In his royal address in conjunction with the King’s birthday on the 6th of June 2009, His Majesty the Yang
di-Pertuan Agong, Tuanku Mizan Zainal Abidin, called upon all Malaysians to make the ‘1Malaysia’
concept central to their lives. On the same occasion, the proponent of the concept, Prime Minister
Dato’Sri Najib Tun Razak, made it explicitly clear that in its quest for national unity, 1Malaysia will be
guided by the Malaysian Constitution. This clarification is important since it defines what the
1Malaysia quest is and what it is not.
1Malaysia acknowledges that there are certain underlying socio-political ideas in the Constitution which
will shape its journey towards a nation that is truly united in diversity. One of them is the idea that the
multi-ethnic Malaysia of today with its principle of common citizenship has evolved from Malay
Sultanates and other indigenous entities, suggesting that our Constitution integrates the past with the
present. Related to this evolution is the attempt to balance the rights and interests of the various
communities. Thus, while Malay is the sole official and national language, the use and study of other
languages is also protected in the Constitution; while Islam is the religion of the Federation, the freedom
to practise other religions is also safeguarded; while the special position of the Malays and other
indigenous peoples is enshrined in the Constitution, it also guarantees the legitimate interests of the
other communities. This equilibrium is a vital dimension in the nation’s philosophy of, and approach to,
national unity. It is reinforced by a third idea. The Constitution recognises the importance of principles,
processes and institutions that transcend ethnic interests in holding the nation together. Civil liberties,
common electoral rolls and multi-ethnic legislatures would be some examples.
IMalaysia’s lineage is not confined to the Malaysian Constitution. The Rukunegara with its commitment to
national unity, among other goals, and the New Economic Policy (NEP) that had pledged to eradicate
poverty irrespective of ethnicity and restructure society in order to reduce the identification of ethnicity
with economic function are part of its heritage. So is Wawasan 2020 which enunciates “a united
Malaysian nation with a sense of common and shared destiny” as the first of its nine central strategic
challenges.
1Malaysia, it is apparent, is the latest in a whole series of ideas and visions which seek to promote unity
among our diverse communities. It is significant that they have emerged at regular intervals in our
history— the Rukunegara and NEP 13 years after the 1957 Constitution; Wawasan 2020 21 years after
the Rukunegara and the NEP; and now
1Malaysia 18 years after Wawasan 2020. They represent renewal and rededication to an ideal which
continues to elude the nation.
One of the reasons why we are nowhere near our goal of a united nation is because there has been no
attempt to inculcate in our people a profound understanding and appreciation of the Constitution or the
Rukunegara or Wawasan 2020. That is why 51 years after Merdeka, a huge segment of the non-Malay
population refuses to acknowledge the Malay root of the nation’s identity even though it is so much a part
of our political and cultural landscape. Likewise, a sizeable section of the Malay population is reluctant to
recognise the legitimacy of the non-Malay yearning for equality inherent in their status as long domiciled
citizens of the land.
Of course, developing a deeper understanding of the nation’s documents of destiny among its citizens is
not a panacea. There should be constant efforts to bridge the gulf between Constitutional principles and
the goals of the Rukunegara, on the one hand, and the realities that confront the lives of our people, on
the other, especially in relation to national unity. More than that, the government and other actors should
address the causes behind this failure to live up to national goals and principles with courage and
integrity.
Malaysians hope that 1Malaysia will be different; that there will be greater drive and determination to
unite our people at a more concrete and substantive level. Given the current situation, there are perhaps
at least five gaps that 1Malaysia could focus upon.
One, there is the territorial gap which separates the communities and cultures of Sabah and Sarawak
from the people of Peninsular Malaysia. Integrating their cultures into the mainstream is a necessary but
not a sufficient condition for national unity. Sabahans and Sarawakians have to be accommodated in
mainstream politics and administration at a faster pace.
Two, there is an ethnic gap between significant sections of the Malay and non-Malay communities on the
Peninsula which, as we have seen, expresses itself in conflicting perceptions of the nation’s identity, the
rights of the different communities, how they are rewarded, and so on. A needs based approach— rather
than the present emphasis upon ethnicity— in areas related to socio-economic justice may help to
narrow this ethnic gap.
Three, there is a growing religious gap that has increased the social distance between segments of the
Muslim and non-Muslim communities especially on the Peninsula. The issues that have caused this
polarization will have to be tackled effectively within the framework of a more progressive
understanding of religion in the contemporary world.
Four, there is an income and wealth gap which has heightened the differences between those who ‘havea-
lot’ and those who ‘have-a-little’ in our society. Apart from the inherent injustice of widening disparities
in any society, the alienation and relative deprivation of the latter has contributed in no small measure to
increased crime and other social malaise.
Five, there is a generational gap of sorts that appears to distinguish those above fifty from those in their
twenties and thirties when it comes to crucial issues such as the need for compromise and consensus
among the different communities and the importance of stability and change in Malaysian politics. These
attitudinal differences may lead to the erosion of core elements in current inter-ethnic arrangements
with all their dire consequences for the nation.
Though the federal government will have a major role to play in reducing these gaps, all sectors and
strata of Malaysian society will also have to commit themselves wholeheartedly to this monumental
challenge of transforming the idea of 1Malaysia into reality. Are we ready for this challenge?
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Dr. Chandra Muzaffar is Professor of Global Studies at Universiti Sains Malaysia and President of
the International Movement for a Just World (JUST).
11 June 2009.