Egypt at the Rubicon
By Ranjan Solomon*
Egypt has refused to stop stunning the world for multiple reasons from the beginning of history. Ancient Egypt was a Northeastern Africa civilization, reaching the lower stretches of the River Nile in what is now modern Egypt. Egyptians in early times engaged in vocations that resulted in the epic pyramids and temples, even a system of mathematics, a practical and valuable system of medicine and agricultural production techniques, the first known ships, glass technology, and new forms of literature. Egyptian antiquities were taken to far flung places in the world. Its grand ruins have stirred the thoughts of travelers and writers for centuries. Sadly, this great nation has now achieved notoriety in recent weeks for the political convulsions that have killed and maimed tens and thousands of people.
In 2011 Egyptians joined other parts of the Arab world in abandoning decades of intimidation from dictatorships that ruled with no deference to popular wishes. With the mass protests in Tahrir Square in 2011 which drove out strongman Hosni Mubarak, Egypt was seen as a progressive place; where young activists were viewed as models for a new kind of twenty-first-century mobilization. A country once thought off as being politically stagnant inaugurated an era of rapid political transformation that captured the attention of the world. Democracy became the password and the people seemed to find a natural instinct to make things work according to their will. The ‘Arab Spring’ that offered hope for a new vision and system of governance has now given way to a summer of discontent.
Mohamed Morsi, a politician from the Muslim Brotherhood became the fifth and first democratically elected President of Egypt. During the 13 months when he held power, he began to assert his independence from western-imposed economic stereo types, even snubbing the IMF labeling their loans as being out of line with ‘Islamic finance’. The boldness indicated a line of thinking that defied the lure of easy finance and intent to depart from earlier economic policies. Morsi instead lauded the proposal for the establishment of a BRICS bank that would “support countries to achieve high growth rates and supplement the role of the IMF, World Bank and similar institutions”. He intended for Egypt to join BRICS once its own economy gets back on track.
Morsi had inherited an economy that relied heavily on USAID and drew instructions from the World Bank and the IMF and was clearly all set to assert Egypt’s distinct place and profile on the face of global economics and politics.
Somewhere the Morsi dream went erroneous. Morsi had to contend with a rotten system in which foreign powers that cared little or nothing for Egypt, propped-up Ehud Mubarak, a dummy of the West, at the expense of supporting and building democratic institutions in the country. But Morsi himself adopted political patterns of decision making that angered people. The vision of democracy collapsed in just over a year when Morsi chose to adopt dictatorial trends sparking off massive protests against his rule. He may have been under the weight of irrational expectations from people who had wanted him to reverse the corrupt practices of the previous era which had preferred the elite and their ‘crony economics’ in record time. To bring visible change in the conditions of the majority of the urban and rural poor within a year was a perverse expectation. Yet, rather than build a consensus and dialogue when protests occurred, Morsi chose a model of ruling by decree
In November 2012, Morsi had decreed greater authorities for him and effectively neutralized a judicial system that had emerged as a key opponent of his by declaring that the courts are barred from challenging his decisions. An Associate Press report points to how “Riding high on U.S. and international praise for mediating a Gaza cease-fire, Mohammed Morsi put himself above oversight and gave protection to the Islamist-led assembly writing a new constitution from a looming threat of dissolution by court order.
It stirred public alarm that his Muslim Brotherhood was confiscating excessive political power for himself as President and neutralizing the newly won democratic rights of the people. One of Morsi’s decrees gave him the power to take “due measures and steps” to deal with any “threat” to the revolution, national unity and safety or anything that obstructs the work of state institutions. Morsi embedded his actions in the dubious arguments that “he had to act to save the country and protect the course of the revolution.” The decrees were dubbed as being dictatorial and with the potential to create more political rifts in a nation already reeling from months of turmoil. Some even argued that Morsi’s steps exceeded the powers once enjoyed by Mubarak. When mass protests erupted and gained momentum, Morsi acted in defiance of the sentiment on the street. The street was packed with pro and anti Morsi supporters.
Two years of political upheaval formed the backdrop to the latest violence. When democracy was inaugurated in 2012 and Mr. Morsi won the presidency in what was considered a free and fair contest. Mubarak supporters seemed hell-bent on not giving him a chance and called for swift results. They initiated a movement to oust the government for its failures. The military gave Morsi an absurd time-bound ultimatum to quell the protest by acting on the demands of the street. Then, they unilaterally seized power in a coup that flouts all norms of democracy and governance by the will of the people. Morsi’s enemies, of course, endorse the coup seeing in it, a chance for their own preferred people to access power.
Western nations with their usual standards of double speak were reluctant to call it for what it is – a plain and brutal coup. The United States remains disinclined to call the Egyptian military’s overthrow of Morsi a coup, even though the interim government has now named generals to 19 of the country’s 25 provincial governor positions. Naming it a coup would mean that $1.3 billion in annual U.S. military aid would have to be cut off. That’s not likely to happen since the money is used to pay U.S. companies that manufacture tanks and planes for Egypt. Besides if the US were to lose control and influence over the Egyptian army, it would be losing yet another sphere of influence in the region where its influence is already on the wane. Obama’s speech calling on the withdrawal of emergency regulations etc appears to be more rhetoric than intended to send a stern warning. A White House statement said the interim government should “respect human rights.” Small wonder that US attempts to serve as mediator have failed to find claimants on both sides! The EU is no better. They have called for “restraint” and described it all as “extremely worrying.” That translates into nothing!
Qatar condemned the coup chiefly because it was funding the Morsi presidency. The Islamic Action Front, the political wing of the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan, encouraged Egyptians to keep protesting to “thwart the conspiracy” of Mubarakites from the former regime. Turkey called for the UN Security Council and the Arab League to act quickly to stop a “massacre” and Iran rightly warned of the risk of civil war. If all is fair in love and war, the winners will collect their awards. They include Saudi Arabia; Israel since they will be the Egyptian army is a safer bet than the Brotherhood). Pentagon,
The Egyptian military has shown zero tolerance for protest choosing instead to brutally suppress those who dare resist their usurping of power. There have been too many deaths and even the most conservative approximations of numbers dead and injured are daunting. Estimates ranging from the low hundreds (the “interim government”) to at least 4,500 (the Muslim Brotherhood), including at least four journalists and the 17-year-old Asmaa, daughter of top Muslim Brotherhood politician Mohamed El Beltagy.
The state of emergency, and harm to the Egyptian economy, particularly tourism, continues rapidly. They must go back to the barracks. They have no mandate and it is more-than-obvious that the coup has neither legitimacy nor wide backing. Broad-based coalitions of people have condemned the coup although the mainstream media manages to obfuscate this fact and, instead, focus on the violence.
As Pepe Escobar the Brazilian investigative journalist in his article ‘Bloodbath That Is Not A Bloodbath’: Why Egypt Is Doomed says: “Egypt’s ‘bloodbath that is not a bloodbath’ has shown that the forces of hardcore suppression and corruption reign supreme, while foreign interests – the House of Saud, Israel and the Pentagon – support the military’s merciless strategy…There’s no other way of saying it; from Washington’s point of view, Arabs can kill each other to Kingdom Come, be it Sunnis against Shiites, jihadists against secularists, peasants against urbanites, and Egyptians against Egyptians. The only thing that matters is the Camp David agreements; and nobody is allowed to antagonize Israel.”
Accusations of killing Christians and destruction of churches have resonated around the world and alarm bells have sounded. Morsi’s supporters point the finger of blame on other factions and, until a full investigation happens, one will never get to the truth. But, a Facebook image of Muslims was heartening- it shows Muslims lined up holding hands to protect Catholic Christians during mass in Egypt. Even more uplifting was the image of a Coptic Pope Tawadros II and the Grand Imam of al-Azhar Mosque who stood side by side to proclaim that Muslims and Christians of Egypt are sisters and brothers and will unite to protect Christian properties and rebuilding churches.
Muslims guarding a church during a mass (catholicglasses.com)
The civil war is on at full blast. For peace and political reconciliation to be achieved, the violence must end. Justice and justice alone can be the foundation of such squaring off between all parties. Mubarak has been freed and is on house arrest. This kind of rank disregard for political propriety is going to swell the crisis. It illustrates contempt for the will of the people who overthrew an utterly corrupt and compliant dictator who has blood of the Egyptian street on his hands. The military is brazenly trying to resurrect what was discarded barely two years ago in a truly popular revolution. Worse, the military is assessing whether it should or not ban the Muslim brotherhood. They have announced their intent to arrest the spiritual leader of the brotherhood. The Egyptian General Amr has even crudely suggested that he is geared up to direct operations that would virtually use six months to liquidate or imprison the entire brotherhood. The latter steps would further split the nation and spell disaster. It could mean that the violence could spiral out of control.
Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood have failed to be a viable alternative to the Mubarak rule, but that is not license for a throwback to dictatorship of any form. Democracy must take root and, as the anti-Morsi protests reveal, it is gaining deep roots. People are unequivocally saying enough of misrule by politicians. They are claiming a say in their self-governance, desire accountability, results, and refuse to be silenced into submission when they see these become inaccessible.
If all else fails, Egyptians will be compelled to bear the consequences of the follies of the leaders and the manipulations of the international community. It would bring pain and more tragedy for the already anguished people of Egypt.
A new Egypt must emerge and that future must materialize in a mediated settlement. The military must go and the emergency must be withdrawn. If Morsi must go, then a democratic process must define the pathway for his exit. External powers- especially the US must be kept at bay even though it would itch to get a toe-hold in. Israel, the EU and other powers must also recognize that their will cannot be imposed from the outside. New and more reliable mediators must step in to restore democracy. Morsi himself will need to relent and withdraw measures which will bring back normalcy and begin to rule by consensus not with narrow and parochial interests in mind, but with an entire Egyptian aspiration under consideration.
*Ranjan Solomon, is Executive Director, Badayl-Alternatives,an international consulting agency whose mission is to support NGOs and Civil Society groups around the world that wish to effect authentic and insightful changes in global society. He works closely on the ‘Question of Palestine’ with Palestine solidarity and justice networks.