalism as God’s Chosen People and Country.

But where does that idea come from? And so on and so forth. The 4 defining the US Empire are not uncaused, not unconditioned. But the focus here is on their removal and not on removing even deeper, but very evasive causes. This can happen through negative feedback loops via waning faith in the viability of the Empire as a system, in other words demoralization.

The 14 may have other roots. The economic contradictions come from capitalism; the USA was violent before the US Empire; some EU members may hate the US Empire because it stands in the way of their own ambitions; the same applies to competitive cultures such as an Islam that wants an expanding dar-al-Islam, the abode of Islam, as successor to the battlefield, the dar-al-harb. But the world is better off under USA than under EU or Islam, some say.

There is some truth to all of that. But the problem is not only the US share of the world capitalist pie but how it implies killing, domination and alienation.

This has to decline, fall and go, while paying attention to all the other contradictions.

There will be class, generation, gender, nation struggle also without the US Empire. True, but today that is the major problem.

The 14 may strengthen the resolve to maintain the 4. In the beginning, and one at the time, yes. Cosmetics may be applied, bland compromises entered, people articulating the contradictions silenced, ridiculed, persecuted, killed. It is the synergy of several contradictions that leads to demoralization and ultimate decline. Contradictions between dominant and dominated nations within a country tend to bounce back and find new outlets. The dominated face brutal force but not nagging doubts about viability. Their national home is a dream untested by contradictions whereas the empire has been tested and found nonviable at any speed.

Demoralization may not negate the 4. What we are talking about is decreasing faith in the viability; even decreasing faith in the legitimacy, of the Empire, with boiling anger at first, then a frozen let go, with the possibility of an autonomous let go. Either the Center deliberately looses the grip, or the Periphery slips out its clammy, feeble claws. Either way, decline and fall.

However, after a phase of demoralization a new political class may decide not to let go but just the contrary, to strengthen the grip, like the USA is trying right now. Given the obvious, the impermanence of everything, this will only postpone the inevitable.

Negating the 4 may not negate the 14. This is certainly more true than untrue. As explored below, we may even talk about an objective contradiction having lost, or even crushed, its subject in search of a new subject. There are many other roots for many of the contradictions. That one contradiction (syndrome) may conceal another, the latter blossoming when the former is wilting, is clear. But that daoist insight will not stop contradictions from maturing. As to the US Empire, there is light at the end of a long and twisting tunnel. But after that tunnel there are new tunnels-8. On contradictions in general

The concept itself harbors contradictions in the sense of tensions among meanings. The common factor seems to be a whole, a holon, a system, with at least two forces operating. The tension is between the forces. There is no assumption of only two forces, nor that they are exactly opposite, nor that they are of the same size. Newton’s Third Law is written that way, expressing a contradiction. But that is a special case and should not distort our ideas of social systems. We need a more general discourse.

Before two or more forces let us explore the cases of 0 or 1.

Even with the vagueness of “force” it is not unreasonable to attribute the property “dead” to a system with no force, no movement, tendency, inclination. The objection may be that much happens to a buried corpse: “to” yes, but not “in”. The forces are exogenous to the system, not endogenous, like in a live organism.

Introduce one force, like running. The body spends energy. And the counterforce is not slow in announcing itself as fatigue, trying to change a motion into a non-motion referred to as “rest”. The mechanical analogue brings up the idea of R, a dynamically changing resultant force that reflects magnitude and direction of all forces. The system will move or rest with the resultant. R>0 means move, R=0 means equilibrium, R<0 means rest deficit.

Is a force always accompanied by a counterforce? Is there always a reactio with an actio? And in systems with foresight, could there even be a proactio for any expected actio? And a pro-proactio? I find this a very useful an axiom in the analysis of social and personal systems. But I see no reason to assume that reactio and proactio are necessarily opposed. They could also be aligned with actio and, at least to start with, reinforce actio.

The idea of force-counterforce twins might lead us to an even number of forces as they come in pairs. We do not say that one is producing or generating the other since that leads to an infinite number. Rather, we assume synchronicity; they are “co-arising” as buddhist epistemology will have it rather than one force generating the next, generating the next, etc. And there is no reason to land on an even number. Another metaphor might be a bundle of forces somehow accounting for the tensions in the system.

Let us move from general talk about “systems” and “forces” to more specific social and personal systems. In the conceptual neighborhood is the idea of “conflict” as tension in goal-seeking systems because of incompatibility between the goals. Goals are then associated with life even when attributed metaphorically to non-life as in “mountains striving upward”. If incompatible goals are in the same system we have a dilemma, if in different systems we have a dispute. A goal-holder conscious of the goal is an actor, if not conscious a party. And that brings in the major distinction between subjective and objective contradictions.

A subjective contradiction passes through and is reflected by the human brain; as thought/consciousness, as speech/articulation as action/mobilization. But not necessarily in that order, intellectualized like a philosopher who first reflects, then writes and then – maybe does nothing. We could just as well assume the opposite order, the actor mobilizing for action out of old habit, then saying what he feels he thinks and thinking what he feels. Or any other sequence.
But sooner or later there is consciousness.

With two goals we get two goal-seeking forces, A and B, and three possibilities for the resultant: R=A (A wins), R=B (B wins) or R=0, an in-between equilibrium, also known as a compromise.

At that point the mechanical analogy breaks down. The three cases do not exhaust the possibilities. Moreover, they do not eliminate the contradiction. A or B wins does not mean that the dissatisfied loser no longer has the same or some other goal incompatible with the winner’s goal. The contradiction is still there, under the lid of the boiling cauldron of a defeat. And a compromise may leave both of them semi-dissatisfied. If we use the term “sharp” to describe the contradiction as it was, “blunt” may apply to a compromise. But how do we transcend the contradiction?

Since the three possibilities exhaust the logic of opposing forces within a system, the answer is “by changing the system”. This is what Gorbachev faced in the contradiction between the Soviet Empire and the social forces wanting basic change in the DDR: he let the DDR go. The contradiction now being between people and party elites in the DDR, the latter then yielded to West Germany, BRD, eventually to be absorbed by them. As a result the Soviet Empire declined and fell and BRD absorbed DDR. The contradiction is still there, but finds other articulations.

And this is what Gorbachev’s successors never managed to do with Chechnya. All they could do was to prevent them from winning, not to transcend the contradiction. For that to happen they would have to let Chechnya go, which will happen sooner or later anyhow.

For the contradiction to be transcended, and the tension to be released, system change is needed, and more so the deeper the contradiction is in the system. An empire is not changed by suppressing, winning, over some party or even actor; that only makes the empire more imperial. An empire is changed by becoming less imperial. And that is also known as a decline from the empire’s point of view. At the end of that road is its fall.

The Stages in the Contradiction Life-Cycle Can Be Summarized:

0. Objective contradiction independent of consciousness
1. Consciousness-formation through THOUGHT (intrasubjective)
2. Articulation through SPEECH (intersubjective)
3. Mobilization through ACTION (private and/or public)
4. Struggle among mobilized actors:

– violent or nonviolent
– quick or slow
– without or with outside parties mediating
– with less or more polarization = decoupling

5. Outcomes of struggle:

[a] prevalence or compromise – back to [0]-[4]
[b] transcendence = a new reality:

– negative transcendence under a new actor
– positive transcendence as new coupling

Through the [1]-[2]-[3] sequence a party becomes an actor pursuing goals by more or less adequate tactics chosen from [4].

[5a] does not end the lifecycle of a contradiction, only a lid on it or a blunting of it, as has been argued above.

[5b], transcendence, is the end of that contradiction lifecycle. This does not mean the end/death of the system as it may harbor other contradictions at various lifecycle stages.

Transcendence, going beyond, is the creation of a new reality:

  • negative transcendence, neither-nor; goals not achieved
  • positive transcendence, both-and; goals achieved, with a twist.

Take the Ecuador-Peru conflict over where to draw the border in a contested 500km2 zone up in the Andes, with three wars to settle the issue. Military victory for one of them, annexing the zone to their national territory, is “prevalence”. Drawing a border, for instance along a ceasefire line, is “compromise”. Negative transcendence could be to give the zone to the UN or the OEA, creating a new social reality. And positive transcendence could be a binational zone, owning it together, with the twist that neither country has monopoly. A new reality. And both new realities, systems, would in turn produce their own contradictions.

Time has then come to explore the problematic relations between objective and subjective contradictions.

A social system comes with differences between categories– like genders, generations, races, classes, nations, territories– which then become relations in an interaction system; which then become fault-lines, usually because the interaction is on unequal terms; which then may lead to polarization and a structure of discrimination accompanied by a culture of prejudice. All known societies harbor more or less of these inequalities and inequities.

An empire uses such structures and cultures as building blocks, and can be seen as a two (or multi-) tier system linking domestic and global faultlines. There is a Center and a Periphery in the global system of countries. Inside the Center, and inside the Periphery, there is also a center and a periphery. All three systems may be based on the logic of quadruple inequity (for killers-killed sometimes substitute the softer guards-prisoners).

The linchpin in the system is the harmony between the center in the Center and the center in the Periphery.[10] The USA is right now (Summer 2003) trying to construct an Iraqi center in harmony of interest with the USA state/corporate center. The Iraqi center must do the four jobs locally and deliver the fruits of unequal exchange such as economic value, wanted terrorists, obedience, conditioning to the center in the (USA/UK) Center, keeping a commission. They are rewarded with material living standard at a US elite level.

What has just been described is a simple empire linking three systems of unequal exchange, two domestic and one global. The US empire is complex; being a world hegemon no domestic system is entirely delinked from that empire. The EU empire links 15 (soon 25) Center countries to 100+ Periphery countries, but softly so.

There are also other divisions than the faultlines in domestic and global society, like among political parties in more or less democratic societies, and groups of countries in an undemocratic global system. Social movements, the subjective contradictions, more or less conscious, articulated and mobilized across some primordial or newly created dividing lines, prepolarize the system, and are ready for [4], struggle. But for what?

Ideally for the objective contradiction, with an unresolved issue at the center which then has to become the cause of the movement. And that gives rise to basic problem of adequacy in the coupling between subjective and objective contradictions, between the causes and the issues. Both are parts of social reality. But the movements may have an inadequate consciousness and cut the issues wrongly. And the issue may be an orphan, waiting to be picked up by a movement with adequate consciousness. There may be a contradiction between movement contradiction and issue contradiction. And the result is bad, derailed politics.

Thus, the subjective contradiction in Myanmar/Burma between the autocratic military government SLORC and the pro-democracy movement headed by a woman, identified with one nation in a multinational society, one upper/middle class in a very poor society, married to a Westerner in a country developing its own identity, may be inadequate for the objective contradictions of the country. From a Western point of view the basic contradictions are autocracy vs (Western) democracy and closure vs openness of the country to economic and cultural penetration. The subjective contradiction is adequate for those issues. But there are other issues. Inadequacy may derail the process. The objective and the subjective must somehow mirror each other.

Thus, Gandhi had literally speaking to divest himself of his Westernness and his high caste paraphernalia, become very Hindu and share the living conditions of the lower castes and untouchables before he could lead Indian masses toward freedom and democracy. The leader of Free India, however, Jawaharlal Nehru, was very Western, very high caste, very secular and steered India exactly in that direction. Gandhi wanted an India based on the “oceanic circles” of autonomous, self-reliant villages; Nehru a modern, secular, industrial, socialist India. The subjective matters.

Liberals tend to study the subjective movements and marxists the objective issues. The argument here is for both-and, and more particularly for the contradiction between the two contradictions.

An example from Norway: the objective contradiction a century ago between the “well conditioned” and the majority “populace”, in steep livelihood gradients, and the subjective contradictions in the party system. The populace lived on farming, fishing, hunting, and as employees; the well conditioned from fortune, as employers or self-employed. There were grey zones. The Labor Party, through an act of political genius, created an alliance of farmers, fishermen and industrial workers, very adequately posited against the well conditioned. They won the elections, prevailed for two generations, and created a new social reality, the welfare state.

That society had its own objective contradictions, positing a minority of aged-womenfrail/handicapped-foreign workers against the rest. Uncarried by adequate subjective contradictions the objective contradiction deepens in the midst of plenty. The Labor Party was totally inadequate. And the issue remains unsolved.

Movements against the US Empire: social reality is complex.

Only when cause and issue coincide will the movements be adequate.

Notes:

[1]. From Susan George, “The Corporate Utopian Dream”, The WTO and the Global War System, Seattle, November 1999. He is missing the political dimension and might have added “a fair amount of bullying” or “arm-twisting” after killing.

[2]. For this way of seeing reality, see Johan Galtung, Peace By Peaceful Means, London: SAGE, 1996, chapter 2.

[3]. That not very intelligent term obscures the difference between those who are against both Republic and Empire (americaphobia?; very few, it seems) and those who are against one but not the other. Unconditional love for both, (americaphilia?) is quite frequent. It should be noted that “America” actually refers to the whole hemisphere, making the term “anti-American” also a sign of geographical confusion.

[4]. Many pairs come to mind, we just pick five as examples:
Mossadegh was intervened, the Shah’s dictatorship not;
Very much has been done to overthrow Castro, not Batista;
very much was done to overthrow the Sandinistas, not Somoza;
very much is being done to overthrow Chavez, not Jimenez;
Lumumba was intervened and killed, not Mobutu. The basic criterion is “free trade”, not democracy/dictatorship.

[5]. Johan Galtung, The Decline and Fall of Empires: A Theory of De-development, Geneva: UNRISD, 1995 (but not published by them), see www.transcend-nordic.org.

[6]. Johan Galtung, with Tore Heiestad and Erik Rudeng, On the decline and fall of empires: the Roman empire and Western imperialism compared. Oslo: University of Oslo, Chair in Conflict and Peace Research, 71 pp. (Trends in Western civilization program, 15), (Oslo Papers, 75). Also published at: Tokyo: UN University, 1979, 71 pp (HSDRGPID-l/UNUP-53), and in Immanuel Wallerstein (ed.) Review. New York: Research Foundation of the State University of New York, IV, 1980, 1, pp. 91-154. Condensed version in: Comprendre: revue de politique de la culture, XLIII/XLIV, (1977/78), pp. 50-59.

[7]. Johan Galtung, with Dag Poleszynski and Erik Rudeng, Norge foran 1980-årene (Norway facing the 1980s). Oslo: Gyldendal, 1980, p. 85.

[8]. But Canada and New Zealand, also Anglo-Saxon dominated, did not follow suit. Because they are more diverse, with non-Anglos like the French-speaking and First Canadians in Canada, and the Maoris in New Zealand to take into account? clearly, there is no longer a massive Anglo-Saxon bloc.

[9]. In the USA the alternative is often seen in terms of a Chinese Empire, in line with the old Anglo-Saxon tradition of seeing the relation between No. 1 and No. 2 in power as zero sum game. For England, the country allegedly with no permanent friends, no permanent enemies but permanent interests, this used to be France, but after the country was beaten by united Germany in 1870-71 and displayed its industrial prowess the Germany was appointed enemy. China as enemy disregards thousands of years of Chinese history with no imperial systems outside the borders of the Himalayas, the Gobi, the Tundra and the Sea. China is self-centered in its development/modernization and still tends to see the world outside those borders as South, West, North and East Barbarians.

[10]. Thus, the author’s “A Structural Theory of Imperialism” (in Essays in Peace Research, Volume IV, Copenhagen: Ejlers, 1980, pp. 437-91) is underlying the development of the theory of imperialism into its decline and fall in this essay.

___________________________________

The Fall of the U.S. Empire — And Then What? Successors, Regionalization or Globalization? US Fascism or US Blossoming? — by Johan Galtung

Johan Galtung, a professor of peace studies, dr hc mult, is founder of TRANSCEND International and rector of TRANSCEND Peace University.

19 January 2026

Source: transcend.org

The Trump Regime’s “Peace Board” Is Another Brick in His Personal Occidental Empire

By Prof. Jan Oberg

His Gaza proposal reveals a far larger and world-threatening project. It’s a bid to replace the UN — and this MAGAlomania must be stopped now. See warning at the end.

18 Jan 2026 – There are moments in political life when the surface events are so loud, so chaotic, so distracting that they obscure the deeper shift taking place beneath them. We focus on the headlines, the personalities, the daily provocations — and miss the architecture being built in the background.

But every once in a while, a document appears, a proposal emerges, or a pattern becomes visible enough that it forces us to stop, step back, and look at the larger design.

Trump’s so‑called Gaza “Board of Peace” is one of those moments.

It is not the outburst of an impulsive leader. It is not a one‑off improvisation. It is a window into a political project that has been unfolding for years — a project that treats institutions as disposable, alliances as leverage, and entire regions as assets in a personal geopolitical domain.

A project that is no longer hiding its contours. A project that now speaks openly in the language of authority, hierarchy, and replacement.

The charter of Donald Trump’s proposed “Board of Peace,” revealed by Haaretz on January 17, 2026, is not a Gaza policy. It is not even a Middle East policy. It is the latest — and clearest — expression of a long‑running project that has defined Trump’s political style for years: the construction of what I describe as a Personal Occidental Empire, a sphere of influence built not on institutions or alliances but on personal (narcissist) authority, loyalty networks, and transactional dependency.

The Gaza initiative is simply the newest brick in that architecture.

According to Haaretz, the charter was quietly sent to around 60 heads of state. Yet the document itself does not mention Gaza at all. Instead, it claims a sweeping mandate to “restore dependable and lawful governance and secure enduring peace in areas affected or threatened by conflict,” and — in a phrase that should alarm every democratic government — to do so “in place of other organizations.”

This is not a reconstruction committee. It is a claim to global jurisdiction, but only over the parts of the world Trump considers within his reach.

This logic is not new. It is the same logic that drove his attempts to buy Greenland, pressure Canada, threaten Mexico with military action, make himself a Viceroy in Venezuela, and reshape NATO into a loyalty‑based protection racket.

These were not random provocations. They were early signals of a worldview in which Western states and territories are not partners but assets — components of a personal geopolitical domain.

Trump’s charter makes the architecture explicit. It opens with a denunciation of existing international structures, calling for “a more nimble and effective international peace‑building body” and urging the world to abandon “institutions that have too often failed.” This is not the language of reform. It is the language of replacement — a hallmark of Trump’s broader governing style, in which established institutions are treated as obstacles to be bypassed, hollowed out, or supplanted by leader‑controlled alternatives.

But the most revealing feature of the charter is its structure of authority.

As Haaretz reports, the chairmanship is not tied to the U.S. presidency, not subject to elections, and not limited by term. It simply states: “Donald J. Trump shall serve as inaugural Chairman of the Board of Peace.” From that point on, the document reads like the constitution of a personal dominion.

Trump alone would invite or expel member states, appoint or dismiss the executive board, veto decisions at will, create or dissolve subsidiary bodies, interpret the charter, and even dissolve the entire organisation. He would also designate his own successor.

This is not multilateralism. It is not even unilateralism. It is personal rule — the defining feature of Trump’s broader political project.

Membership rules reinforce the pattern. While most states would serve three‑year terms, Haaretz notes that countries contributing more than $1 billion in the first year would be exempt from term limits. In other words: pay enough, and you can stay indefinitely — as long as the chairman approves. This is not sovereign equal cooperation; it is a transactional hierarchy, entirely consistent with Trump’s long‑standing preference for loyalty networks and personal dependency.

And crucially: this empire is selective. Trump is not trying to build a universal body. He is not trying to include Russia, China, Iran, or any state that would resist personal subordination. His empire is Western, Atlantic, and strategically convenient — a sphere of influence composed of states he believes he can bend, pressure, or purchase. And regions where he can build his United States of Autarchy if and when the world has turned its back on him and the US

Seen through this lens, the Gaza “peace” board is not an aberration. It is a continuation. It reflects the same logic that shaped his approach to Greenland, Canada, Mexico, Venezuela, NATO, and Europe. The charter simply makes the architecture visible: a system in which institutions are not independent actors but instruments of his personal authority, excercise in 100% defiance of laws, norms and normal respect for others.

What the Gaza “peace” board exposes is not a sudden improvisation but the underlying architecture of a political project that has been unfolding for years.

The pattern is unmistakable: a leader who treats institutions as disposable, alliances as leverage, and entire regions as assets in a personal geopolitical domain. It is the logic of a Personal Occidental Empire — a sphere of influence defined not by shared values or collective security but by proximity to one man’s authority.

This could never become a new United Nations. It is not even an alternative multilateralism. It is an empire without a fixed territory but with all the familiar features: hierarchy, dependency, loyalty, and the steady erosion of institutional constraints.

The Gaza charter simply strips away the last remaining ambiguity. It shows, in black and white, a system in which global authority is concentrated in the hands of a single individual, insulated from elections, oversight, or constitutional limits. It reveals a worldview in which international governance is not a shared responsibility but a personal prerogative. And it demonstrates how easily the language of “peace” can be repurposed to legitimize structures of power that have nothing to do with peace at all.

And here is where most geo-political commentators have understood so little:

The old disciplines can no longer explain what we are living through; only psychology/psychiatry, theology, philosophy — and perhaps the inspiration from (science) fiction and the Theatre of the Absurd — may be able to help.

A warning

We are not reliving the 1930s, and I disagree strongly with geopolitical and other people who predict World War Three to vent their own fears, but do not think of how they deprive their readers of the wish to do something and how they prevent every discussion of solutions and constructive visions for the world.

If this is the direction of the coming years, then the international system is not facing a policy disagreement or a diplomatic rupture. It is facing the emergence of a personalised, extra‑state authority structure that seeks to reorder Western politics around the will of a single leader and tendentially confront everybody else, friends and foes.

We are not reliving the 1930s, and I thoroughly disagree with all the geopolitical experts who predict World War 3. They have no theory behind that claim, but merely vent their own frustrations, deprive people of hope and the will to act, and make it impossible to discuss solutions and visions of a better future for humanity.

That said, some of the structural pressures that once led to global conflict are re‑emerging in new forms – and, no, Trump does not appear yet in military uniform, albeit now with a golden fighter aircraft as a lapel pin. Western militarism is as rampant as it is destructive for the West itself.

The lesson of history is to act before such pressures become irreversible. Or we shall again conclude that the only thing we can learn from history is that we learn nothing from it.

The question is no longer whether this project exists. The question is whether anyone will recognise it in time — and whether the world is prepared to confront the dangers it poses.

Prof. Jan Oberg, Ph.D. is director of the independent Transnational Foundation for Peace & Future Research-TFF in Sweden and a member of the TRANSCEND Network for Peace Development Environment.

19 January 2026

Source: transcend.org

From Gaza to Venezuela, the US Has Been Unmasked as the Serial Villain

By Jonathan Cook

The path to Caracas – and potentially next to Colombia, Cuba and Greenland, other targets of Donald Trump’s colonial greed – was paved in Gaza.

6 Jan 2026 – For decades, the United States and Israel have stuck closely to their respective, scripted roles in the Middle East: the job of good cop and bad cop.

The charade has continued despite Washington’s active participation in Israel’s 25-month slaughter of Gaza’s people – and a dawning realisation among ever-larger sections of western publics that they have been duped.

Here is my first prediction of 2026: this law enforcement role-playing is going to continue even after the Trump administration’s outrageously illegal abduction of Venezuela’s president, Nicolas Maduro, at the weekend, and Trump’s admission that the US attack was about grabbing the country’s oil.

The path to Caracas – and potentially next to Mexico, Colombia, Cuba, Greenland and Canada, other targets of Donald Trump’s greed – was paved in Gaza.

It is worth standing back, as one year ends and another begins, to consider how we got here, and what lies ahead.

The central conceit of the good cop, bad cop narrative is that both the US and Israel are the ones upholding the law and fighting the criminals.

Unlike the Hollywood version, neither of these real-world cops is in any way good. But there is a further difference: the spectacle is not intended for those the pair confront. After all, the Palestinians know only too well that they have been suffering for decades under the boot of a lawless, joint US-Israeli criminal enterprise.

No, the intended audience are the onlookers: western publics.

Ban on aid groups

The US “honest broker” myth should have perished long ago. But somehow it persists, despite the evidence endlessly discrediting it. And that is because western capitals and western media keep propping the myth up, treating it as a plausible description of events it simply cannot explain.

Nothing has disrupted the official “policing” storyline in Gaza, supposedly against Hamas “law-breaking”.

It is now echoed in Trump’s outlandish claim that his self-declared oil grab in Venezuela is really about bringing Maduro to justice for supposed drug trafficking – or “narco-terrorism” as the administration prefers to call it.

Why has Gaza dropped off the front pages? Only because the “good cop” declares it has brought hostilities from the “bad cop” to an end.

Last week, Trump publicly applauded Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at Mar-a-Lago, his Florida residence, for sticking to the president’s so-called “peace plan”. “Israel has lived up to the plan, 100 percent,” Trump declared.

The reality, however, is that Israel violated the “ceasefire” nearly 1,000 times in the first two months after it was supposed to go into effect, in mid-October. Israel continues to kill and starve the people of Gaza, if at a slower rate.

Last week Israel announced it was banning 37 humanitarian organisations from Gaza, including Doctors Without Borders, which supports one in five emergency hospitals beds in the strip. The group noted that Israel was “cutting off life-saving medical assistance for hundreds of thousands of people”.

The ceasefire is just the latest storyline in a two-year piece of theatre.

Horrifying dream

While western capitals and the media stubbornly adhere to the good cop, bad cop narrative, western publics have started waking from it, as if from a bad dream.

The mass demonstrations of two years ago may have gradually shrunk in numbers, but only after western politicians and media waged an aggressive war of attrition and campaign of vilification against them. Public exhaustion has set in.

The cause of the disbelief and anger that spurred millions to take to the streets, and to campuses, remains unaddressed. Western powers are still colluding deeply in Israel’s crimes. The public’s initial outrage has slowly hardened into a burning resentment and disdain towards their own political and media establishments.

That mood intensifies each time western officials, unable to win the argument, resort to force.

Britain illustrates especially starkly the authoritarian, repressive trends visible across the West.

There, protests against genocide have been designated “hate marches”. Slogans in solidarity with the Palestinians are now grounds for arrest for antisemitism. Journalists critical of the government have been arrested or their homes raided.

Support for practical action to stop the genocide, by targeting the weapons factories supplying Israel with killer drones, is now classed as terrorism.

The government is flaunting its indifference – again backed by the media – as anti-genocide activists risk death to protest the outlawing of Palestine Action and their abusive treatment by prison authorities, in the biggest UK hunger strike since the IRA’s nearly half a century ago.

To no effect, a group of United Nations legal experts – called special rapporteurs –expressed grave concern last month at the UK’s flouting of international law in its treatment of the hunger-strikers, who face prolonged detention on remand in violation of British law.

Just before Christmas, the world’s most famous environmental campaigner, Greta Thunberg, was arrested in London by the Metropolitan Police for holding a sign drawing attention to the plight of those prisoners.

This has been a process of escalation, of upping the stakes. First, opposition to Israel’s apartheid rule over Palestinians was conflated with antisemitism. Now opposition to Israel’s genocide of Palestinians is conflated with terrorism.

Scrapping jury trials

The task of western establishments – and their media – has been to shore up a patently duplicitous narrative to excuse their complicity in the Gaza genocide: that the more vocal the criticism of Israel, the more evident the antisemitism.

The implication is clear. The correct response to that genocide is silence.

Ultimately, domestic courts in the UK – led by a judiciary highly unrepresentative of wider British society – are unlikely to hold the line against this all-out assault on law, morality and basic logic.

The test will be a ruling by the High Court, expected soon, on the legality of the British government’s decision to outlaw Palestine Action as a terrorist organisation – the first time a direct-action group has been proscribed in British history.

Worryingly, the judge hearing the case – who, in approving the judicial review, had indicated a degree of scepticism about proscription – was removed from the hearing at the last minute and without explanation. He was replaced by a new panel of three judges who have a track record of demonstrating more deference to the British state.

[https://twitter.com/Jonathan_K_Cook/status/1993632270658285827]

The lacuna in this growing domestic architecture of authoritarianism is the right to trial by jury. Unsurprisingly, juries have a tendency to take a far more critical view of the British establishment’s behaviour than the establishment does itself.

For centuries, juries have been a central component of fair trials, and viewed as a fundamental to a justice system capable of limiting state power and governmental overreach.

Now the government of Prime Minister Keir Starmer has announced plans to scrap many jury trials – citing the need to address a record backlog of cases, a backlog it is failing to address by properly funding the court system.

Once the principle is conceded, it is surely only a matter of time before all jury trials are eradicated.

Bank accounts frozen

Already, under government direction, judges in political trials – notably in climate protest cases – have been denying defendants the chance to explain their motivations and reasoning to juries.

That is because too often, when presented with information the media has withheld from them, those juries acquit.

Starmer’s government understands that efforts to crush the Palestinian solidarity movement, and chill speech critical of UK complicity in genocide, depend on securing convictions. Juries are an obstacle.

Even so, the government has up its sleeve other punishments – outside the scope of judicial scrutiny – that can be used to penalise pro-Palestinian activism, whether it be efforts to stop Israel’s genocide or to simply ameliorate the suffering of its victims.

Last month it emerged that the National Crime Agency, a body answerable to government ministers, was likely behind efforts to economically intimidate and vilify the wider Palestinian solidarity movement.

The bank accounts of solidarity groups in Manchester and Scotland have been frozen, as part of investigations into Palestine Action, despite neither having an affiliation with the direct-action group.

These underhand, extrajudicial moves by the government hamper efforts to raise or donate money to charities that help feed Palestinians in Gaza, treat the wounded and house those without shelter in the winter.

It is hard to get one’s head round the depravity of these decisions.

Declared non-person

This is far from just a British problem. Other western states are following suit in a bid not only to rehabilitate the genocidal state of Israel but to erase any perception of their own participation in its crimes.

And the template is being rolled out not just domestically but at the international level too.

While western states bully their publics into silence on Gaza, international humanitarian institutions have done their best to hold their nerve.

United Nations special rapporteurs – independent legal experts – have issued a series of damning reports on Israel’s genocide and western complicity.

The US responded last week by slashing $15bn from its funding of UN humanitarian agencies.

Most visible among the rapporteurs has been the UN’s expert on the occupied Palestinian territories, Francesca Albanese. Washington’s response to her has been illuminating.

In July she was placed on a US Treasury sanctions list normally reserved for those accused of terrorism, drug trafficking or money laundering. Her listing came a few days after she published her report on the collusion of western corporations in Israel’s genocide.

The US sanctions violate the diplomatic immunity she enjoys as a UN official and make it impossible for her to attend meetings at UN headquarters in New York.

With the US effectively exercising a stranglehold on the international financial system, the sanctions also mean no banks or credit cards will allow her to use their services. She cannot be paid by employers. She cannot book a flight or hotel.

Universities, human rights institutions and charities have cut her adrift for fear of facing reprisals themselves if they continue to have dealings with her.

Her assets in the US have been frozen, including her bank account and an apartment. It is unlikely her new book on Palestine can be distributed in the US.

Effectively, Albanese has been turned into a non-person, with the silent consent of western politicians and media.

ICC sanctioned

The State Department justified the sanctions on the grounds Albanese had recommended that the International Criminal Court issue arrest warrants against Netanyahu and his former defence minister Yoav Gallant.

In fact, ICC judges approved the arrest warrants in November 2024 after the court’s prosecutors amassed evidence of crimes against humanity committed by Netanyahu and Gallant, chiefly over their imposition of an aid blockade to starve Gaza’s population.

It was no surprise, therefore, that the Trump administration has issued similar sanctions against eight judges at the Hague war crimes court, either for approving those arrest warrants or for authorising an investigation into crimes by US military personnel in Afghanistan.

In an executive order announcing the sanctions in February, Trump declared a “national emergency”, saying the court represented an “unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States”.

You might imagine that this lawless move against some of the most renowned jurists in the world would have provoked considerable pushback in Europe. You would be wrong. The all-out assault on one of the main pillars of international law has been barely mentioned.

Le Monde broke ranks in November to interview French judge Nicolas Guillou. He detailed the impact since he was sanctioned in August: “All my accounts with American companies, such as Amazon, Airbnb, PayPal and others, have been closed… Being under sanctions is like being sent back to the 1990s.”

European banks, fearful of the US Treasury, also closed his accounts, and European companies refuse to provide him with services.

He concluded: “Putting someone under sanctions creates a state of permanent anxiety and powerlessness, with the intent of discouragement.”

Washington has sanctioned too the ICC’s chief prosecutor, Karim Khan, and two of his deputies.

In fact, Khan, a British lawyer, has found himself embroiled in a protracted legal and reputational struggle ever since he submitted the applications in May 2024.

That included threats, reported by Middle East Eye, from the then UK foreign secretary David Cameron that Britain would defund the court and withdraw from the Rome Statute that founded the ICC if Khan did not back down.

‘Might is right’ politics

Clearly, Israel and the US are eager to intimidate the court, and ready to destroy it rather than be judged by international law standards and held accountable for their crimes.

But the sanctions have an additional audience: the International Court of Justice (ICJ), sometimes referred to as the World Court.

Its panel of 15 judges have issued a series of rulings over the past two years against Israel.

Most explosively, the ICJ ruled in January 2024 that a “plausible” case had been made that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza. As a result, the ICJ is currently investigating Israel for this, the ultimate crime.

The wheels of justice turn slowly at the World Court. But its judges are undoubtedly watching the treatment of Albanese and the ICC with alarm.

Like gangsters, Israel and the US are sending a very direct message to each of the ICJ judges: you will be punished too, if you dare to find us guilty.

ICC judge Nicholas Gillou notes that Europe could show solidarity with the victims of these sanctions by invoking what is known as “a blocking statute” – a mechanism that protects EU citizens and companies from the effects of sanctions imposed by third countries.

But any hope that Europe will break ranks with the US and Israel over this naked attack on the two main courts upholding international law – bulwarks against a return to “might is right” global politics – is almost certainly forlorn.

Last month, drawing on the Trump playbook, the European Union imposed economic sanctions on a dozen of its own critics.

Notable was the inclusion of Jacques Baud, a former colonel in the Swiss army. His distinguished military career includes leading peacekeeping missions for the UN, including in Rwanda and Sudan, and serving as a Nato senior strategic analyst.

Reputational assassination

Baud was accused of no crime. His offence is being deeply critical of European officials and the strategic coherence of their support for war in Ukraine. Given his military expertise, his analyses are embarrassing European establishments.

The draconian sanctions mean he is effectively imprisoned in Belgium, where he lives. He cannot leave to return to Switzerland. His assets are frozen. He cannot use a bank account and cannot have any kind of economic relations with other citizens of the EU.

Baud cannot appeal the decision or subject it to judicial review. Like Albanese he has been turned into a non-person.

A precedent has thereby been set that means anyone who challenges western leaders – whether judges, journalists, lawyers, or human rights groups – could similarly end up destitute.

What the US and the EU are rolling out are extrajudicial reputational assassinations and economic incarcerations, as a way to silence critics and watchdogs, that cannot be appealed.

This is a model Israel and its lobbyists in the West have been trialling for years.

The US doxing website Canary Mission, for example, seeks to destroy the careers and livelihoods of students and academics critical of Israel.

Meanwhile, the lawfare group UK Lawyers for Israel is currently under investigation for threatening individuals and groups with vexatious legal actions to pressure them into retracting their solidarity with Palestinians.

Criminals in charge

Washington – the gangster-in-chief posing as global policeman – refuses to accept any limitations on its actions. If legal authorities, whether domestic or international, try to stand in its way, they are either punished or pushed aside.

In this topsy-turvy world, Trump’s naked exercise of colonial violence is feted as peace-making. As he was massing troops off Venezuela’s coast last month, Fifa, the international football federation, awarded him its inaugural peace prize – an honour created specifically to stroke his ego.

Though the Nobel Committee could not bring itself to hand the peace prize directly to Trump, its judges did the next best thing. They awarded it to Maria Corina Machado, the Venezuela opposition leader who has publicly called on the US to invade her country and seize its resources.

The complete abandonment of long-standing international legal safeguards puts everyone in jeopardy – all the more so when technological developments mean states have near-absolute control over their citizens’ lives, and super-powers can use ever more sophisticated weapons to wreck countries at little cost to themselves in blood or treasure.

But paradoxically, the very act of dismantling the global system of international law is still being dressed up in the garb of law enforcement.

Israel’s US-backed genocide in Gaza is supposedly needed to defeat Hamas’ “illegitimate” rule. The abduction of Maduro from Caracas is sold as the enforcement of drug-trafficking laws.

European leaders’ response to Trump’s crime of aggression against Venezuela signals where things head next.

Britain’s Starmer effectively welcomed Washington’s criminal regime-change operation and threat to occupy Venezuela to control its oil. He said he “shed no tears” for Maduro.

Similarly, Kaja Kallas, Europe’s foreign policy chief, emphasised Maduro’s supposed lack of “legitimacy”.

Mexico, Colombia, Cuba, Denmark, Greenland, Canada – all in Washington’s sights – should fear that similar “legal” pretexts will be found to justify attacks on their own sovereignty.

Trump’s favourite new catchphrase is that he can do global business “the easy way or the hard way”.

Now, having shredded international law, the “good cop” looks ready to discard an outdated disguise and reveal the serial villain underneath.

Jonathan Cook is an award-winning British journalist based in Nazareth, Israel, since 2001.

19 January 2026

Source: transcend.org

It’s the Billionaires, Stupid!

By Michael J. Talmo

16 Jan 2026 – In 1992, a simple slogan helped Bill Clinton get elected President of the United States: “It’s the economy, stupid!” The phrase was coined by political consultant James Carville, and it worked like a charm. Clinton defeated sitting President George Bush, Sr. (1924-2018) in a landslide victory. Clinton captured 368 electoral votes to Bush’s 168. It’s time for a liberal/progressive presidential candidate to adopt an updated version of that slogan. Hence, the title of this article.

But it won’t be quite that simple. Decades of unfettered right-wing propaganda have brainwashed the public into blaming minorities for our economic and social problems. We have legions of uninformed, ignorant voters who don’t know up from down. The poor and middle class have become a divided people, while the billionaire class has remained united. To change this, Americans, along with people in other countries, because billionaire wealth is a global problem, must first understand what’s really going on. Otherwise, they will remain mere pawns on the chessboard of life.

The situation we’re in

In 2017, Forbes Magazine reported that the three richest men in America, Jeff Bezos, Warren Buffett, and Bill Gates, “collectively hold more wealth than the bottom 50% of the domestic population, ‘a total of 160 million people or 63 million American households,” with an estimated “combined fortune” of “$263 billion.” But that’s nothing compared to how billionaire wealth has skyrocketed since then.

In April 2025, Fortune Magazine reported that “the world’s billionaires now hold more wealth than every country in the world except the U.S. and China.” Take a minute to let that sink in, folks. We now have a global population of around 8.3 billion people within 195 countries. The combined population of the U.S. and China is around 1.8 billion. Meaning, the 3,028 billionaires occupying our planet with a combined net worth of $16.1 trillion dollars have more wealth than 6.5 billion people. With 808 million of those people living in extreme poverty, another 3.5 billion who are “poor by a standard that is more relevant for upper middle-income countries,” and 67% of Americans living paycheck to paycheck, how can hoarding all of that wealth possibly be moral or economically justified?

As Business Insider reported, we are living in a second Gilded Age, which began with the presidency of Ronald Reagan (1911-2004) in 1981. Like the first Gilded Age of the late nineteenth/early twentieth century, our country is now ruled by oligarchs, which the Merriam-Webster Dictionary defines as “government by the few” or “a government in which a small group exercises control especially for corrupt and selfish purposes.” Some synonyms for “oligarchy” are “despotism,” “tyranny,” “totalitarianism,” “repression,” “dominance,” and “subjugation.” And as explained, after that list of synonyms, oligarchs are usually the rich and privileged.

Nevertheless, there are millions of poor and middle-class people who have been duped into thinking that there’s nothing wrong with a few people having so much money and power. They think that billionaires are self-made and that anyone can be rich if they work hard enough. They believe that billionaires create jobs and are innovative geniuses that tirelessly work to improve our standard of living. They believe that the best way to help them accomplish this is via tax cuts and deregulation of their mega business empires, which is often referred to as “trickle-down” economics. Nothing could be further from the truth.

Burying the myths

As explained here and here, billionaires started out with parents who were either rich or upper middle class and who, in some cases, had connections to the wealthy. For example, Bill Gates came from a well-to-do family to begin with. But as CNBC reported, his mother knew the chairman/president of IBM, which helped Gates’ company, Microsoft, land the contract that in one year would make him a billionaire at age 31. Jeff Bezos got $250,000 from his parents to launch his business. In the case of billionaires like Elon Musk and Donald Trump, they were born on home plate. Musk’s family owned an emerald mine, and Fred Trump (1905-1999) had a net worth of 200 million. Of course, there are poor and low-income highly talented entertainers like Elvis Presley (1935-1977) and gifted athletes like Muhammad Ali (1942-2016) who became wealthy. But they’re the exception and not the rule.

As for wealth trickling down, it doesn’t. Business Insider reported on a 2022 study that “demolishes the myth that tax cuts for the rich will trickle down.” The London School of Economics and Political Science reported on a comprehensive 2020 study that analyzed “data from 18 OECD countries over the last five decades” and found (see Abstract) “that major reforms reducing taxes on the rich lead to higher income inequality” and that “such reforms do not have any significant effects on economic growth and unemployment.” The London School emphatically stated that history has shown us “that policies relying on ‘trickle-down economics’ are destined to fail.”

Nevertheless, as Investopedia reported, it was President Ronald Reagan in the U.S. and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher (1925-2013) in the U.K. who brought trickle-down economics into mainstream politics, where it still remains entrenched to this day. Reagan even gave it a cutesy name that was coined by political strategist, Jude Wanniski (1936-2005), “supply-side economics.” But no matter what you call it, making the rich a whole lot richer benefits no one but the very rich and does immense harm to the rest of us.

Facing reality

Economics 101: What drives an economy? Demand! People having money in their pockets to buy things. Put adequate amounts of money into the pockets of poor and middle-class people, and they put it right back into the economy, which allows it to grow and provide more jobs. This, in turn, adequately funds the government via taxation, which then gives that revenue back to the people via maintaining the infrastructure and by providing and funding needed public services like fire departments, protection from criminals, mail delivery, public libraries, education, and a strong social safety net that includes healthcare and providing help in times of adversity. This creates a virtuous cycle.

Obscenely rich billionaires interfere with the aforementioned virtuous cycle by sucking most of the wealth out of the economy. They have so much money that they can’t possibly spend it (there aren’t enough of them to buy enough stuff to keep an economy going anyway), so they either hoard it, which is a big problem by itself, or they use it to cause even worse problems.

Pollution

Last November, Yahoo News reported that “fifty of the world’s richest billionaires emit more carbon through their investments, private jets, and yachts in just 90 minutes than the average person does in their entire lifetime.” It would take the average person “860 years” to emit the same amount of carbon.

For example, Jeff Bezos, the founder and former CEO of Amazon: His “private jets alone have emitted as much carbon as an average US Amazon employee would over 207 years.” That same month, UPI News reported that “Billionaires create over a million times more greenhouse gas emissions than average person.” Back in 2022, Euronews reported that “125 ultra-wealthy individuals emit the equivalent greenhouse gas emissions of 85 million cars in a year.”

For those among you who either don’t think global warming is real or who think it isn’t caused by humans, keep in mind that this is irrelevant to the fact that air and water pollution from fossil fuels kills millions of people every year and causes illness in many more. In 2022, the peer-reviewed journal The Lancet reported that “pollution remains responsible for approximately 9 million deaths per year,” which makes it “an existential threat to human health and planetary health, and jeopardises the sustainability of modern societies.” Pollution includes “contamination of the ocean by mercury, nitrogen, phosphorous, plastic, and petroleum waste; and poisoning of the land by lead, mercury, pesticides, industrial chemicals, electronic waste, and radioactive waste.”

Healthcare

America is the only wealthy industrialized country that doesn’t guarantee healthcare to all of its citizens nor even recognize it as a human right. Instead, healthcare is viewed as a commodity rather than as a vital public service. But as bad as for-profit health insurance companies and hospitals are, even worse are billionaires’ private equity firms, which buy up private medical practices, hospitals, nursing homes, you name it.

Missouri Medicine, the peer-reviewed journal of the Missouri State Medical Association, explained in this 2024 report that “private equity typically acquires healthcare entities to load them with debt, while distributing the funds received from the loans back to investors as dividends,” which results in “lower quality or an outright denial of medical care, a shortage of equipment, a firing of employees, and an increase in prices. Patients and physicians lose, at the expense of short-term private equity profits. In many cases, the ultimate outcome is closure or bankruptcy, leaving patients and employees stranded.” Hospital closures especially apply to rural hospitals, where traveling to a hospital emergency room much farther away could cost too many people their lives. But “private equity firms are not motivated by providing quality medical care to a community but rather are squeezing their targets for profits.”

Housing

An October 2025 Common Dreams article reported that in the U.S., “Billionaire demand for luxury housing is driving up the cost of land and housing construction, supercharging the already existing housing crisis” and that “Billionaire speculators are buying up rental housing, single family homes, and mobile home parks to squeeze more money out of the existing housing shortage,” which has been going on for decades and may take another decade to correct, as reported by J.P. Morgan. The NHC further reported that unaffordable housing has become “a nationwide affordability crisis that now impacts workers across nearly all income levels,” which has also been caused by “rising interest rates,” along with “wage stagnation,” which has also been going on for decades.

The NHC reported here and here that in Asheville, civil engineers cannot afford to buy a home despite a salary of nearly $100,000. Construction laborers and electricians cannot even afford to rent one-bedroom apartments. In Seattle, a dentist earning over $200,000 a year cannot afford a typically priced home with 10% down,” which is “eroding stability for workers, employers, and communities…the American dream of home ownership is slipping away.” In fact, Yahoo Finance reported in a 2025 article that middle-class people won’t be able to afford a home within ten years, along with nine other things.

Food

A report by Farm Aid explained that “A handful of corporations control our food from farm to fork. Their unbridled power grants them increasing political influence over the rules that govern our food system and allows them to manipulate the marketplace.” The result is a corporate system that drives family farmers out of business by lowering the prices paid to them while raising prices that consumers pay for groceries, along with giving them fewer choices. In other words, as reported in this 2024 article in The Atlantic, “Mergers and acquisitions have created food oligopolies that are inefficient, barely regulated, unfair, and even dangerous,” which, as explained in this 2024 article in The Conversation, is “damaging our health, our communities, and the planet.”

And who owns/controls the aforementioned food oligopolies? As reported in Euronews. Billionaires! Forbes Magazine and ABC News list who those billionaires are here and here. Naturally, the goal of this kind of corporate monopoly is to maximize profits, not provide healthy food, which is why singer Willie Nelson, founder and president of Farm Aid, emphatically stated that “Our food system belongs in the hands of many family farmers, not under the control of a handful of corporations.”

Jobs

Last year, Elon Musk declared that “AI and robots will replace all jobs” and that “working will be optional,” more like a hobby. Also last year, Common Dreams reported that “AI could kill nearly 100 million US jobs.” Within the next 10 years alone, AI and robots could replace “40% of registered nurses,” “64% of accountants,” “65% of teaching assistants,” and “89% of fast food workers, among many other occupations.” It’s happening already. There are self-driving trucking companies that brag about eliminating the need to pay high wages to human drivers. Predatory capitalism has always been about cheap labor. “UnitedHealth Group, JPMorgan Chase, and other companies are openly telling investors that AI will allow them to slash payrolls—even as they post tens of billions in profits and reward CEOs with pay packages of $25 million, $35 million, or more.”

And let’s not overlook the danger AI and robotics pose to our freedom and to our very existence. In this 2023 analysis, the BMJ warned that “seeking to create machines that are vastly more intelligent and powerful than ourselves” opens the door to “the potential for such machines to apply this intelligence and power—whether deliberately or not—in ways that could harm or subjugate humans.” This possibility “is real and has to be considered,” as reported here and here. Of course, while Elon Musk gets all gushy and squishy about AI and robots taking our jobs, he muses that this “will make everyone rich” via a “universal high income.” Don’t fall for it, folks. If AI and robots wind up in the hands of a few greedy billionaires, I strongly doubt if things will bode well for the rest of us.

The media

The mainstream news media used to be governed by an FCC policy called the fairness doctrine. Since 1949, it required TV and radio news broadcasters to present both sides of controversial issues “in a manner that fairly reflected differing viewpoints.” Instead of expanding the fairness doctrine to cover cable networks, it was abolished under the presidency of Ronald Reagan. This, as reported by the Poynter Institute, “accelerated the polarization of US media,” which, along with corporate deregulation, led to a few billionaires controlling just about all of the media not only here but globally, which is crushing democracy and human rights, as reported here and here. Among the top media billionaires is Rupert Murdoch, who owns dozens of outlets that include Fox News, the New York Post, the Wall Street Journal, and the Times in the U.K. Elon Musk owns Twitter, now X, Mark Zuckerberg owns Facebook; and Jeff Bezos owns the Washington Post.

As explained in this 2025 Yahoo News report, none of these billionaires are trained journalists. Instead, they rely on a sea of trolls, grifters, and pseudo-journalists who will spew their right-wing propaganda. Just about all of them are multimillionaires. Some examples: Fox’s Laura Ingraham, net worth: $40 million; Sean Hannity, also Fox News, net worth: $250 million; Ben Shapiro, Daily Wire, net worth: $50 million; Candice Owens, net worth: $5 million. But her husband, George Farmer, has a net worth of $10 million. Yes, there are centrist journalists and even some fairly liberal ones in the media. But they’re vastly outnumbered by the conservative right-wing ones. So, when you hear news commentators on Fox, Newsmax, etc., denouncing universal healthcare, keep in mind that all of them are so rich that they don’t need health insurance, so they don’t care. Their job is to put a happy face on economic and social policies that make the rich richer and the rest of us a whole lot poorer.

Government

The ultimate achievement of the enormous wealth of this planet’s billionaires is the capture of the U.S. government, along with the governments of other rich countries. Last year, Harvard University reported on a 2014 study conducted by Princeton and Northwestern Universities, which “concluded that the U.S. government represents not the interests of the majority of citizens but those of the rich and powerful,” which makes America “not a democracy at all, but a functional oligarchy.” And as explained in this 2023 study published by Cambridge University Press, “billionaires formally enter the political sphere at a much higher rate in autocracies than in democracies” and “have a strong track record of winning elections.” And in this 2025 article, CEO Today reported that Elon Musk is among the “billionaire puppeteers” who are “gaining control over global politics,” which “raises serious concerns about the concentration of power in the hands of a few individuals.”

In my country, the U.S., the corruption is too vast for words. Most of our U.S. congressmen and presidents, along with many state legislators and governors, must rely on wealthy campaign donors to get elected. Most of them like this rotten system because they can get a whole lot richer after they leave office by becoming corporate lobbyists, by getting a cushy corporate job, or by getting huge fees for speaking engagements even if they say complete gibberish. In exchange, the billionaires get to enjoy the tax breaks and tax loopholes that they lobby for, which allows them and the huge corporations they either own or control as major shareholders to pay little or no taxes, including inheritance taxes, so they can build their family dynasties. And they usually get away with crimes that would send the rest of us to prison, while they get governments to pretty much cater to their every whim.

Example: In this 2025 article, Yahoo Finance reported that the world’s two richest men, Elon Musk and Jeff Bezos, “didn’t pay a dime in federal income tax” in some years, along with Michael Bloomberg, Carl Icahn, and George Soros, just to name some. This, as reported in ProPublica, “demolishes the cornerstone myth of the American tax system: that everyone pays their fair share.” In other years, “IRS records show that the wealthiest can—perfectly legally—pay income taxes that are only a tiny fraction of the hundreds of millions, if not billions, their fortunes grow each year.” As for Donald Trump, a New York Times report revealed that he “paid just $750 in federal income tax upon entering the White House” in 2017 and “no income tax at all in 11 of the 18 years that the Times reviewed.” Investopedia and ITEP further reported that “it’s not unusual for large U.S. corporations to pay no U.S. income taxes despite making billions of dollars in profits.”

Example: Common Dreams and Democracy Now explained why Trump blatantly violated U.S. and international law by attacking Venezuela and abducting President Nicolas Maduro and his wife, who are now on trial in New York City for a litany of drug charges. But if Trump was really concerned about illegal drugs killing Americans, he wouldn’t have pardoned former Honduran President Juan Orlando Hernandez, who was serving a 45-year prison sentence for helping to drug-traffic “more than 400 tons of cocaine into the U.S.” Turns out that the real reason is with Maduro gone, “Paul Singer, a billionaire who is a top donor to President Trump, is set to profit immensely since his investment firm purchased Citgo, the U.S.- based subsidiary of Venezuela’s state-owned oil company.” Right-wing organizations funded by Singer had been pushing for the ouster of Maduro, and Trump delivered. It’s that simple.

Example: In this 2022 article, City Journal reported that the COVID-19 lockdowns “brought little benefit and much harm.” They “hurt the economy, impeded education, and harmed the development of children.” In this 2021 article, Business Insider reported that “200 million to 500 million people” fell into poverty in 2020. But not to worry because Business Insider also reported that the world’s billionaires didn’t suffer any economic hardship at all. They “added 4 trillion to their wealth.” The World Economic Forum explained that “much of the financial gain for billionaires resulted from approaching the initial impact of the pandemic on asset prices.” In other words, “as assets like stocks suddenly got much cheaper, the wealthy were able to accumulate significantly more of them before they regained value. Most people don’t have the same type of access to equity markets as the wealthy.” And let’s also not forget that since Trump took office in 2025, the “10 richest Americans have gained 700 billion in wealth.”

Bottom line: nobody can work hard enough or long enough to earn a billion dollars, much less multiple billions of dollars. “Rent extraction, financial speculation, resource monopolization, and exploiting working people does,” as reported in Jacobin. And if the very wealthy do occasionally wind up in an American prison, many of which are torture chambers as reported here and here, not to worry. They have special luxury prisons prisons for millionaires and billionaires. That’s the way the mop flops in America. Country club prisons for the rich and brutal torture chambers for us peasants. Isn’t oligarchy just grand?

Divide and conquer

Since the billionaires who currently run things don’t want to share their wealth, which results in a much lower standard of living for just about all the rest of us, they manipulate the public into thinking that various minority groups are responsible for their problems. This creates an underclass of scapegoats to bully, persecute, and inflict unimaginable acts of cruelty on. Who that underclass is changes over time. For now, it’s immigrants, transgender people, and drag queens. It’s the oldest trick in the book: “Look at those people over there so you won’t pay attention to what we’re doing over here.”

To accomplish this cultural charade, they rely on their massive right-wing media echo chamber, which includes a whole army of YouTubers and podcasters who got rich spewing hate, lies, and propaganda. It is in this culture war arena that ignorance resonates, stupidity reverberates, and bigotry radiates. These usually multimillionaire grifters are a bunch of useless little parasites feeding off the bigger, even more useless billionaire parasites. In politics, a grifter is a con artist who uses the political process to enrich themselves. The Republican Party wallows in this grift like pigs wallow in mud because they have nothing to offer except tax cuts for the wealthy. So, they focus on made-up culture wars where they can assume a fake moral high ground and pretend that they are righteous and good.

The most effective way to make people fall for the scapegoating minorities con is by claiming that children need to be protected—especially when it comes to sex. This is the moral high ground of right-wing conservatism, its ivory tower of virtue. This kind of propaganda shuts down all logic and critical thinking because of our Christian culture’s discomfort with sex, as explained here and here. In the study of argumentation, this is known as the “think of the children” fallacy, which is an aspect of the “appeal to emotion” fallacy. Logical fallacies are errors in reasoning that lead to wrong conclusions. Since the sex is dirty and sinful paradigm is so ingrained in Western society, even non-religious people hold these core views, which makes the protecting kids fallacy so difficult to overcome. It shuts down rational discussion and prevents people from looking at the consequences of what’s being proposed.

Obviously, and of course, children need to be protected from sexual predators. But censoring the internet, watching porn, books in school, and being exposed to other lifestyles isn’t about protecting kids—it’s an excuse to take everyone’s rights away. It’s about control. This is more easily accomplished in a society of wealth inequality and economic hardship. When people are in survival mode, they are less concerned about protecting the rights of others and become more tribal. They are easier to manipulate. Billionaire oligarchs thrive on division and conflict. They don’t want the public to realize that culture wars are manufactured moral panics designed to distract them. Class warfare is what’s very real and what we need to unite against.

Last year, Erika Kirk, the late Charlie Kirk’s widow, made the ultimate Freudian slip. As reported here and in this video, she was “presenting the inaugural Charlie Kirk Courage Award to Utah University student Caleb Chilcutt,” when she said, “Despite the devastating loss of Charlie Kirk, my incredible husband at UVU, Caleb has persisted with the same grift.”

Naturally, Erika flubbed around trying to correct herself, uttering the word “gift” and then “grit,” and finally saying, “It has been a long day!” She then turned to Chilcutt and said, “Trust me, you’re not a grifter, honey. It’s all good.”

Sorry to tell you this, dear boy: in my humble opinion, Erika Kirk was totally correct when she called you a grifter.

So, to all of you xenophobes, racists, religious fanatics, and nice folks who don’t feel comfortable with those who are different, I implore you: Wake up. Instead of worrying about who’s picking your strawberries, worry about who’s picking your pocket; instead of worrying about who’s washing your car, worry about who’s taking you to the cleaners; instead of worrying about who’s working at Home Depot, worry about the fact that future generations won’t be able to afford a home. Instead of worrying about who’s in the bathroom, worry about your life being flushed down the toilet, because while you get to feel morally superior and think you’re defending civilization from the forces of evil and fruitcakery, your billionaire overlords are tearing civilization out from under you while laughing all the way to their offshore bank accounts.

What the future holds

Last year, the London School of Economics (LSE) reported “that the world is now on course for no less than five trillionaires within a decade.” Elon Musk, Jeff Bezos, Mark Zuckerberg, and Larry Ellison will most likely be among them. The first Gilded Age was bad enough. But with AI, Robots, and other kinds of futuristic technology, this second Gilded age could soon be much worse and won’t just affect our jobs as I mentioned previously.

Yuval Noah Harari, PhD, is a bestselling author, historian, and professor at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. At this 2020 Davos meeting, Dr. Harari laid out the potentially diabolical future that soon-to- be trillionaire elites have in store for us:

“In the coming decades, AI and biotechnology will give us god-like abilities to re-engineer life and even to create completely new life forms. After 4 billion years of organic life shaped by natural selection, we are about to enter a new era of inorganic life shaped by intelligent design. Our intelligent design is going to be the new driving force of the evolution of life. And in using these powers of creation, we might make mistakes on a cosmic scale.”

In this 2021 60 Minutes interview, Dr. Harari warned that if these “new technologies are available only to the rich,” it could lead to “a process of greater inequality than in any previous time in history because for the first time, it will be real biological inequality…Homo sapiens will split into different biological castes” with “different bodies and different abilities.” In other words, we might see a whole race of humanoids that are much stronger, faster, and far more intelligent than the rest of us. Beings that might have a much greater life span and who are almost impossible to kill. Beings that will see themselves as gods among insects.

Another technology wealthy elites might use against us is optogenetics, which has the potential to restore brain function and cure diseases by genetically modifying targeted cells in our gray matter with light. But in this video on the World Economic Forum’s website, Nobel Prize winning Japanese scientist Susumu Tonegawa, PhD explained that with optogenetics, “our memory, our emotions, and even thoughts can be manipulated. This is the idea that has existed only in the realm of science fiction until recently.”

Please understand that I’m not anti-progress and technology. I recognize all of the benefits AI and robotics can give us. But it’s foolhardy not to recognize the enormous danger they pose in the wrong hands. And I have no doubt that in the hands of power-obsessed trillionaire elites, they will be used not only to control our lives but also our minds, our memories, our emotions, and reality itself. They will become too powerful for any of us to stop them. Of course, their plans could backfire, and these technologies might wind up controlling or destroying them along with the rest of us.

What must be done

In 1887, historian and politician Lord Acton (1834-1902) famously wrote that “power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.”

Wealth is power, and giving the ultra-wealthy the power they wield is the equivalent of giving sadistic despots like Adolf Hitler (1889-1945) or Joseph Stalin (1878-1953) the abilities of Superman. Power is a drug. It’s a narcotic, a hallucinogenic drug that warps the mind and mangles the soul. And it’s addictive. The more you get, the more you want. As explained here and here, wealth/power retards one’s humanity and the ability to tell right from wrong.

Power over others is the reason why the police sadistically abuse and kill citizens; it’s the reason why prison guards abuse and kill prisoners; it’s the reason why politicians like Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu can callously give orders that mass murder Palestinian men, women, and children. It’s the reason why state and federal legislators can pass laws denying people vital medical care to serve a religious or political agenda. It’s the reason why employers and the managers under them, even in small businesses, abuse their employees.

Of course, not everyone who’s a billionaire or in positions of power will do terrible things. But many will because violent, angry, sadistic, manipulative, greedy types are the kinds of people who usually crave wealth and power and who far too often succeed in getting them. Therefore, we must, as President Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1882-1945) declared in this 1936 speech about the danger of wealth inequality, “take away their power.” Here is how.

Get rid of all billionaires. I don’t mean kill them. I mean confiscate their wealth, which they didn’t earn, break up the corporate monopolies they control, and give those trillions back to the rest of us where it rightfully belongs. This would eliminate all poverty and economic hardship in developed and developing nations. Forget about a small billionaire wealth tax of 5%, like the one proposed in California. That’s kid stuff. It’s like putting a Band-Aid on a bullet wound. I’m for free enterprise and for talented and innovative people acquiring some wealth. But there has to be a limit. In my opinion, no individual or household should be allowed to have a net worth of more than $15 million. That’s more than enough to live a luxurious lifestyle. With the ultra-rich gone, we can then correct so much that is wrong in governments and create more just and peaceful societies and make sure that they stay that way.

It’s up to us, folks. The billionaires have the wealth, but we have the numbers. There are a lot more of us than there are of them. We must unite and put an end to this enormous wealth gap. We did it before, and we must do it again. If we don’t, we will lose our freedom, our identities, and even what it means to be human.

Michael J. Talmo has been a professional writer for over 40 years and is strongly committed to the protection of civil liberties.

19 January 2026

Source: transcend.org

Hyper-Imperialism on Hyper-Drive

By Vijay Prashad

The US bombing of Venezuela and kidnapping of its president and first lady showcased the current hyper-imperialist stage of the world order. Although a new mood has emerged in the Global South, it is not yet a developed challenge to the collective West.

15 Jan 2026 – In 2024, our institute published two important texts – the study Hyper-Imperialism: A Dangerous Decadent New Stage and dossier no. 72, The Churning of the World Order. Taken together, they offer five key observations:

US-led imperialism has entered a new, more aggressive stage, which we call hyper-imperialism. Since the Second World War, the global order has been marked by US dominance, visible in its network of more than 900 foreign military bases; in the concept of ‘Global NATO’ and the use of US-NATO military strikes to solve political disputes outside the North Atlantic; and in hybrid forms of power projection, including unilateral coercive measures, information warfare, new forms of surveillance, and the use of lawfare to delegitimise dissent. This hyper-imperialism is driven, we argue, by the relative economic and political decline of the Global North.

  1. US-led imperialism has entered a new, more aggressive stage, which we call hyper-imperialism. Since the Second World War, the global order has been marked by US dominance, visible in its network of more than 900 foreign military bases; in the concept of ‘Global NATO’ and the use of US-NATO military strikes to solve political disputes outside the North Atlantic; and in hybrid forms of power projection, including unilateral coercive measures, information warfare, new forms of surveillance, and the use of lawfare to delegitimise dissent. This hyper-imperialism is driven, we argue, by the relative economic and political decline of the Global North.
  1. The United States remains the central hegemonic power within a unified imperial bloc that we describe as the Global North. Rather than a multipolar, inter-imperialist rivalry between Western powers, we argue that the US dominates a militarily, politically, and economically integrated NATO+ bloc that has subordinated other Western powers. This US-led bloc seeks to contain what it sees as challenges – such as the rise of China – to its control over the Global South.
  2. The hyper-imperialist bloc aims to maintain its neocolonial control over the Global South and secure strategic dominance over the rising powers in Eurasia (China and Russia). Through the NATO+ bloc and its control over major financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the United States seeks to repress national sovereignty and resist any challenge to its interests – as seen in the war in Ukraine and the genocide in Gaza. We also see this in the US’s withdrawal from any multilateral agreements that constrain its power, including key arms-control treaties such as the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (2002) and the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty (2019), as well as the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (2026).
  3. For the US-led NATO+ bloc, the rise of China and the shift of the centre of the world’s economy from the North Atlantic to Asia must be reversed. Our research highlights how the Global South – led by China and other emerging economies – has overtaken the Global North in gross domestic product (GDP) in purchasing power parity (PPP) terms and therefore represents a credible threat to Western economic hegemony. We show that control over raw materials, science, technology, and finance is being contested by these rising powers. This has provoked a strategic response from the NATO+ bloc. While the Global South wants to privilege peace and development, the Global North wants to impose war on the world.
  4. This current phase of imperialism intensifies the possibility of conflict and poses a danger to global stability. With the erosion of US economic and political power, military force and hybrid methods have become central for Washington to try and maintain its global influence. This increases the risk of widespread violence and confrontation that imperil the possibility of global peace, accelerate the climate catastrophe, and threaten the sovereignty of the peoples of the Global South.

The concept of hyper-imperialism is central for our work. What we are seeing now is hyper-imperialism on hyper-drive.

The US attack on Venezuela on 3 January 2026 came on the same day as French and UK jets bombed an underground facility in the mountains near Palmyra (Syria) and just a few weeks after the US bombed villages in the Nigerian state of Sokoto. None of these attacks – all carried out under the pretence of fighting some form of ‘terrorism’ – had authorisation from the United Nations Security Council, making them violations of international law. These are all illustrations of the danger and decadence of this sulphurous hyper-imperialism. These are nothing more than instances of the NATO+ bloc demonstrating its power over the Global South through lethal military actions for which there is no defence.

Annual global military spending reached $2.7 trillion in 2024, with projections that it could reach between $4.7 trillion and $6.6 trillion by 2035 – the higher number nearly five times the level at the end of the Cold War and two and a half times the level spent in 2024. The same report estimates that it would take between $2.3 trillion and $2.8 trillion over ten years to eliminate extreme poverty globally. Over 80% of this military spending is done by NATO+ countries, with the United States far and away the largest military spender in the world. You do not spend so much on weapons of destruction without being able to destroy the world. No other country comes close to the ability of countries in the NATO+ bloc to intimidate by armed force.

The second key concept that our institute has developed over the past few years is the new mood in the Global South. We have argued that due to the economic rebalancing of the last period, space has opened for countries in Africa and Asia – in particular – to assert their sovereignty after several decades of suffocation. We saw this, for example, in the Sahel region with the creation of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) by Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger; in the reaction of several countries to the South African case in the International Court of Justice against Israel’s genocide; and in the attempt by countries from Indonesia to the Democratic Republic of the Congo to add value to their raw materials rather than exporting them unprocessed. These instances show how the countries of the Global South, led by China, have begun to test their ability to assert themselves against NATO+ authority across various institutions. But the key word here for us is ‘mood’: a new sensibility that is being tested but is not yet a developed challenge to the collective West.

A few hours before the attack on Venezuela, President Maduro met with Qiu Xiaoqi, China’s special envoy for Latin America, in Caracas. They discussed China’s third Policy Paper on Latin America (released 10 December 2025), in which the Chinese government affirmed: ‘As a developing country and a member of the Global South, China has always stood in solidarity through thick and thin with the Global South, including Latin America and the Caribbean’. They reviewed the 600 joint development projects between China and Venezuela and the roughly $70 billion in Chinese investment in Venezuela. Maduro and Qiu chatted and then took photographs which were posted widely on social media and broadcast on Venezuelan television. Qiu then left the meeting with the Chinese ambassador to Venezuela, Lan Hu, and the directors of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ Latin America and the Caribbean Department, Liu Bo and Wang Hao. Within hours, Caracas was bombed.

Shortly after the attack, the spokesperson for the Chinese Foreign Ministry said, ‘Such hegemonic acts of the US seriously violate international law and Venezuelan sovereignty and threaten peace and security in Latin America and the Caribbean region. China firmly opposes it’. Beyond that, little could be done. China does not have the capacity to roll back the savagery of US hyper-imperialism through military force. China and Russia have considerable military capacity, including nuclear weapons, but they do not have the global military footprint of the United States – whose military spending is more than double that of these two nations combined – and are therefore mainly defensive powers (that is to say, they are mainly able to defend their borders).

These recent events are a sign of the weakness of the new mood in the Global South at present, but not the vanquishing of that mood. Across the Global South, condemnations of the US violation of the UN Charter came thick and fast. The new mood remains, but it has its limitations.

The third key concept that our institute has developed is the far right of a special type. This far right has made a swift entrance into the halls of government in most continents, but it has done so with even greater speed in Latin America and the Caribbean. We argue that it has emerged for several reasons, including:

The failure of social democrats to solve deep crises of unemployment, social anomie, and crime due to their commitment to IMF-imposed fiscal prudence and cruel austerity.

  1. The failure of social democrats to solve deep crises of unemployment, social anomie, and crime due to their commitment to IMF-imposed fiscal prudence and cruel austerity.
  1. The collapse of commodity prices that had allowed the social democratic forces to ride a ‘pink tide’ based on redistribution of increased national incomes and on modest social welfare policies that tackled the most urgent problems facing the population, including hunger and poverty. Part of the far right’s animosity has been directed at such income-redistribution schemes, which it claims are unfair to the middle class.
  2. The failure of social democrats – or even of the left when they have come to local power – to address the rise of criminality, partly associated with the drug trade, that has gripped working-class neighbourhoods across the Western hemisphere.
  3. The weaponisation of the discourse of corruption by the far right of a special type to systematically delegitimise centre-left and social democratic political figures. This system of lawfare has created a highly moralised anti-politics that elevates an authoritarian desire for order and punitive justice without any structural reform.
  4. The emergence of a politics of fear in response to a manufactured civilisational crisis that is exemplified by the spectre of ‘gender ideology’, the racialised portrayal of Black youth in urban centres as a threat (so that police violence against them came to be treated as normal and expected), the land claims of Indigenous peoples, and environmentalist demands. The far right of a special type captured the imagination of enough of the population around the defence of their traditions and the need to restore their way of life, as if it was the feminists and the communists who had eroded society and not the fires of neoliberal destruction.
  5. The injection of massive amounts of money from the Global North into the Global South through transnational right-wing platforms (such as Spain’s Foro Madrid) to fuel evangelical networks and new digital disinformation ecosystems.
  6. The direct interference of the United States in the Global South through its dominance over financial institutions like the IMF and the World Bank, through global financial systems like SWIFT, and through direct military force and intimidation.

The far right of a special type in Latin America and the Caribbean was the imperial antidote to the return of the ideas of sovereignty articulated by Simón Bolívar and taken up by Hugo Chávez, which found expression in the pink tide. As the pink tide receded, an angry tide surged: we moved from leaders such as Chávez (Venezuela), Evo Morales (Bolivia), and Néstor Kirchner (Argentina) to Jair Bolsonaro (Brazil), Javier Milei (Argentina), Daniel Noboa (Ecuador), José Antonio Kast (Chile), and Nayib Bukele (El Salvador).

The fourth key concept that our institute has developed, which helps us shape our thinking, is the future – not only as socialism, the objective, but as hope, the sensibility for such a future: the idea that we must not allow our thinking to be constrained by an eternal, ugly present, but instead orient it toward the possibilities that are inherent in our history and our struggles for a better world. The far right of a special type pretends, through the theology of prosperity, that it represents the future, when in reality it offers only a permanent present of austerity and war and portrays the left as the past. Nothing could be further from the truth. Our 100th dossier (May 2026) will explore this concept. We look forward to sharing it with you.

As Kwame Nkrumah used to say, ‘forward ever, backward never’.

Vijay Prashad is an Indian historian, editor and journalist. He is a writing fellow and chief correspondent at Globetrotter.

19 January 2026

Source: transcend.org

Imperialism in the Name of Democracy: American Intervention in Venezuela

By Vikas Parashram Meshram

While people across the world were celebrating the New Year, U.S. President Trump launched air strikes last Friday on four Venezuelan cities and several military bases. On Saturday, news emerged that following the attack, Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and his wife had been taken hostage and transported to the United States. President Trump’s initial allegation was that President Maduro was involved in a “drug war” against the United States. He accused him of narco terrorism.

However, it was during a Saturday night press conference, when Trump made several significant claims about Venezuela’s oil reserves, that his real intentions became apparent. While congratulating himself on the alleged success of the entire operation, he announced that Venezuela would now be placed under American supervision. He further stated that the responsibility of rebuilding Venezuela would be handed over to top American oil companies using the country’s oil reserves. These declarations made it clear that the primary objective of the United States was to seize Venezuela’s oil wealth. The earlier accusations against President Maduro were merely a pretext for the attack.

Independent American analysts have also established that the arrest of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro who had long been a target of Donald Trump constitutes a grave violation of international law. Invading a sovereign nation, arresting its president, and transporting him to the United States is a rare example of outright international thuggery. Even more disturbing is Trump’s declaration that Washington will govern this Latin American country until a “transition of power” takes place. This sets a dangerous precedent that could be repeated beyond the American continent.

There is no doubt that Maduro’s downfall will evoke mixed reactions within Venezuela. A global network had long been engaged in an international conspiracy to demonize him. Maduro has been accused of ruining the country’s economy, suppressing dissent, and forcing millions into exile. He has also been accused of election rigging and involvement in drug trafficking. However, experts in global diplomacy believe that Trump’s move is driven not by a desire to deliver justice to victims of authoritarianism or to protect national sovereignty, but by the objective of gaining control over Venezuela’s vast oil reserves. Launching a military operation to arrest a head of government abroad and then ruling the country from Washington is, without doubt, an expression of imperialist ideology.

Undoubtedly, this display of American authoritarianism will have far-reaching geopolitical consequences. Even U.S. allies who opposed Maduro are now issuing warnings. Russia and China have described America’s actions as a threat to the rules-based international order. Meanwhile, developments in Venezuela have given China an opportunity to blunt U.S. criticism of its own regional ambitions, potentially heightening concerns over Taiwan.

America’s actions also revive memories of the invasions and military deployments in Iraq and Afghanistan wars launched due to American complacency and overconfidence, which ultimately ended in humiliating withdrawals. Yet those countries never returned to normalcy. Trump’s assertion that the mission to capture Maduro will be funded through Venezuela’s oil revenues reveals America’s intent to control natural resources. The U.S. has not clarified who will be entrusted with leadership to fulfill the Venezuelan people’s aspirations for good governance and security. India is among the countries that have expressed concern over these developments, aligning with broader global anxieties about the future. Sooner or later, however, Trump will realize that removing an authoritarian ruler is easy, but ensuring long-term peace and stability requires sustained and serious effort.

The arrest and forced deportation of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro is a blatant violation of international law and also breaches Article 2 of the United Nations Charter. By intercepting oil tankers in the Caribbean and illegally killing civilians aboard ships without any credible anti-drug justification, the United States has bypassed the UN Security Council and appointed itself judge and executioner. This intervention follows a familiar calculation.

First, it seeks to revive the Monroe Doctrine to re-establish American dominance in the Americas a system that governments like Venezuela, in alliance with Cuba, had attempted to overturn. Second, it aims to sever Latin America’s ties with China, as the Maduro government has looked eastward for investment and oil trade. Third, it represents a selfish attempt to seize Venezuela’s enormous crude oil reserves resources that are viewed as a “prize” for American businesses.

In any case, America’s claims of victory may prove hollow. Although Maduro’s rule was authoritarian, Venezuela’s United Socialist Party still enjoys substantial support. The Bolivarian movement was launched to counter the extreme inequalities created by previous U.S.-backed elite governments. By forcibly imposing a new order, the United States is not “liberating” people, but rather reinforcing fears of colonial plunder. The hypocrisy is evident.

While the Trump administration, without presenting any public evidence, declared Maduro the head of a drug cartel to justify his removal, it ordered the release of former Honduran leader Juan Orlando Hernández

convicted on drug trafficking charges and helped Washington-backed Nasry Asfura rise to power. In the post-Cold War, globalized, and interdependent world, hopes for a stable and liberal order have repeatedly been dashed by the actions of both the United States and Russia. By withdrawing from climate agreements and escalating tariff wars, the U.S. has shown contempt for international norms something arguably more dangerous than any single atrocity. The attack on Venezuela is a natural and violent outcome of this isolationist-imperialist blend of Trumpism. If the international community remains silent, it will effectively endorse a world order in which sovereignty depends on Washington’s will.

The claims that President Maduro had links with Venezuelan drug cartels were baseless. Trump’s attack on Caracas and the subsequent capture of President Maduro and his wife inevitably recall memories of the 2003 invasion of Iraq. At that time, U.S. President George W. Bush accused Saddam Hussein of possessing weapons of mass destruction. The entire American media legitimized Bush’s lies. Today, almost the whole world agrees that the invasion of Iraq was based on false and unfounded claims. Bush’s real objective was to remove Saddam Hussein from power and seize control of Iraq’s oil fields. Saddam Hussein was eventually executed after arbitrary legal proceedings. Later, under President Obama, U.S. forces withdrew from Iraq but by then, the country had been devastated.

Venezuela holds about 17% of the world’s oil reserves. When hardline socialist President Hugo Chávez, an outspoken critic of U.S. expansionist foreign policy passed away, Nicolás Maduro came to power. In terms of ideological commitment, Maduro emerged as Chávez’s most fitting successor in Venezuela’s political landscape. He implemented measures that improved the living standards of the majority and translated socialist aspirations into reality developments that deeply unsettled capitalist America.

However, Maduro was also accused of suppressing opposition voices and manipulating elections, allegations that sparked widespread global debate, especially after Venezuelan opposition leader María Machado was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2025. Yet the reality is that such accusations and counter-accusations are common in the domestic politics of almost every country. This does not grant the United States any moral authority to interfere in another nation’s sovereignty.

During Trump’s first term, seizing Venezuela’s oil reserves was on his agenda, but he failed. At the beginning of his second term, Trump made his intentions clear. He is interested in capturing Venezuela’s oil reserves, even if it means removing Maduro from power. Preparations for Venezuela had been underway for months: attacks on oil vessels, their seizure, and the creation of a political climate through media statements. Finally, the attack occurred, and President Maduro and his wife were taken hostage and brought to the United States. Trump’s post-attack statements to the press made it evident that the world is, in reality, governed not by politics, but by economics.

Vikas Parashram Meshram is a journalist

6 January 2026

Source: countercurrents.org

Trump’s Venezuela Aggression & US Diplomacy at Stake!

By Nilofar Suhrawardy

United States’ attack on Venezuela, overthrow and capture of its President Nicolas Maduro along with his wife, is another stark indicator of the limited credibility United Nations has today. Divisions among its member-countries, marked by increase in wars, naturally raises questions on how “united” it really is. Added to it this is the hard reality about the limited respect this organization has from its most powerful members. And this is primarily marked by the veto-power they have in the UN Security Council. Their respect for United Nations’ “unity” seems to be limited to the veto-power they can exercise to only display their stand against what other members may support.

President Donald Trump seems to be giving importance to nothing else, but to what he believes should be pursued. There is nothing surprising about this. Perhaps, his priority is to let his own voice boom louder than all others around him and also elsewhere. Little significance is apparently given by him to his words contradicting his own voiced earlier. Trump’s move against Venezuela from no angle justify/legitimize the claim made earlier by him for the Nobel Peace Prize and he declaring himself to be a “peacemaker,” responsible for bringing several wars to an end.

Little importance has been given to ethics at practically all levels, diplomatic, political, legal, humanitarian and even economic. As expressed by Trump at the press conference (Jan. 3) that US is going to run the country, that is Venezuela, it is clear, he has given priority to probably only his approval for the purpose. And none practically to Venezuela and its citizens. Strangely, the President appears to be moving on a track with little consideration for law- national as well as international law and that of Venezuela. No consideration has been displayed for members of the US Congress. Certainly, as head of the only superpower, a country that is viewed globally as the most powerful, the US President has the right and unwritten authority to decide his priorities and thus take action against other powers. But this definitely does not justify the manner in which he has and is deciding his moves for Venezuela. In fact, if he did this for any state within his own country, this would most probably agitate his own citizens against him. It would perhaps even provoke a few to take legal action against him.

Quite a few facts cannot be disputed. One is sovereignty of Venezuela as a nation. United States has taken military action against a country which did not provoke it militarily. United States’ war-exercises have been conducted as if the superpower had all the authority to do so and that they are justified. Venezuela is not a disputed piece of property to which claim can be laid simply on the basis of military prowess and/or its wealth. But this is what has been done. The impact is simply not limited to the country’s President and his spouse being captured. It extends beyond that. In addition to taking control of its oil reserves and keeping its reins of powers in US hands, it literally amounts to reducing Venezuelans to the stage of being no longer free in their own country, the freedom of which has been snatched in a matter of few hours. And they have been reduced to the stage similar to slavery.

Trump aims at United States’ domination of Western Hemisphere. This doesn’t spare other countries in the region. His strike may not be confined to Venezuela. It isn’t without reason that other Latin American countries are wondering whether their turn could be next. Columbia, Cuba and Mexico have already been given “threats” by Trump. Besides, it may be recalled, less than a year ago, Trump described Canada as 51st state of United States. He also wants Greenland to become a part of US. So, there is no knowing as to when in which direction he may decide to abuse his own power, legally, diplomatically, politically, economically, unilaterally, regionally, globally and at various other levels. He has abused these by not exercising them as he is bound to. His prowess as President of a Superpower doesn’t entitle him to treat other leaders and countries as if they were his pawns, with their moves decided by him – as and how he desires.

When Trump had chosen to give some diplomatic importance to Russian President Vladimir Putin to discuss Ukraine-crisis and other issues at Alaska, his European allies were alarmed. Soon after the Alaska Summit, they rushed to Washington to present their views to him. They have probably been shocked by Trump’s stand against Venezuela, but they have not yet come out with strong criticism or a stand even remotely similar to that they have regarding Ukraine. Meanwhile, Israel’s violations of Gaza-ceasefire continue, with no criticism from Trump, the one who played a key role in this being reached. He had also begun talking about steps towards next phase of ceasefire. But Trump’s war-moves against Venezuela and their impact leave no room for explaining his silence on violations of Gaza-ceasefire or abuse of peace as well as peace-talks, which also amount to abuse of Palestinians’ rights. In the same vein, there is nothing surprising about the so-called phase of “democracy” – labeled as Arab Spring – referred to now as Arab Winter, was nothing but abuse of democracy. Democracy cannot be imposed by use of weapons, be imported and/or be forced upon any community.

Trump cannot be accused of imposing “democracy” upon Venezuelans as he has brazenly referred to Venezuela being run by United States and if his voice is not heard, a second phase of attack on their country will be considered. And even if he had, he would not have been most probably believed. What an irony- US has been considered as a major democratic power, a nation that is looked up to. But Trump’s Venezuelan-strike has certainly burst this belief- like a bubble. Irrespective of what US gains/loses by this move of Trump, the hard reality that the superpower has risked more than it can afford to, diplomatically, cannot be missed!

Nilofar Suhrawardy is a senior journalist and writer with specialization in communication studies and nuclear diplomacy.

6 January 2026

Source: countercurrents.org

The United States has no intention of handing the scepter to China for the next hundred years: Maduro in Brooklyn, China in the Crosshairs

By Dimitris Eleas

Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro has been abducted by Delta Force and is already on U.S. soil. Many commentators have rushed to publish articles explaining what happened, or more accurately, how they interpret the latest developments.

What has taken place constitutes a major challenge to the BRICS countries, and above all to China, which unsettled the West –and especially the United States– with the military parade it staged last year. What has unfolded in Venezuela also represents a complete collapse of any notion of law and morality. Even for the United States itself, these actions were carried out without congressional approval –as required by the U.S. Constitution– according to an article published by The New York Times, and they violate U.S. law in relation to what was done, and ‘continues to be done’, in Venezuela.

In a way, it all began with the invasion of Iraq in 2003, and later Libya—developments that opened the door not only for Putin, but also for Trump. For long time, Trump has accused Maduro of leading a drug-trafficking network, an allegation Maduro himself has vehemently denied. And yet, Trump recently granted a pardon to Juan Hernández, president of Honduras from 2014 to 2022 – despite the fact that Hernández was running a drug operation while he was in office.

Delta Force pulled him out of bed, blindfolded him, and shackled his hands. He then spent the following night in prison in Brooklyn, New York. Yes, of course, Maduro, who began his life as a bus driver, is an unrestrained strongman and a tyrant. But what also took place is unacceptable. French President Emmanuel Macron spoke of a “significant development.” The prime minister of Greece said much the same, even adding that this was not the appropriate moment to comment on the legality of the intervention. One is left to wonder: do these two truly grasp what is unfolding?

All of this also reveals Trump’s deeper intentions: he does not want China to emerge as the dominant power in Panama, Venezuela, or the broader region. Trump is an unusual president, one who can now claim, “I removed him from power, and he’s still alive, and he didn’t meet the fate of Saddam Hussein or Muammar Gaddafi.”

China, however, is the clear loser. It has taken a significant hit. Beijing relied on Venezuelan crude oil, extended massive loans, and carried out major infrastructure projects there, only to be confronted with the reality that American power remains unshakable, whether exercised through diplomacy or through the use of force. The United States, of course, also wants to reclaim the assets of major American corporations that were seized by Caracas in the past, and, quite plainly, to turn a profit as well.

America needs Venezuela’s largest proven reserves of oil, as well as its gold and lithium. The United States needs that wealth, right in its own neighborhood, to “flow onto” the New York Stock Exchange, and indirectly, to help reduce the fiscal deficit (when spending exceeds federal revenues, and the national debt continues to grow).

For many Americans, Trump is a great leader; for others, he is not. Perhaps, with Trump in the White House, the world is returning to something like the era of the Roman Empire, with a dash of Cold War. The Monroe Doctrine is in the air as the U.S. returns to Latin America to restore its prestige, the MAGA movement, and the president himself with his enormous ego—“Dr. Ego.” At the same time, international law cannot be overridden in this manner, because doing so harms weaker countries and vulnerable citizens. The next stop for Delta Force and the CIA will be Greenland –again under cover of night– to keep China away from America’s backyard. The United States has no intention of handing the scepter to China for the next hundred years.

China’s power –already dealt a severe blow by what has happened and what is to come in Venezuela– and the effectiveness of Delta Force, the CIA, the NSA, and the U.S. Armed Forces in an operation involving a fleet of ships and 150 aircraft that left the world in awe, is a sharp jab straight at Beijing’s elite. Why? Because China is the target of “Trumpian nationalism,” and the real boss controlling 25% of the global economy is using Nicolás Maduro as the medium, the geopolitical stakes could not be higher.

Dimitris Eleas is a political scientist, writer and independent researcher living in New York. His e-mail is: dimitris.eleas@gmail.com.

6 January 2026

Source: countercurrents.org

Why We Keep Being Shocked: Maduro, Trump, and the Politics of Power in the Americas

By Rima Najjar

I. The Persistence of Surprise

The ritualistic shock that greets each new American military intervention in the 21st century has become almost comical. It is perfectly understandable to be stunned by the scale and brazenness of the U.S. operation in Venezuela — the deployment of over 150 aircraft culminating in the seizure of President Nicolás Maduro and his wife on January 3, 2026. It is reasonable to marvel at how swiftly it succeeded and how little resistance it met, revealing the brittleness of regimes sustained more by bravado than genuine institutional support. Nor is it odd to still wonder how Hugo Chávez, with his charisma and media mastery, managed for so long to obscure the accumulating institutional decay — the hollowed-out state, the collapsing oil-dependent apparatus, and the drift toward militarized governance — a fragility the Bolivarian system never corrected into durable institutions.

What strains credulity is the impulse to label this intervention “tragic, complex, extraordinary, and controversial,” rather than recognizing it as yet another familiar chapter in the U.S. playbook. Such a reaction betrays deliberate historical amnesia. It refuses to confront the enduring American doctrine of hemispheric dominance: a century-long pattern of unilateral action that runs unbroken from the 1823 Monroe Doctrine and the Roosevelt Corollary, through Cold War regime change in Guatemala, Chile, Grenada, and Panama, to the post-9/11 invasions of Afghanistan, Iraq, and Libya.

II. Continuity Without Uniformity

U.S. foreign policy has undergone major reorientations, codified in successive National Security Strategies — from the Obama administration’s emphasis on multilateralism and “strategic patience” to Trump’s explicit “America First” unilateralism. Those shifts produced real bureaucratic conflict and recalibrated the thresholds for intervention. What persists across them, however, is a durable claim of prerogative: the claimed right to dictate political outcomes in its self-proclaimed sphere of influence, by force whenever the political and strategic arithmetic allows. What should astonish us is not the intervention itself, but the endurance of our surprise, given the United States’ long record of a recurring sequence: intervention, regime removal, and predictable instability.

III. Manufacturing Exceptionality: Media, Memory, and Moral Fables

Beneath the public astonishment lies a more elemental force: humanity’s almost touching optimism bias — the quietly desperate conviction that this time, surely, the pattern might finally fracture, even as every precedent insists otherwise. That psychological need for hope weakens historical judgment, creating fertile ground for the deliberate erasure of memory.

Twenty-four-hour news cycles present each crisis as immaculately new, stripped of historical context, allowing the hard-won lessons of Grenada, Panama, Iraq, and Libya to slip quietly into obsolescence. In the hours and days following January 3, U.S. cable networks and major dailies exemplified this erasure. Fox News and allied outlets celebrated the operation as a triumphant strike against the “kingpin of a vast criminal network responsible for trafficking colossal amounts of deadly illicit drugs into the United States,” framing it as pure counter-narcotics enforcement rather than hemispheric power play. CNN and MSNBC, while more measured, still centered the narrative on unsealed indictments for narco-terrorism, cocaine conspiracy, and weapons charges — language that evokes domestic organized crime rather than sovereign-state confrontation — rendering the military dimension almost incidental. The spectacle of a blindfolded, handcuffed Maduro paraded aboard the USS Iwo Jima was replayed endlessly, yet rarely situated within the long U.S. history of extracting foreign leaders for trial.

This managed forgetting then receives its final reinforcement through moral simplification. Western audiences are offered neat binaries that erase the blend of social gains and authoritarian excesses in the records of figures like Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro, reducing them to stock villainy and making the intervention appear self-evidently just. The indictment’s language — “partnering with some of the most violent and prolific drug traffickers and narco-terrorists in the world” — performs this work, recasting a polarized national leader as a cartoonish cartel boss whose removal needs no further justification.

Beneath that framing sits a deeper cultural faith: the belief in linear progress — the assumption that each new intervention must represent deviation rather than continuity, that the arc of history still bends toward restraint. Even critical outlets such as The New York Times or The Guardian, while acknowledging illegality or “dangerous precedent,” typically begin by conceding Maduro’s authoritarianism, softening the radicalism of unilateral force by anchoring it in the villain’s undeniable flaws. The effect is to treat the operation as a tragic exception in an otherwise improving order, rather than as the latest expression of a durable imperial doctrine. Through this sequence — hope, forgetting, simplification — the illusion is sustained: empire appears to act not from prerogative, but in reluctant defense of universal values.

IV. Shock as Moral Resistance

And yet, even this managed forgetting does not fully succeed. The recurring shock that follows each intervention is far more than naïveté. It carries a stubborn, deeply human strength — an act of resistance, a deliberate refusal to release the world we were once promised. Reality keeps returning, merciless and unchanged, yet the refusal endures.

The same quiet defiance appears when Palestinians meet each new Israeli atrocity with fresh disbelief and renewed shock. They hold fast to hope for justice and intervention, knowing that to accept brutality as permanent would close the door on any different future.

In a parallel way, people across the Global South — and even some disillusioned voices in the West — still feel astonishment at the image of a sitting president pulled from his home at gunpoint, flown to Manhattan, and placed on trial for charges that seek to criminalize his entire rule. Despite the long-established pattern, this astonishment persists as an act of defiance. It refuses to accept the normalization of conditional sovereignty, where the final judgment of legitimacy is made not in Caracas, but in Washington. To stop feeling shocked would mean surrendering the moral conviction that another world remains possible — one where hemispheric dominance finally yields to genuine self-determination.

V. Selective Astonishment: Venezuela’s Social Fracture

Shock follows lines of history and experience.
Beyond the Western world — and among those long accustomed to the United States’ recurring hand in Latin America, from Grenada in 1983 to Haiti in 1994 — the reaction was markedly restrained. The most intense astonishment remained concentrated among Western publics still invested in the post–Cold War fiction of a rules-based international order. Across regions shaped for generations by intervention, the prevailing tone was quieter: a weary resignation threaded with enduring currents of resistance, expressed through grassroots organizing, insurgencies, solidarity networks, and popular defiance that have repeatedly confronted occupation and imposed rule.

Inside Venezuela, that uneven distribution of shock traced fault lines carved by decades of political polarization. Among pro-regime supporters — the chavistas duros, communal council loyalists, colectivo networks, and security cadres whose identities and livelihoods were bound to the Bolivarian state — the morning after carried the weight of existential rupture. Their grief and fury reopened older wounds: the trauma of the 1989 Caracazo, the memory of the 2002 coup attempt, and the long narrative of foreign siege. For these communities, January 3 registered as more than the removal of a president. It marked the collapse of a political project that had promised dignity, sovereignty, and protection from precisely the kind of intervention now unfolding.

The opposition moved through a different historical register. Veterans of the pre-Chávez order read the moment as the long-delayed implosion of Bolivarian rule. Younger activists shaped by the crushed protest cycles of 2014 and 2017 sensed the fragile opening of political space. Even here, however, reactions fractured. Business elites calculated opportunity. Grassroots organizers braced for another false dawn. Ordinary Venezuelans, hardened by years of crisis, met the moment with wary pragmatism, having learned that every proclaimed “transition” carries its own forms of violence, dispossession, and disappointment.

By January 5, the vacuum had consolidated around Acting President Delcy Rodríguez, Maduro’s longtime vice president and oil minister. Within hours of the capture, Venezuela’s Supreme Court — long aligned with Chavismo — transferred presidential authority to Rodríguez under Article 233 of the constitution, citing Maduro’s “forced absence” due to foreign aggression. Defense Minister Vladimir Padrino López and the high command quickly endorsed the move, while figures such as Diosdado Cabello, the powerful vice president of the ruling party and longtime Chavista enforcer, rallied the party base around continuity of the Bolivarian project. In her first address, Rodríguez denounced the U.S. operation as a “barbaric kidnapping,” affirmed Maduro’s legitimacy, and called for resistance and national unity against imperialism.

Within days, the posture shifted. Trump’s public vow that the United States would “run” Venezuela “very judiciously,” coupled with explicit threats that Rodríguez would “pay a very big price — probably bigger than Maduro” without cooperation, reshaped the terrain. Rodríguez formed dialogue commissions, invoked “peaceful coexistence,” and signaled conditional engagement with Washington. At the same time, Secretary of State Marco Rubio clarified that U.S. leverage would operate through offshore military pressure — including roughly 15,000 troops positioned in the Caribbean — and the looming prospect of further strikes, rather than through direct administration. Rodríguez now advances along a narrow corridor: accommodating U.S. demands over oil access and infrastructure while restraining hardline loyalists who interpret any concession as betrayal.

This interim Chavista arrangement collided head-on with the opposition’s narrative. María Corina Machado, the Nobel Peace Prize–winning leader of the anti-Maduro coalition, immediately called for Edmundo González Urrutia — widely regarded by the opposition as the legitimate winner of the contested July 2024 election — to assume the presidency and command of the armed forces. Opposition figures urged military defection and framed the moment as the long-awaited end of Bolivarian rule. Trump, however, dismissed Machado’s political leverage and chose instead to engage Rodríguez as a more manageable interlocutor, drawn by her ties to the oil sector and the promise of rapid stabilization without dismantling entrenched Chavista power networks.

What emerged was neither collapse nor renewal, but recalibration. Elite structures persisted under new constraints. U.S. prerogative set the outer boundaries of acceptable outcomes. Popular sovereignty remained visible yet increasingly conditional — contingent on external approval and on the willingness of domestic power elites (the military command, party leadership, courts, and economic interests) to comply with U.S. demands over oil access, security cooperation, political alignment, and the terms of Venezuela’s post-intervention order.

This recalibration exposes the mechanics of power under intervention. Political life reorganizes around an external center of gravity. Competing forces adjust their positions in relation to it. The range of possible choices contracts.

In this environment, the post–January 3 “transition” moves out of Venezuelan hands and into negotiations between domestic elites and external authority. Popular forces are left to absorb the consequences rather than shape the terms. Sovereignty remains, but only within new limits. Governance and legitimacy drift away from ballots and mass movements toward leverage, access, and compliance.

VI. Power Recalibrated: January 5 and the World Beyond

By January 5, 2026 — with Maduro and Cilia Flores escorted under guard to Manhattan federal court — the global response had settled into a familiar tableau: outrage from adversaries, hedged pragmatism from allies, and quiet accommodation to U.S. primacy. That accommodation hardened as Trump vowed to “run” Venezuela, coupled with open threats toward Colombia and Mexico and growing speculation about Cuba’s impending collapse.

Adversaries moved quickly from denunciation to strategic recalibration. North Korea responded by accelerating missile launches and military drills, presenting them as preparation for “actual war” in a deteriorating “geopolitical crisis” — a blunt signal that the fate of a non-nuclear regime like Maduro’s only reinforces the centrality of deterrence. China condemned the operation as “hegemonic” and in violation of international law, demanding Maduro’s immediate release and warning of regional instability. Russia’s Foreign Ministry labeled the raid an “act of armed aggression” and an “unacceptable assault on sovereignty,” pressing for an emergency UN Security Council session — convened on January 5 but rendered inert by U.S. veto power. Cuba’s President Miguel Díaz-Canel denounced the operation as “state terrorism,” warning that the loss of Venezuelan oil subsidies placed his country’s economy in acute danger — a vulnerability Trump openly mocked, remarking that “Cuba looks ready to fall” without them.

Trump’s rhetoric extended the message well beyond Venezuela. He floated the prospect of “Operation Colombia” against President Gustavo Petro, accused Mexico of failing to control drugs and migration, and revived talk of acquiring Greenland for Arctic security. These pronouncements deepened the sense of conditional sovereignty across the hemisphere, compelling neighboring states into defensive postures: Colombia deployed forces along its border, while Mexico and Brazil issued sharp rebukes.

Regional reactions manifested along ideological lines. Left-leaning governments responded with alarm: Brazil’s Lula da Silva called the intervention a “very serious affront” and a “dangerous precedent,” invoking the darkest history of foreign interference; Mexico’s Claudia Sheinbaum declared it an “unacceptable line” had been crossed; Chile’s Gabriel Boric urged dialogue over force. Joint statements from Colombia, Spain, and Uruguay reinforced opposition to unilateral action.

By contrast, Trump’s allies celebrated. Argentina’s Javier Milei hailed the operation as a “victory for freedom,” El Salvador’s Nayib Bukele signaled approval online, and Ecuador’s Daniel Noboa framed it as a decisive blow against “narco-Chavista” structures.

European governments maintained their characteristic ambivalence. France’s Emmanuel Macron suggested Venezuelans might “only rejoice” at Maduro’s removal while criticizing the method as violating principles of non-use of force. Germany’s Friedrich Merz described the legal terrain as “complex.” Spain’s Pedro Sánchez rejected both Maduro’s rule and any intervention that breached international law. Meanwhile, the UN Security Council deadlock laid bare the paralysis of global institutions whenever U.S. strategic priorities collide with the Charter’s constraints.

The resulting pattern was unmistakable: disbelief and outrage where faith in post–Cold War norms still lingers; strategic hedging where U.S. power has long shaped outcomes. For non-nuclear states living under the Monroe Doctrine’s shadow, the recalibration is stark — alignment, vulnerability, or defiance under threat of extension. Nuclear powers such as Russia and China respond by hardening deterrence doctrine. Across the hemisphere, the message is absorbed: sovereignty remains provisional, now enforced through precision force and amplified by presidential spectacle.

VII. After the Illusion

The deeper legacy of January 3 lies in the lesson already absorbed worldwide. Nuclear-armed states now see deterrence as existential. Non-nuclear states confront a harsher calculus of alignment or vulnerability. And those living under the Monroe Doctrine’s shadow — in Latin America, and in places like Palestine where sovereignty has long been treated as provisional — recognize in the January 3 operation the same enduring pattern of U.S. power they have confronted for decades.

The operation also imposed a form of political humiliation whose impact reaches far beyond Venezuela. As with the televised capture of Saddam Hussein, the spectacle addressed an entire region as much as an individual regime.

That spectacle reached its zenith hours after the extraction, when President Trump personally posted a photograph on Truth Social showing Nicolás Maduro — dressed in a gray Nike Tech sweatshirt and sweatpants, blindfolded with what appeared to be blackout goggles or a dark band over his eyes, handcuffed, and clutching a plastic water bottle — aboard the USS Iwo Jima in the Caribbean. The caption read simply: “Nicolas Maduro on board the USS Iwo Jima.” Shared minutes before Trump’s Mar-a-Lago address announcing that the U.S. would “run” Venezuela pending a “safe, proper and judicious transition,” the image spread instantly across global networks. Its visual language unmistakably echoed the degrading photographs of Saddam Hussein’s 2003 capture and Manuel Noriega’s 1989 surrender. Even many opponents of Maduro recoiled at the optics: a sitting head of state extracted in his sleep, stripped of agency, and displayed like a trophy before due process.

The staging deepened the psychological wound. For Chavistas and many ordinary Venezuelans, the image condensed decades of perceived siege — the 2002 coup attempt, economic warfare, sanctions — into a single, visceral symbol of subjugation. Protests erupted in Caracas, U.S. flags burned, and chants demanding Maduro’s release filled the streets. Loyalists gathered outside Miraflores Palace, their grief laced with fury at the public stripping of national dignity. In the opposition and the diaspora — especially in South Florida’s “Doralzuela” — celebrations mixed with unease: relief at the fall of authoritarian rule tempered by the recognition that sovereignty had been conditional all along, now rendered in viral form.

The photograph functioned as theater of power — low on visible violence, high on symbolic domination. The blindfold and restraints, unnecessary after capture, maximized humiliation. As with Saddam’s emergence from the spider hole or Gaddafi’s bloodied final moments, the image spoke not only to Maduro but to every leader in the region tempted to challenge U.S. prerogative. The message was unmistakable: resistance invites not only removal but public diminishment. Even those who welcomed the fall could not escape the corrosive broadcast — that sovereignty in the Americas remains, in practice, a revocable grant.

Alongside the strategic lesson came an emotional one. For many across the region, the image carried a weight of collective shame — not necessarily because they supported the fallen leader, but because it struck at something shared: dignity, historical standing, how one’s people are seen and situated in the world. The same reaction was widely documented in the Arab world after Saddam’s capture: even fierce opponents of his rule described a sense of exposure, of being diminished before the world. Alongside fear and the strategic recalculations of governments and political elites — over alliances, deterrence, policy direction, and survival itself — the politics of humiliation operate through the quieter, more corrosive injury of wounded collective identity.

The pattern has not been broken; it has evolved. What once required coups or invasions can now be achieved through precision strikes and criminal indictments. Empire no longer needs moral disguise.

The operational anatomy of January 3, 2026 — codenamed Operation Absolute Resolve — exemplifies this refined imperial template. Months of CIA and Joint Special Operations Command preparation produced a granular portrait of Maduro’s existence: his movements, meals, clothing, and even pets. A covert CIA team had operated inside Caracas since at least August 2025, aided by a human source close to the president. U.S. forces rehearsed the extraction on a full-scale replica of Maduro’s compound — a “very highly guarded fortress,” officials said — echoing the Abbottabad mock-ups used before the bin Laden raid.

When the moment came, more than 150 aircraft launched from twenty bases. Strikes neutralized Venezuelan air defenses and blacked out parts of Caracas. Delta Force operators breached the compound, engaged in brief firefights, and extracted Maduro and Cilia Flores within minutes. By 3:29 a.m. Eastern time, they were aboard the USS Iwo Jima. Zero American deaths. Limited collateral. Maximum message.

This clinical minimalism lowers the domestic political cost of intervention while amplifying global spectacle. Empire now delivers precision violence that appears restrained even as it broadcasts conditional sovereignty to the hemisphere.

Inside the United States, the operation ignited familiar polarization. Republicans celebrated law-and-order triumph; Democrats condemned unconstitutional adventurism. South Florida’s Venezuelan diaspora filled the streets with flags and chants. Anti-war protests surged across major cities. Yet across that divide ran the same selective astonishment — the belief that U.S. power can still be exceptional when convenient, rather than the durable doctrine of hemispheric dominance it has always been.

We are entering a world in which the pretense of universal surprise at U.S. intervention is wearing thin, even as selective shock endures. The question is no longer whether the pattern will continue, but how long the rest of the globe can afford to accept it.

Rima Najjar is a Palestinian whose father’s side of the family comes from the forcibly depopulated village of Lifta on the western outskirts of Jerusalem and whose mother’s side of the family is from Ijzim, south of Haifa.

6 January 2026

Source: countercurrents.org

America the Rogue State

By Chris Hedges

The evisceration of the rule of law at home and abroad solidifies America as a rogue state.

The ruling class of the United States, severed from a fact-based universe and blinded by idiocy, greed and hubris, has immolated the internal mechanisms that prevent dictatorship, and the external mechanisms designed to protect against a lawless world of colonialism and gunboat diplomacy.

Our democratic institutions are moribund. They are unable or unwilling to restrain our ruling gangster class. The lobby-infested Congress is a useless appendage. It surrendered its Constitutional authority, including the right to declare war and pass legislation, long ago. It sent a paltry 38 bills to Donald Trump’s desk to be signed into law last year. Most were “disapproval” resolutions rolling back regulations enacted during the Biden administration. Trump governs by imperial decree through Executive Orders. The media, owned by corporations and oligarchs, from Jeff Bezos to Larry Ellison, is an echo chamber for the crimes of state, including the ongoing genocide of Palestinians, attacks on Iran, Yemen and Venezuela, and the pillage by the billionaire class. Our money-saturated elections are a burlesque. The diplomatic corps, tasked with negotiating treaties and agreements, preventing war and building alliances, has been dismantled. The courts, despite some rulings by courageous judges, including blocking National Guard deployments to Los Angeles, Portland and Chicago, are lackeys to corporate power and overseen by a Department of Justice whose primary function is silencing Trump’s political enemies.

The corporate-indentured Democratic Party, our purported opposition, blocks the only mechanism that can save us — popular mass movements and strikes — knowing its corrupt and despised party leadership will be swept aside. Democratic Party leaders treat New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani — a flicker of light in the darkness — as if he has leprosy. Better to let the whole ship go down than surrender their status and privilege.

Dictatorships are one-dimensional. They reduce politics to its simplest form: Do what I say or I will destroy you.

Nuance, complexity, compromise, and of course empathy and understanding, are beyond the tiny emotional bandwidth of gangsters, including the Gangster-in-Chief.

Dictatorships are a thug’s paradise. Gangsters, whether on Wall Street, Silicon Valley or in the White House, cannibalize their own country and pillage the natural resources of other countries.

Dictatorships invert the social order. Honesty, hard work, compassion, solidarity, self-sacrifice are negative qualities. Those who embody these qualities are marginalized and persecuted. The heartless, corrupt, mendacious, cruel and mediocre thrive.

Dictatorships empower goons to keep their victims — at home and abroad — immobilized. Goons from the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE). Goons from Delta Force, Navy Seals and Black Ops CIA teams, which as any Iraqi or Afghan can tell you are the most lethal death squads on the planet. Goons from the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) — seen escorting a hand-cuffed President Nicolás Maduro in New York — the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and police departments.

Can anyone seriously make the argument that the U.S. is a democracy? Are there any democratic institutions that function? Is there any check on state power? Is there any mechanism that can enforce the rule of law at home, where legal residents are snatched by masked thugs from our streets, where a phantom “radical left” is an excuse to criminalize dissent, where the highest court in the land bestows king-like power and immunity on Trump? Can anyone pretend that with the demolition of environmental agencies and laws — which should help us confront the looming ecocide, the gravest threat to human existence — there is any concern for the common good? Can anyone make the argument that the U.S. is the defender of human rights, democracy, a rule based order and the “virtues” of Western civilization?

Our reigning gangsters will accelerate the decline. They will steal as much as they can, as fast as they can, on the way down. The Trump family has pocketed more than $1.8 billion in cash and gifts since the 2024 re-election. They do so as they mock the rule of law and tighten their vice-like grip. The walls are closing in. Free speech is abolished on college campuses and the airwaves. Those who decry the genocide lose their jobs or are deported. Journalists are slandered and censored. ICE, powered by Palantir — with a budget of $170 billion over four years — is laying the foundations for a police state. It has expanded the number of its agents by 120 percent. It is building a nationwide complex of detention centers. Not solely for the undocumented. But for us. Those outside the gates of the empire will fare no better with a $1 trillion budget for the war machine.

And this brings me to Venezuela where a head of state and his wife, Cilia Flores, were kidnapped and spirited to New York in open violation of international law and the U.N. Charter.

We have not declared war on Venezuela, but then there was no declared war when we bombed Iran and Yemen. Congress did not approve the kidnapping and bombing of military facilities in Caracas because Congress was not informed.

The Trump administration dressed up the crime — which took the lives of 80 people — as a drug raid and, most bizarrely, as a violation of U.S. firearms statutes: “possession of machine guns and destructive devices; and conspiracy to possess machine guns and destructive devices.”

These charges are as absurd as attempting to legitimize the genocide in Gaza as Israel’s “right to defend itself.”

If this was about drugs, former Honduran president Juan Orlando Hernández would not have been pardoned by Trump last month, after he was sentenced to 45 years in prison for conspiring to distribute over 400 tons of cocaine in the U.S., a conviction that was justified with far greater evidence than that which supports the charges levied against Maduro.

But drugs are the pretext.

Flush with success, there is already talk by Trump and his officials about Iran, Cuba, Greenland and perhaps Colombia, Mexico and Canada.

Absolute power at home and absolute power abroad expands. It feeds off of each lawless act. It snowballs into totalitarianism and disastrous military adventurism. By the time people realize what has happened, it is too late.

Who will rule Venezuela? Who will rule Gaza? Does it matter?

If nations and people do not bow before the great Moloch in Washington, they are bombed. This is not about establishing legitimate rule. It is not about fair elections. It is about using the threat of death and destruction to procure total subservience.

Trump made this clear when he warned interim Venezuelan President Delcy Rodríguez that “if she doesn’t do what’s right, she is going to pay a very big price, probably bigger than Maduro.”

Maduro’s kidnapping was not carried out because of drug trafficking or possession of machine guns. This is about oil. It is, as Trump said, so the U.S. can “run” Venezuela.

“We’re going to have our very large United States oil companies, the biggest anywhere in the world, go in, spend billions of dollars, fix the badly broken infrastructure, the oil infrastructure, and start making money for the country,” Trump said during a press conference Saturday.

Iraqis, a million of whom were killed during the U.S. war and occupation, know what comes next. The infrastructure, modern and efficient under Saddam Hussein — I reported from Iraq under Hussein so can attest to this truth — was destroyed. The Iraqi puppets installed by the U.S. had no interest in governance and reportedly stole some $150 billion in oil revenues.

The U.S., in the end, was booted out of Iraq, although controls Iraqi oil revenues which are funnelled to the Federal Reserve Bank of New York. The government in Baghdad is allied with Iran. Its military includes Iran-backed militias in Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces. Iraq’s largest trading partners are China, the UAE, India and Turkey.

The debacles in Afghanistan and Iraq, which cost the American public anywhere from $4 to $6 trillion, were the most expensive in U.S. history. None of the architects of these fiascos have been held to account.

Countries singled out for “regime change” implode, as in Haiti, where the U.S., Canada and France overthrew Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 1991 and 2004. The overthrow ushered in societal and government collapse, gang warfare and exacerbated poverty. The same happened in Honduras when a 2009 U.S-backed coup removed Manuel Zelaya. The recently pardoned Hernández became president in 2014 and transformed Honduras into a narco-state, as did U.S. puppet Hamid Karzai in Afghanistan, who oversaw the production of 90 percent of the world’s heroin. And then there is Libya, another country with vast oil reserves. When Muammar Gaddafi was overthrown by NATO during the Obama administration in 2011, Libya splintered into enclaves led by rival warlords and militias.

The list of disastrous attempts by the U.S. at “regime change” is exhaustive, including in Kosovo, Syria, Ukraine and Yemen. All are examples of the folly of imperial overreach. All predict where we are headed.

The U.S. has targeted Venezuela since the 1998 election of Hugo Chavez. It was behind a failed coup in 2002. It imposed punishing sanctions over two decades. It tried to anoint opposition politician Juan Guaidó, as “interim president” although he was never elected to the presidency. When this did not work, Guaidó was dumped as callously as Trump abandoned opposition figure and Nobel Peace Prize laureate María Corina Machado. In 2020, we staged a Keystone Cops attempt by ill-trained mercenaries to trigger a popular uprising. None of it worked.

The kidnapping of Maduro begins another debacle. Trump and his minions are no more competent, and probably less so than officials from previous administrations, who tried to bend the world to their will.

Our decaying empire stumbles forward like a wounded beast, unable to learn from its disasters, crippled by arrogance and incompetence, torching the rule of law and fantasizing that indiscriminate industrial violence will regain a lost hegemony. Able to project devastating military force, its initial success leads inevitably to self-defeating and costly quagmires.

The tragedy is not that the American empire is dying, it is that it is taking down so many innocents with it.

Chris Hedges, who graduated from seminary at Harvard Divinity School, worked for nearly two decades as a foreign correspondent for The New York Times, National Public Radio and other news organizations in Latin America, the Middle East and the Balkans.

6 January 2026

Source: countercurrents.org