By Human Rights Watch
- Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 2024 electoral campaign frequently used hate speech against Muslims and other minorities, inciting discrimination, hostility, and violence.
- Inflammatory speeches, amid a decade of attacks and discrimination against minorities under the Modi administration, have normalized abuses against Muslims, Christians, and others.
- The new Modi government needs to reverse its discriminatory policies, act on violence against minorities, and ensure justice for those affected.
(New York) – Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 2024 electoral campaign frequently used hate speech against Muslims and other minorities, Human Rights Watch said today. The leadership of Modi’s Hindu majoritarian Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) repeatedly made statements inciting discrimination, hostility, and violence against marginalized groups during his campaign to win his third consecutive term of office, which began on June 9.
Several BJP state governments have demolished Muslims’ homes, businesses, and places of worship without due process and carried out other unlawful practices, which have continued since the election. These demolitions are often carried out as apparent collective punishment against the Muslim community for communal clashes or dissent, and BJP officials have dubbed them “bulldozer justice.” Violence against religious minorities has also continued, with at least 28 reported attacks across the country, resulting in the deaths of 12 Muslim men and a Christian woman.
“Indian Prime Minister Modi and BJP leaders made blatantly false claims in their campaign speeches against Muslims and other minority groups,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “These inflammatory speeches, amid a decade of attacks and discrimination against minorities under the Modi administration, have further normalized abuses against Muslims, Christians, and others.”
Human Rights Watch analyzed all 173 campaign speeches by Modi after the election code of conduct took effect on March 16. The code forbids appealing to “communal feelings for securing votes.” In at least 110 speeches, Modi made Islamophobic remarks apparently intended to undermine the political opposition, which he said only promoted Muslim rights, and to foster fear among the majority Hindu community through disinformation.
Modi has rejected allegations of anti-Muslim bias, pointing to India’s democratic, secular, and diversity standards. In interviews with journalists, he said of his party and its affiliated groups: “We are not against Muslims. That is not our domain.” When asked about anti-Muslim speeches during the campaign, he responded: “The day I start talking about Hindu-Muslim [in politics], I will be unfit for public life. I will not do Hindu-Muslim. That is my resolve.”
However, during the campaign, Modi regularly raised fears among Hindus through false claims that their faith, their places of worship, their wealth, their land, and the safety of girls and women in their community would be under threat from Muslims if the opposition parties came to power.
He repeatedly described Muslims as “infiltrators” and claimed Muslims had “more children” than other communities, raising the specter that Hindus—about 80 percent of the population—will become a minority in India.
In a speech on May 14 in Koderma, Jharkhand, Modi said that “the idols of our gods are being destroyed” and that “these infiltrators [Muslims] have threatened the security of our sisters and daughters.”
In a May 17 speech in Barabanki, Uttar Pradesh, he made false claims that the political opposition would harm the newly opened Ram Temple, controversially built atop a razed historical mosque at Ayodhya. He said that if the opposition alliance came to power, “they will again send Ram Lalla [the Hindu deity Lord Ram] to the tent and they will run a bulldozer over the temple.”
On May 7, in a speech in Dhar, Madhya Pradesh, he falsely said that the opposition Congress Party “intends to give priority to Muslims even in sports. So, Congress will decide who will make the Indian cricket team on the basis of religion.”
Since Modi’s BJP government first took office in 2014, its discriminatory policies and anti-Muslim speeches by BJP leaders have incited Hindu nationalist violence. The authorities have failed to take adequate action against those responsible, fostering a culture of impunity that has fueled further abuses. At the same time, the authorities have often acted against victims of the violence and sought to persecute critics of the government through politically motivated prosecutions.
India is a party to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which prohibits “advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence.” Government officials and others who effectively wield governmental authority have a duty not to engage in speech advocating discrimination, hostility, or violence toward any individual or social group, Human Rights Watch said. Those in a position of governmental authority should speak out to dissuade others from engaging in discriminatory conduct.
The Modi government’s actions have violated India’s obligations under international human rights law that prohibit discrimination based on race, ethnicity, or religion and require the government to ensure equal protection of the law to everyone. The government is also obligated to protect religious and other minority populations and to fully and fairly prosecute those responsible for discrimination and violence against them, Human Rights Watch said.
“The Indian government’s claims of plurality and being the ‘mother of democracy’ ring hollow in the face of its abusive anti-minority actions,” Pearson said. “The new Modi government needs to reverse its discriminatory policies, act on violence against minorities, and ensure justice for those affected.”
BJP Hate Speech and the Election Commission’s Failure to Address It
Prime Minister Modi repeatedly claimed the opposition political parties intended to “wipe out Hindu faith from the country.” In a May 2 speech in Junagadh, Gujarat, he said:
Congress [Party] is not contesting these elections for democracy, but it’s fighting these elections against Lord Ram. … I want to ask you, if Lord Ram loses, who wins? … It was similar thinking that led the Mughals to destroy the Ram temple 500 years ago and that led them to raze our Somnath temple.
He said in a campaign speech on May 10, in Mahbubnagar, Telangana: “Congress wants to make Hindus second-class citizens in their own country. Is this why they are calling for vote jihad?”
Modi falsely claimed that the opposition parties planned to take away benefits guaranteed by the constitution to historically marginalized communities such as Dalits, Adivasis, and other groups, and give them instead to Muslims. He also asserted without basis that if the Congress Party came to power, it would take away the wealth and assets of other communities and redistribute them among Muslims. In a May 7 speech in Dhar, Madhya Pradesh, he said, “If Congress has its way, it would say that the first right to live in India belongs to its vote bank [Muslims]. … Congress will give quota even in government contracts on the basis of religion.”
Modi often implied that Muslims endangered the safety of girls and women in the country and claimed that the interests of Congress and opposition parties were aligned with Pakistan and “terrorists.”
On May 5, in Dhaurahra, Uttar Pradesh, Modi said the opposition parties constrained the country’s investigative agencies and did not allow them to take action against terrorism: “After all, who are they doing it all for? There’s only one answer: for their vote bank [Muslims] to appease them.” On May 14, in Koderma, Jharkhand, a state governed by an opposition party, he said:
It has become difficult to follow our faith in Jharkhand today. The idols of our gods are being destroyed. Infiltrators with a jihadi mindset are ganging up and attacking, but the Jharkhand government is looking away and is supporting them from afar. These infiltrators have threatened the security of our sisters and daughters.
On May 28, in Dumka, Jharkhand, he stated:
In many areas today, the Adivasi [Indigenous] population is rapidly declining while the number of infiltrators is increasing. Are the infiltrators not occupying Adivasi lands? Have our Adivasi daughters not been targeted by infiltrators? Our daughters’ safety is threatened, is it not? Their lives are in danger, they are being murdered, an Adivasi daughter is burned alive, another Adivasi daughter’s voice is taken away. Who are these people targeting Adivasi daughters?
Several other BJP leaders, including Home Minister Amit Shah, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Adityanath, Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, and the former minister for information and broadcasting, Anurag Thakur, made speeches pitting Hindus against Muslims, fueling hatred and insecurity among the Hindu population.
The BJP also published animated videos vilifying Muslims and spreading disinformation during the campaign. On April 30, the BJP’s official account on Instagram posted a video that reportedly received 1.6 million views before it was taken down. The video claimed that the Congress Party was empowering people from the community that infiltrated India and robbed it of its riches: “Congress Party’s manifesto is nothing but the [Pakistani] Muslim League’s ideology in disguise. If you are a non-Muslim, Congress will snatch your wealth and distribute it to Muslims. Narendra Modi knows of this evil plan. Only he has the strength to stop it.”
On May 4, the BJP’s official account in Karnataka state posted another anti-Muslim animated video that was also taken down after many users complained that it violated the platform’s hate speech policy. After receiving numerous complaints about the video, on May 7, the Election Commission finally wrote to X, formerly Twitter, where the video was also posted, asking them to take the video down.
After Modi’s speech on April 21 in Banswara, Rajasthan, thousands of voters wrote to the Election Commission and asked it to censure the prime minister for violating the code of conduct by “instigating and aggravating hatred in the Hindus against Muslims.” Ordinary voters and several opposition politicians also submitted written complaints about speeches that Modi and other top BJP leaders had made.
However, the Election Commission failed to take adequate action to respond to these violations, Human Rights Watch said. Despite finding that Modi and others had violated the guidelines, the commission only wrote to the office of the BJP president, without naming the prime minister, and asked that the BJP and its “star campaigners” refrain from making speeches along religious or communal lines. These directions did not deter Modi, who continued to make speeches inciting hate throughout the campaign period.
The Election Commission defended allegations of bias, saying: “We deliberately decided—this is such a huge nation—that the top two people in both the parties [BJP and Congress] we did not touch. Both party presidents we touched equally.” The Election Commission also sent nearly identical letters to the office of the Congress Party president.
Government Authorities Targeting Muslims Since the Elections
Uttar Pradesh BJP Chief Minister Adityanath, in a campaign speech on May 30 in Himachal Pradesh, made false claims that the opposition Congress party, inspired by the 17th century Mughal emperor Aurangzeb, wanted to impose Sharia, or Islamic law, in the country, and warned that those who follow Aurangzeb’s path will be “buried by bulldozers.”
On June 15, Madhya Pradesh authorities demolished without due process 11 Muslim houses in the Adivasi-dominated Mandla district, saying they had found beef in their refrigerators, as well as animal hides and skeletal remains of cattle. While the authorities justified the demolitions saying the houses had been illegally built on government land, news reports indicated that 16 other houses in the same neighborhood, which authorities acknowledged were also illegal but where no rumored beef was recovered, remained standing. “We demolished the homes where beef was found and left the others alone for now. … We were taking action against cattle smugglers,” a police official told the Indian Express.
On June 25, protests erupted in Mangolpuri in northwest Delhi after authorities demolished portions of a mosque, claiming it was illegal. The demolition came just five days after authorities razed another historic mosque, Jannatul Firdaus, in Delhi’s Bawana area. The mosque’s caretakers alleged that the authorities demolished it without any prior notice or warning.
In July, BJP governments in Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand states issued directives requiring all food sellers along the route of an annual Hindu pilgrimage to display the names and identities of their owners and employees. The state governments claimed it was to ensure the devotees could make an “informed choice” regarding the food they eat during the pilgrimage keeping in mind their “religious sentiments.”
However, on July 22, the Supreme Court ordered an interim stay on the decision, saying that while it is permissible for authorities to ensure that the pilgrims are served “vegetarian food conforming to their preferences,” compelling owners to display “names and address, also of their staff, can hardly achieve [the] intended objective.” The court added that if the directive is permitted to be enforced, “it will infringe upon the secular character of the Republic of India.”
Recent Attacks Against Religious and Other Minorities
Attacks by Hindu mobs and others against Muslims and other religious minorities have continued since the election campaign period.
On June 7, attackers killed three Muslim men—Saddam Qureshi, 23; Chand Miya Khan, 23; and Guddu Khan, 35—who were transporting cattle in Raipur district, Chhattisgarh state. Family members allege that Hindu vigilantes claiming to be a “cow protection” group killed the men and then threw them off a bridge. Police charges stated that men in three cars chased the Muslim men’s truck for 33 miles and hurled spikes and stones until they forced the truck to stop at a bridge by damaging one of its tires. The three Muslims, terrified, jumped off the bridge and died.
Local Hindu men in Uttar Pradesh’s Aligarh district on June 18 allegedly beat to death Mohammed Farid, a 35-year-old Muslim man. Police said the Hindu attackers suspected Farid of attempted theft at a Hindu trader’s house. After the police arrested six men for murder, a BJP lawmaker joined local Hindu community members to defend the accused, demanding their release and pressing the police not to take action against others named in the case. Eleven days after the killing, the police filed a case against the deceased, his brother and five others on charges of dacoity (banditry) and sexually assaulting a woman.
On June 22, a local Hindu mob in Chikhodra village in Gujarat allegedly beat to death Salman Vohra, 30, while he attended a cricket match. Local activists alleged that the village chief, the son of the local BJP lawmaker, and his cousin were involved in the killing. The activists have requested that the case be transferred to another jurisdiction to prevent political interference.
During the Muslim festival of Eid al-Adha in June, Hindu mobs harassed and attacked Muslims, including on suspicions of slaughtering cattle. On June 15, a mob attacked people inside a madrassa, an Islamic school, in Medak, Telangana, alleging that they had slaughtered animals during the Eid celebrations.
On June 16, members of a “cow protection” group allegedly barged into a Muslim home in Khordha town in Odisha and seized all the family’s meat and their refrigerator, suspecting that they were storing beef. On June 18, in Faridabad, Haryana, vigilantes reportedly attacked a Muslim butcher shop owner and two Hindu men who were there to buy chicken.
On June 19, a Hindu mob in Pakri village in Uttar Pradesh attacked a motor rickshaw driver for carrying meat, saying a particular road could not be used to transport meat. On the same day, a mob attacked a Muslim-owned shop in front of the police in Himachal Pradesh state, after the owner allegedly shared a picture of a buffalo sacrifice on his WhatsApp status.
During this period, Hindu men were implicated in attacks on Christians, Dalits, and Sikhs in several parts of the country.
A Decade of BJP Hindu Nationalist Hate Speech
There has been a surge in anti-Muslim hate speech in India since the Modi administration first took office in 2014.
During the 2014 national election campaign, Modi repeatedly called for the protection of cows, raising the specter of a “pink revolution” by the previous government that he claimed had endangered cows and other cattle to export meat. After coming to power, several BJP leaders made statements that spurred a violent vigilante campaign against beef consumption and those deemed linked to it.
This led to self-appointed “cow protection” groups springing up across the country, many claiming to be affiliated with militant Hindu groups with ties to the BJP. Between May 2015 and December 2018, at least 44 people—36 of them Muslims—were killed across 12 states. Over that same period, about 280 people were injured in more than 100 incidents across 20 states. The attacks have continued, with several more killed since then.
Following widespread peaceful protests across the country against the government’s discriminatory Citizenship Amendment Act in December 2019, some BJP leaders derided the protesters, or more dangerously called them anti-national and pro-Pakistan. Others led a chant to “shoot the traitors,” inciting violence. Government supporters twice showed up at protest sites with guns to use against protesters.
On January 30, 2020, a 17-year-old with a gun first threatened protesters outside Jamia Millia Islamia university in Delhi, and then opened fire in the presence of police, injuring a student. Two days later, a man fired two shots in the air near a protest site at Delhi’s Shaheen Bagh.
Since 2014, the BJP has denounced what it has called “love jihad,” a baseless theory claiming that Muslim men lure Hindu women into marriages to convert them to Islam. This has led several states to pass anti-conversion laws, which are used against Muslim men who marry Hindu women. Hindu nationalist groups have beaten Muslim men in interfaith relationships, harassed them, and filed cases under these laws against them.
Leaders from the BJP and affiliated Hindu nationalist groups have made statements that led to numerous mob attacks on churches in the last decade. In many cases, pastors have been beaten, prevented from holding religious meetings, and accused under anti-conversion laws, and churches have been vandalized.
After hundreds of thousands of farmers of various faiths began protesting against the government’s new farm laws in November 2020, senior BJP leaders, their supporters on social media, and pro-government media began blaming the Sikhs. They accused Sikhs of having a “Khalistani” agenda, a reference to a Sikh separatist insurgency in Punjab in the 1980s and 1990s. On February 8, 2021, Modi spoke in parliament, describing people participating in various peaceful protests as “parasites.”
Punjab’s opposition politicians said that anti-Sikh statements by BJP leaders led to a June 10 attack by two men on a Sikh man, whom they called Khalistani, in Haryana’s Kaithal district. “This is the direct consequence of the politics of hate and polarization of various groups that has come to afflict the country over the past decade,” Punjab’s former deputy chief minister posted on X.
Since 2017, an anti-Rohingya campaign by Hindu nationalist groups who claim that Rohingya Muslim refugees are “terrorists” has incited vigilante-style violence, including arson attacks on the homes of Rohingya in Jammu and Delhi. In 2017, the Indian government called Rohingya refugees a “threat to national security.”
The BJP minister of state for home affairs said: “As far as we are concerned, they are all illegal immigrants. They have no basis to live here. Anybody who is an illegal migrant will be deported.” In 2018, following a fire in a Rohingya settlement in Delhi that burned at least 50 homes, a leader from the BJP youth wing applauded the action on Twitter, saying: “Well done by our heroes … Yes we burnt the houses of Rohingya terrorists.”
Following the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020, Indian authorities contributed to a surge in anti-Muslim hate speech and violence. After authorities announced that they found a large number of coronavirus cases among Muslims who had attended a mass religious congregation in Delhi, some BJP leaders called the meeting a “Talibani crime” and “CoronaTerrorism,” and some mainstream media used the term “CoronaJihad,” with the hashtag going viral on social media.
Soon, social media and WhatsApp groups were flooded by calls for social and economic boycotts of Muslims. There were numerous physical attacks on Muslims, including volunteers distributing relief material, amid falsehoods accusing them of spreading the virus deliberately.
14 August 2025
Source: countercurrents.org
