Just International

Bibi, You Are Not Going to Win this War

By Dr Marwan Asmar

Look Israel, you are not going to win the war so stop acting as if you are going on to win it! The sooner Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu realizes that the better it would be for everyone.

But will he? Netanyahu is on a rollercoaster. Unable to finish off Gaza and Hamas, he turns his army to Lebanon and Hezbollah but he is soon stuck in the ‘mud’ there despite the mass bombing, the destruction and the murder of innocent civilians.

The Israeli army has tried to cross the border into Lebanon at least seven times but has failed. It tried to enter a few hundred yards into southern Lebanon but soon pushed back every time by Hezbollah fighters. The Israeli army is finding out this party is no pushover despite the early pagers and the walkie talkie deathly-traps disasters.

Despite its air superiority and massive bombings that killed much of its top cadres including the dramatic killing of Secretary-General Hassan Nasarallah, Hezbollah fighters soon picked up and regained their strength.

On the ground, the Israeli soldiers were not going to cross into Lebanon and that was a promise kept up by the skirmishes, heavy fighting, engagement and combat. Israeli soldiers were being stopped at the door so to speak, they were being killed and injured as reported by Hezbollah and admitted to by the Israeli army.

In addition to that, Hezbollah has been launching missiles and rockets on northern and central Israel all week, reaching all the way to Haifa and Tel Aviv, Acca, Tiberias, Safad with settlements, military basis, Mossad headquarters, the Galilee and all way to the occupied West Bank.

What this meant is that sirens were going off all the time and people were going in and out of underground shelters because of the extent of the missiles that were mostly coming from southern Lebanon but occasionally from Yemen and from Islamic resistance groups in Iraq and even Syria.

Psychology Strain

So the psychology has been a strain on its people, military and even politicians for on average between 100 and 150 missiles were being launched on the Israeli interior and on a daily basis. The majority of these are falling on these areas all the time and wreaking havoc and nervousness.  Their deflection by the Israeli Iron Dome has  failed badly in this war with Israelis feeling the heat as 23 percent of the population polled are thinking of leaving the country.

Hezbollah is launching the different missiles despite the constant bombing being made by Israeli warplanes on the southern district of Beirut which is considered as the main Hezbollah stronghold. The Israelis are bombing intensely the Lebanese district, almost on the same level that was being practiced on the Gaza Strip, especially in the early months of the period following 7 October.

However, Hezbollah is stronger than Hamas and continuing its battering of the north of Israel – as can be seen – and will be maintained for a long time. Observers are saying Hezbollah seeks to send a clear message to Israel that ‘if you bomb our south district we will continue to strike places like Tel Aviv and Haifa’ which are the major economic and technological hubs and conurbations in Israel.

It is not an east ride for Israel after it killed Nasrallah which was seen as a brief moment of success and jubilation not least most of all from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu who wanted to celebrate this act on the first anniversary of 7 October. But this wasn’t to be for soon, Israel was hit by 200 ballistic missiles launched all the way from Iran and increasing the psychology of fear among the Jewish population.

Israel has already tried to play down that affair by saying these missiles were not effective but they later admitted at least two of their military bases were hit. On the point of conjecture, everyone is expecting Israel to strike Iran and expand the regional war. But the Americans, whose generals and politicians are presently in Israel, they maybe trying to persuade the Israeli government not to because of the deadly consequences and slippery-slope scenarios.

Meanwhile, and feeling the pain again, Israel is going back to pound poor old Gaza in a most intense and obscene way and manner while seeking once again to drive the population of northern Gaza further down south and create a military zone and fill it with Jewish settlements through its so-called ‘Generals’ Plan’.

This was the idea put forward at the start of this war on the enclave last year. It failed then – despite talk of driving the Palestinians into the Sinai Peninsula – and no doubt it will fail now.

This is because after a whole year of destruction, Hamas and its fighters continue to be a force to be reckoned with. They have not been destroyed despite the mass bombs dropped on Gaza but they are regrouping throughout the enclave and dealing painful blows to the Israeli army.

Dr Asmar is a writer from Amman and editor of the crossfirearabia.com website

7 October 2024

Source: countercurrents.org

Reflections on October 7

By Richard Falk

A commentary on October 7 stimulated by an interview with an independent Turkish journalist, Naman Bakac

Q: how do you briefly evaluate the last year regarding the October 7th operation in terms of HAMAS, Palestine and Israel?

Response: For the several months after October 7, Israel’s mastery of public discourse promoted an understanding that allowed Israel to carry out the early phases of its genocidal assault on Gaza with relatively little diplomatic friction in the West but growing discontent among progressive sectors of civil society. Throughout this early period the mainstream media relied on an Israeli optic to promote a one-dimensional misleading appreciation of October 7 as an unprovoked terrorist attack by Hamas terrorists on innocent Israeli civilians accompanied by barbaric atrocities. The atrocity dimension of the Hamas attack was gradually scaled back but without eroding governmental support for Israel in the West led by the US, but with the backing of UK, France, Germany, and most other Western states.

What was missing in this phase of basically unquestioning support for Israel was critical media treatment that did more than blandly report Israel’s version of the facts through endless TV time given over to Israeli government spokespersons, retired military and intelligence officials commenting on the progress of Israel’s supposed retaliatory campaign, and pro-Zionist opinion columnists writing for such established media platforms as the New York Times, Washington Post, The Economist. Except for rather obscure online platforms there was no space given to critics who pointed to the pre-October 7 extremism of the Netanyahu government focused on making the West Bank unlivable by unleashing settler violence and setting its sights expansively on a one-state Greater Israel solution.

The demonization of Hamas went completely unchallenged although it has been persuaded by the US Government to compete in the 2006 Gaza legislative elections in Gaza as a path if taken by Hamas would lead to political normalization, understood to include removal from the terrorist list. Yet neither Washington nor Tel Aviv expected Hamas to prevail in these internationally monitored elections, and when they did, and Hamas later displaced the corrupt Fatah presence in Gaza, Israel went to work reversing the reassurances given to Hamas prior to the elections, refusing to honor the results, imposing a comprehensive blockade on Gaza in 2007, which continues in effect and amounted to a cruel extended  form of collective punishment of the entire Palestinian population of the Gaza strip, 75% of whom were refugees from the 1948 War denied their right of return under international law. Only very recently has there been some attempt to present Hamas in a balanced manner, most notably in a book co-edited by Helena Cobban, Rami Khouri, and David Wildman, entitled Understanding Hamas and Why That Matters (OR Books, 2024).

My own views on Hamas were influenced by meetings ten years ago with Hamas leaders in Doha, Cairo, and Gaza City while I was acting as the UN Special Rapporteur on the Occupied Palestinian Territories.  I was impressed by the intelligence and moderation of these Hamas officials that I remain convinced that they were not putting on ‘a show’ to mislead a minor UN official. In these discussions two elements were stressed—first, the need for a political alternative to the resumption of armed struggle for the sake of both Palestine and Israel, and secondly, a long-term ceasefire coupled with an Israeli withdrawal from the Occupied Palestinian Territories of Gaza, West Bank, and East Jerusalem as a formula for long-term stability. Turkey more than other countries at the time sought covertly to mediate between Hamas and Israel under the leadership of its star diplomat, Ahmet Davutoglu (later Turkey’s Foreign Minister and Prime Minister), with hopes that some accommodation could be agreed upon, bringing stability and hope to the region and a recovery of some limited sense of normalcy to the long oppressed Palestinian people, now to the people of Lebanon, Syria, Yemen, and most of all, Iran. Yet, as events since 2006 have darkly demonstrated, this was not to be. Quite the contrary!

Undoubtedly, the worst distortion in these first months after October 7 was the insistence in the Western liberal democracies that the use of the word ‘genocide’ in connection with Israel’s military operation was defamatory, an instance of ‘hate speech’ that warranted punitive responses such as formal retractions, student dismissals, faculty suspensions, and forced administrative resignations. ‘Playing it safe’ in many corporate and governmental settings meant keeping silent about Israeli atrocities except in private conversations among trusted friends. Western governments accentuated this anti-democratic turn by exerting pressures on educational administrators and government employees.

Not mentioning genocide was to ignore the proverbial elephant in the room. Numerous statements by top Israeli political officials and military commanders made no secret of their genocidal intent. On October 9, Israel’s Minister of Defense, Yoav Gallant, announced ‘a total siege’ of Gaza applicable to food, fuel, and electricity. He explained that when ‘fighting human animals’ it is necessary to treat the adversary accordingly. Prime Minister Netanyahu invoked the bloodiest chapter in the Bible justifying revenge against the Amalekites: “Do not spare them, put to death men and women, children and infants, cattle and sheep, camels and donkeys.” Modern Torah teaching generally interprets this troublesome passage metaphorically or as a message intended to address the evil within Jews, but for the far right, including cabinet members of the Netanyahu coalition, the Amalek passage is taken literally and has long served as justification for killing all and any Palestinians.

When reinforced by tactics exhibiting disregard for Palestinian vulnerabilities, the inference of genocide was unmistakable, so much so that even the juridically cautious ICJ gave a preliminary nod in the direction of acknowledging genocide in their rulings of January 26 in response to the South African initiative seeking resolution of its contention that Israel was violating the Genocide Convention of 1951. Of course, Israel rejected these genocidal allegations by its usual tactic of castigating the motives of critics, insisting as always, that it was confronting worldwide antisemitism as well as Hamas terrorism, which it characterized as ‘genocide’ in a willful effort to reverse perceptions.

After this early period of mind control and public confusion, Israel gradually lost control of the discourse except in the Western elite circles where opinion bent somewhat, but in a manner coupled with irresponsible continuation of support. Israel shifted the focus to the plight of the hostages seized on October 7, and admittedly subjected to a harrowing experience of captivity and Israeli bombardments often ending in their death. Such a humanitarian concern about the fate of the hostage is fully justified although typically diluted by Western silence about the unspeakably abusive detention of

several thousand Palestinians on scant or no charges.

Even the European members of NATO were induced by popular protests in their own countries increasingly to abstain rather than openly side with Israel in UN ceasefire votes, leaving only the US and Israel firmly opposing any pronounced criticisms of Israel even if after the near unanimous Advisory Opinion of the ICJ on July 19 condemned Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories as unlawful for multiple reasons. This ICJ pronouncement was given a strong measure of approval in a resolution adopted by the General Assembly on September 17 by a vote of 124-14, with 43 abstentions. To be expected, the US and Israel were among the 14, while the European countries abstained.

Such a new objectivity was also evident in the gradual rise of civil society opposition to what Israel is doing in Gaza and throughout its region. It is not yet robust enough to penetrate the bipartisan support given to Israel by the US, although the media is slightly more willing to expose the daily cruelty of Israel’s tactics, but still habitually cushioned by Israel’s official accounts that whitewash Israel’s controversial tactics by raising their often unsupported claims of Hamas responsibility by way of their siting of tunnels and human shields. The media rarely invites spokespersons for the Palestinian side or strong civil society critics of Israel to its most prestigious platforms.

Perhaps, the most vivid demonstration of this Phase 2 of the Israeli genocide was the widespread protests on college campuses around the world, having the indirect effect of exposing the widening gap between what the governments of the West support and what a growing proportion of their citizenry believe and favor. Israel’s loss of control over the public discourse is unprecedented and coupled with the increasing weight of authoritative interpretations of international law within the UN framework that underscores both Israel’s unlawful behavior of the past year and its underlying unlawful occupation policies, and lingering presence since 1967, as the Occupying Power of Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem. The US has during the year over and over again given its endorsement to Israel’s strategic moves and occupation policies at the cost of disregarding international law. When coupled with its indignant insistence on international law compliance by Russia in the Ukraine context, the US made clear that it will not hesitate to use international law to attack adversaries while dismissing it when an international ally’s behavior is unlawful. This is clearly a glaring instance of double standards and moral hypocrisy, reducing international to a policy instrument rather than a regulative norm.

In conclusion, the more we learn about October 7, the more suspect becomes the official rationale for Israel’s ferocious response.  An independent international investigation is long overdue. How can the  ‘security lapse’ that let the attack happen acknowledged recently by Israel be reconciled with the warnings Israeli leaders received from Egypt and the US, undoubtedly confirmed by Israel’s surveillance and intelligence capabilities in Gaza. The inevitable skeptical views directed at the Israeli retaliation was given immediate credibility by the scale and intensity of the Israeli response that seemed to offer a pre-planned pretext to escalate pre-October 7 plans to establish Greater Israel from the river to the sea facilitated by the forced expulsion of as many Palestinians as possible.

At present, it seems almost foolish to anticipate that October 7, 2025 will be a time to look back on the despair of 2024 as a grotesque anomaly in human experience, but it is not foolish to pray that it might be so.

Richard Falk is an international law and international relations scholar who taught at Princeton University for forty years.

7 October 2024

Source: countercurrents.org

United States Spending on Israel’s Military Operations and Related U.S. Operations in the Region, October 7, 2023 – September 30, 2024

By Linda J. Bilmes, William D. Hartung and Stephen Semler

U.S. spending on Israel’s military operations and related U.S operations in the region total at least $22.76 billion and counting. This estimate is conservative; while it includes approved security assistance funding since October 7, 2023, supplemental funding for regional operations, and an estimated additional cost of operations, it does not include any other economic costs.

This figure includes the $17.9 billion the U.S. government has approved in security assistance for Israeli military operations in Gaza and elsewhere since October 7 – substantially more than in any other year since the U.S. began granting military aid to Israel in 1959. Yet the report describes how this is only a partial amount of the U.S. financial support provided during this war.

Related U.S. military operations in the broader region since October 7 are part of the fuller picture. In particular, the U.S. Navy has significantly scaled up its defensive and offensive operations against Houthi militants in Yemen, which the Houthis claim is related to Israel’s war in Gaza. Hostilities have escalated to become the most sustained military campaign by U.S. forces since the 2016-2019 air war against ISIS in Iraq and Syria. U.S. operations in the region, including in Yemen, have already cost the U.S. government $4.86 billion (included in the overall figure, above, of $22.76 billion).

This Houthi-related conflict has also cost the maritime trade an additional $2.1 billion, because shippers have been forced to divert vessels or pay exorbitant insurance fees. U.S. consumers may experience paying higher prices for goods as a result.

This report touches on the relationship between U.S. weapons manufacturers and the Israeli government, which have maintained longstanding commercial relations. The U.S. government has cited these commercial ties as one of the reasons why the U.S. should continue to supply foreign militaries, including the Israeli military, with weapons and equipment.

7 October 2024

Source: countercurrents.org

De-Gaza: A Year of Israel’s Genocide and the Collapse of World Order

By Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor

Palestinian Territory – Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor has released a comprehensive report marking one year since Israel launched its genocidal campaign against civilians in the Gaza Strip on 7 October 2023. During this period, Israel has committed grave war crimes, with the explicit complicity of the international community.

Titled De-Gaza: A Year of Israel’s Genocide and the Collapse of World Order, the report details the most prominent crimes committed over the past 12 months, thoroughly documented by Euro-Med field teams. It traces the clear elements of genocide perpetrated by the Israeli army, explores the legal frameworks defining the crime of genocide, and scrutinises both the context and ongoing circumstances. The report also addresses the international judiciary’s response, and, significantly, the global community’s complicit role in allowing the genocide to continue.

The report sheds light on the appalling conditions and systematic atrocities Israel has inflicted upon the occupied Palestinian territory, with a particular focus on the Gaza Strip. These long-standing crimes include the illegal blockade, the deliberate isolation of Gaza from the rest of the Palestinian territory and the world, the systematic deprivation of basic human rights to the Strip’s residents, and the deliberate destruction of essential services.

Since the start of the genocide in Gaza, more than 50,000 Palestinians have been killed by the Israeli army, including around 42,000 recorded by the Gaza Ministry of Health, the majority being women and children. In addition, approximately 100,000 have been injured, with thousands of bodies still lying under the rubble and in the streets, unreachable by rescue and medical teams.

An estimated 10 per cent of Gaza’s population has been killed, injured, reported missing, or detained as a result of Israeli military assaults. Of the 50,292 Palestinians killed—including those still buried under the debris—33 per cent were women, and 21 per cent were children. Thousands more have been forcibly detained, with 3,600 still languishing in various Israeli prisons and detention centres.

Around 3,500 families have suffered multiple losses since October 2023. Of these, 365 families have lost more than ten members, while over 2,750 families have lost at least three.

The report details the systematic acts of genocide committed in Gaza, such as the targeted killing of civilians in homes, shelters, displacement camps, and humanitarian-declared zones. Civilians were also killed by military vehicles and tanks, in field executions, through drone strikes, in crowded markets, and even while waiting for aid at relief trucks.

The report notes the Israeli military’s starvation tactics, the deliberate killing of prisoners and detainees, and the assassination of humanitarian workers, qualified professionals, and Palestinian elites.

The Israeli army employs explicit methods designed to inflict severe physical and psychological trauma on the population. These include launching thousands of systematic military assaults on civilians, dramatically increasing deaths among people of reproductive age, separating families, targeting the healthcare system, and imposing brutal living conditions marked by starvation and malnutrition.

The obstruction of humanitarian aid further exacerbates these atrocities, creating life-threatening situations for thousands.

The root cause of this persecution—the illegal Israeli occupation of Palestinian territory since 1967—has created conditions for the ongoing genocide, as confirmed by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in its advisory opinion of 19 July 2024, on the legal consequences arising from Israeli policies and practices in the occupied Palestinian territory.

Both the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip are internationally recognised as Palestinian territories that were occupied in 1967.

Up until 2005, the Israeli occupation army maintained internal and external control over Gaza by stationing military forces within and outside the Strip, establishing settlements on its land, a situation still seen in the West Bank today.

In 2005, Israel declared a unilateral “disengagement,” evacuating its settlers from Gaza and withdrawing its military forces. However, despite this declaration, Israel continued to exercise control over Gaza, maintaining real authority over critical aspects of governance. The ICJ upheld this position in a recent advisory opinion, reflecting the near-universal international consensus on Israel’s continued occupation.

Even after its military withdrawal, Israel retained control over the essential governing elements of Gaza, including its population registry, borders (land, sea, and air), and the regulation of movement for both people and goods. Israel also continued to collect taxes on imports and exports and maintained control over the buffer zone.

Following the 7 October 2023 attack, Israel declared a state of war, with its President, Prime Minister, and other political and military leaders at the forefront. The declared aim was to eliminate Hamas, secure the release of hostages, and restore security. Thus began Operation Iron Swords, a brutal military offensive that intensified the suffering of Gaza’s civilians.

Euro-Med Monitor concluded with a set of recommendations after a year of genocide in Gaza, emphasising that all states, both individually and collectively, are still obligated to work towards stopping the ongoing genocide by all available means. Preventing and punishing this crime is an international legal obligation incumbent upon all states without exception, and it is an obligation of absolute authority towards all.

Euro-Med Monitor calls for the imposition of a total arms embargo on Israel, the termination of all licences and agreements related to arms imports and exports (including dual-use materials and technology that could be used against Palestinians), and an end to all military and intelligence cooperation.

In addition to imposing travel restrictions and freezing Israeli government assets, Euro-Med Monitor calls for political and economic sanctions on Israel and its accomplice states. These measures are intended to pressure the responsible parties into upholding international law, ensuring non-recurrence of crimes against Palestinians, and compensating the victims of these atrocities.

The organisation further calls for the halting all forms of support to Israel in connection with its genocide and other crimes against Palestinians. This includes withholding investments, cancelling or suspending political, diplomatic, economic, commercial, and academic ties, and curtailing support from the media, legal, and other sectors that might contribute to the continuation of these crimes.

Key measures include ensuring the Israeli occupation army’s full withdrawal from Gaza, dismantling all military installations, barricades, and checkpoints, ending the imposed military and geographical divisions, restoring the Strip’s geographical unity, and guaranteeing the safe and swift return of forcibly displaced individuals to their homes. Furthermore, the recommendations call for the protection of freedom of movement, travel, and access for all citizens of Gaza.

Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor is a Geneva-based independent organization with regional offices across the MENA region and Europe

7 October 2024

Source: countercurrents.org

Israel after October 7: Between decolonisation and disintegration

It is difficult to predict what will happen in Israel, but history may give us a clue.

By Ilan Pappe

A year has passed since October 7, 2023, and it is time to explore if we have a better understanding of this monumental event and everything that followed it.

For historians like me, a year is usually not enough to draw any significant conclusions. However, what happened in the past 12 months falls within a much wider historical context, one that stretches back at least to 1948, and I would argue, even to the early Zionist settlement in Palestine in the late 19th century.

Therefore, what we can do as historians is place the past year within the long-term processes that have unfolded in historical Palestine since 1882. I will explore two of the most important ones.

Colonisation and decolonisation

The first process is colonisation and its opposite – decolonisation. Israeli actions both in the Gaza Strip and the occupied West Bank in the last year gave new credence to the use of these twin terms. They transited from the vocabulary of the activists and academics of the pro-Palestine movement to the work of international tribunals such as the International Court of Justice.

Mainstream academia and media still refuse to define the Zionist project as a colonial, or as it is referred to more accurately a settler-colonial project. However, as Israel intensifies the colonisation of Palestine in the next year, that might prod more individuals and institutions to frame the reality in Palestine as colonial and the Palestinian struggle as anticolonial and dispense with tropes about terrorism and peace negotiations.

Indeed, it is time to stop using misleading language peddled by US and Western media, like “Iran-backed terrorist group Hamas” or “peace process”, and instead talk about Palestinian resistance and decolonisation of Palestine from the river to the sea.

What will help in this effort is the growing disrepute of the Western mainstream media as a credible source of both analysis and information. Today, media executives are fighting tooth and nail against any change in the language, but they would eventually come to regret its place on the wrong side of history.

This change of narrative is important because it has the potential to affect politics – more specifically the politics of the Democratic Party in the United States. The more progressive Democrats have already embraced a more accurate language and framing of what is happening in Palestine.

Whether this will be enough to effect change in a Democratic administration should Kamala Harris win the election remains to be seen. But I am not sanguine about such a change unless the processes of social implosion within Israel, its growing economic vulnerability and international isolation put an end to the hollow Democratic efforts to resurrect the dead “peace process”.

If Donald Trump wins, the next US administration will be the same as the current one at best or it would openly grant Israel a carte blanche at worst.

Regardless of what happens in the US election next month, one thing will remain true: As long as these twin frames of colonisation and decolonisation are ignored by those who have the power to stop the genocide in Gaza and the Israeli adventurism elsewhere, there is a little hope for pacifying the region as a whole.

The disintegration of Israel

The second process that surfaced in full force in this last year was the disintegration of Israel and the possible collapse of the Zionist project.

The original Zionist idea of planting a European Jewish state at the heart of the Arab world through the dispossession of the Palestinians was illogical, immoral and impractical from the onset.

It has held on for so many years because it has served a very powerful alliance that for religious, imperialist and economic reasons, has regarded such a state as fulfilling the ideological or strategic objectives of whoever was part of that alliance, even if sometimes these interests contradicted each other.

The alliance’s project of solving a European problem of racism through colonisation and imperialism in the midst of the Arab world is entering its moment of truth.

Economically, an Israel that is engaged not in a short successful war as in the past, but in a long war with little prospect of a total victory, is not conducive to international investment and economic bonanzas.

Politically, an Israel that commits genocide is not as attractive any more to Jews, especially those who believe that their future as a faith or a cultural group does not depend on a Jewish state and in fact might be more secure without it.

The governments of the day are still part of the alliance, but their membership depends on the future of politics all together. By this I mean that the catastrophic events over the past year in Palestine, alongside global warming, the crisis of immigration, increasing poverty and instability in many parts of the world have exposed how distanced many political elites are from their peoples’ elementary aspirations, concerns and needs.

This indifference and aloofness will be challenged and every time it is successfully confronted, the coalition that sustains the Israeli colonisation of Palestine will be weakened.

What we did not see in the past year is the emergence of a Palestinian leadership that reflects the impressive unity of the people inside and outside of Palestine and the solidarity of the global movement of support for them. Maybe it is too much to ask at such a dark moment in Palestine’s history, but it will have to occur, and I am quite positive it will.

The next 12 months are going to be a worse replica of the past year in terms of the genocidal policies of Israel, the escalation of the violence in the region and the continued support of governments, backed by their media, for this destructive trajectory. But history tells us that this is how a horrific chapter in the chronology of a country ends; it is not how a new one begins.

Historians should not predict the future but they can at least articulate a reasonable scenario for it. In this sense, I think it is reasonable to say that the question of “whether” the oppression of the Palestinians will end can now be replaced with “when”. We do not know the “when”, but we can all strive to bring it about sooner rather than later.

Ilan Pappe is the Director of European Center of Palestine Studies at the University of Exeter.

7 October 2024

Source: aljazeera.com

Iran’s Operation “True Promise 2” Against Israel. Remember Dick Cheney: “Let Israel Do the Dirty Work for Us”

By Michel Chossudovsky.

On October 1st, Iran launched Operation “True Promise 2: about 180 missiles were deployed (NYT). A coordinated missile strike has completely destroyed Israel’s F-35 Base Nevatim “among other key targets”.

“The facility hosts both of the Israeli Air Force’s F-35 fifth generation fighter squadrons, and was previously intended to host a third squadron of the fighters after they were delivered” (Military Watch Magazine)

Tehran has confirmed that the attack was launched in response to Israel’s assassinations of Hamas chief Ismail Haniyeh and Hezbollah’s chairman Hasan Nasrallah: 

“According to a statement released by Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, the attack was aimed at “three military bases” in the Tel Aviv area:

Labelled “True Promise 2,” the operation follows a year of escalating tensions between Tehran and Tel Aviv, and represents a long awaited retaliatory attack after an Israeli strike on Tehran on July 31.

Iran was previously reported to have agreed not to retaliate if Israel deescalated hostilities, with Israel’s invasion and intensive bombardment of Lebanon and assassination of the leadership of the Iranian aligned militia group Hezbollah having been seen to have broken this agreement.” (Military Watch Magazine)

Video

Iranians claim that ISRAEL lost Twenty F35s In One Day┃The US is Creating a Coalition To Attack IRAN

Dangerous Crossroads

The fundamental question is whether this retaliatory attack will lead to escalation, including an Israeli counter-attack on Iran with the support of US-NATO.

In the words of Prime Minister Netanyahu:

“Iran made a big mistake tonight — and it will pay for it… The regime in Iran does not understand our determination to defend ourselves and to retaliate against our enemies.” (NYT, emphasis added)

Bear in mind Israel is a de facto member of NATO, which serves the strategic interests of  the U.S.

The earlier Israeli attacks against Iran and Lebanon were conducted in close consultation with Washington and NATO Headquarters in Brussels.

According to the NYT:

Iran fired waves of ballistic missiles at Israel on Tuesday evening in an assault that was mostly thwarted, according to the Israeli authorities, but one that made the prospect of a direct all-out war between two of the more powerful militaries in the Middle East more likely.

The offensive left the region on edge awaiting a potential Israeli response. (emphasis added)

What Is Washington’s Intent: A Month Prior to the November Elections

“Less than an hour after the attack, US National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan delivered an ominous warning saying: “There will be severe consequences for this attack, and we will work with Israel to make that the case.” Sullivan refused to elaborate on the manner in which the US or Israel would retaliate, but some analysts think the response could come as early as Tuesday night. (quoted by Mike Whitney)

The response by the Pentagon has on the whole been “soft”, disregarding the magnitude of the attack. See Press Conference below.

Raw Video: Pentagon reacts to Iran bombing Israel

What Is Washington’s Unspoken Intent? Let Your Allies Do the Dirty Work for You? 

Flash back to 2005. At the outset of Bush’s Second Term, Vice President Dick Cheney dropped a bombshell, hinting, that Israel would, so to speak: be doing the dirty work for us (paraphrase) without US military involvement and without us putting pressure on them “to do it”.

I must admit that I (reluctantly) concur with Cheney in regard to Israel’s recent attacks against Lebanon and Iran.

Israel was doing the Dirty Work on behalf of US-NATO.

According to Cheney: (2005)

“The Israelis might well decide to act first, and let the rest of the world worry about cleaning up the diplomatic mess afterwards,” 

 

“Israel would not be able to act unilaterally against Iran, without a green light from the Pentagon which controls key components of Israel’s air defense system.

In practice, a war on Iran, were it to occur would be a joint US-NATO Israeli endeavor, coordinated by US Strategic Command (STRATCOM) with America’s allies playing a key (subordinate) role.” (quoted from my 2018 article)

Source: Council on Foreign Relations

Israeli Military Cooperation with the Pentagon and NATO

“Political rhetoric is often misleading. Israel is America’s ally. Military operations are closely coordinated. Tel Aviv is however subordinate to Washington. In major military operations, Israel does not act without the Pentagon’s approval.

Barely acknowledged by the media, the US and Israel have an integrated air defense system, which was set up in early 2009, shortly after the Israel invasion of Gaza under “Operation Cast Led”:

“The X-band radar air defense system set up by the US in Israel in 2009 would “integrate Israel’s missile defenses with the U.S. global missile detection network, which includes satellites, Aegis ships on the Mediterranean, Persian Gulf and Red Sea, and land-based Patriot radars and interceptors.”  (Sen. Joseph Azzolina, Protecting Israel from Iran’s missiles, Bayshore News, December 26, 2008).

What this means is that Washington calls the shots. Confirmed by the Pentagon, the US military controls Israel’s Air Defense:

”This is and will remain a U.S. radar system,’ Pentagon spokesman Geoff Morrell said. ‘So this is not something we are giving or selling to the Israelis and it is something that will likely require U.S. personnel on-site to operate.’” (Quoted in Israel National News, January 9, 2009, emphasis added). (Chossudovsky, January 2018 article below)

Israel Is a “De Facto Member of NATO”

Military cooperation with both the Pentagon and NATO is viewed by Israel’s Defence Force (IDF) as a means to “enhance Israel’s deterrence capability regarding potential enemies threatening it, mainly Iran and Syria.”

Israel is a de facto member of NATO (with a special status) since 2004, involving active military and intelligence coordination as well as consultations pertaining to the occupied territories.

NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg confirmed (Press Conference, Brussels, October 12, 2023) that Israel is under attack and that U.S. military deployments in the Middle East are ongoing allegedly to avoid escalation:

There is always the risk that nations and/or organisations hostile to Israel will take try to take advantage. And that includes, for instance, organisations like Hezbollah or a country like Iran. So this is a message to countries and organisations hostile to Israel that they should not try to utilise the situation.

And the United States have deployed, or has deployed more military forces in the region, not least to deter any escalation or prevent any escalation of the situation. (NATO Press Conference, Brussels, October 12, 2023, emphasis added)

Video: NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg Press Conference

Brussels, October 12, 2023

NATO Secretary General, Press Conference at Defence Ministers Meeting, 12 OCT 2023

NATO is committed to its de facto Ally: Israel. NATO is complicit in the genocide directed against Palestinians. 

Moreover, NATO has casually dismissed (despite ample evidence) that the October 7, 2023 operation was a false flag:

“First, Israeli Defence Minister Gallant briefed us on the horrific terrorist attacks by Hamas against Israel. And of Israel’s Reponse.

Allies strongly condemned Hamas’ indefensible attacks on civilians, and called for the immediate release of all hostages.

Our thoughts are with all those affected by these horrific attacks.

Israel has the right to defend itself. And as the conflict unfolds, the protection of civilians is essential.

No nation or organisation hostile to Israel should seek to take advantage of the situation, or to escalate the conflict.

Today, a number of NATO Allies made clear that they are providing practical support to Israel.

And doing everything possible to provide for their affected citizens.” (Jens Stoltenberg, emphasis added)

War against Iran has been on the drawing board of the Pentagon since the 1990s.

8 October 2024

Source: michelchossudovsky.substack.com

Dr. Mahathir Interview – A Non-Aligned Policy Must Replace East VS. West

Dr. Mahathir – A Non-Aligned Policy Must Replace East VS. West

Interview conducted October 6, 2024

Billington: This is Mike Billington. I’m the co-editor of the Executive Intelligence Review and a member of the Schiller Institute and the LaRouche Organization. I’m delighted to have the opportunity to speak with you again.

Billington:  Tun Dato Seri Doctor Mahathir bin Mohamad was the Prime Minister of Malaysia from 1981 to 2003. 22 years and then again from 2018 to 2020. He also served as the Secretary General of the Non-Aligned movement internationally in 2003, and held many positions in government and in the public sphere in his long career in Malaysia. So we welcome you to this interview, sir.

Dr. Mahathir: Thank you.

Billington: This is not your first interview with EIR. In 1999, Gail Billington, my late wife, visited you in Kuala Lumpur conducting a long interview. And in 2014, I had the opportunity to meet you and conduct an interview with you in Putrajaya at your foundation. Both interviews were published in the EIR. But this interview comes at a moment of perhaps the greatest danger in recent history, perhaps even in all of human history, as we are moving rapidly towards war between nuclear armed powers which could destroy life on Earth. The US has openly declared that it wishes to “weaken,” or even “destroy,” Russia, while President Putin has responded to the US and NATO threat to allow Ukraine to use NATO long range missiles deep into Russian territory, by warning that this would be seen by Russia as an attack by NATO, and that Russia would respond appropriately. You, like EIR, have warned that the world was heading to such a cataclysmic crisis, and we are now there. You told Nikkei, the Japanese news service, in June: “We may be going towards a third world war, because if you press Russia too much, and you appear to be wanting to conquer Russia, they may want to use nuclear weapons. That is going to damage the whole world.” What is your view on this now and what must be done?

Dr. Mahathir: Well, the strange thing is that the Western Alliance and Russia were partners in the war against Nazi Germany. But the moment Germany was defeated, immediately the Western alliance formed NATO as a military alliance directed against their former partner, Russia. And so the tension grew. It would seem that the Western alliance needs an enemy all the time. So it has gone on through the Cold War. And now they still want the former Warsaw Pact countries to join NATO. This is a threat against Russia and, of course, Ukraine has a very long border with Russia. Russia objected to Ukraine joining NATO. I don’t see why Ukraine should join NATO, the relationship with Russia was all right and the relationship with the West was also alright, so there is no need to join NATO. But they insisted that Ukraine should join NATO. This was preempted by Russia, and now there is a war between Russia and Ukraine. That war cannot be won by Ukraine because Russia would not allow itself to be defeated. So we we may reach a situation where somebody has to give in or else the war will escalate, will involve the Western alliance against Russia. The attitude is that the war would solve this problem, but war will not solve the problem. They are going to lead to bigger wars, to a third world war. That is what I fear.

Billington: Indeed. At the same time, Israel has proven itself to be out of any control by international law, committing genocide against the Palestinians and now trying to draw Iran into a wider war, probably expecting the U.S. to join in, Malaysia, the current government in Malaysia, has spoken out strongly against the Israeli crimes, as you have also. This too could explode into nuclear war. How do you propose we deal with the whole Middle Eastern crisis?

Dr. Mahathir: Israel is behaving in this way simply because it is assured of backing by the US. Anybody who goes against Israel may have to face the US, and the US apparently supported Israel genocide in Gaza. This is very strange because normally the US would talk about human rights and the like. But with regard to Israel, the genocide carried out by Israel in Gaza is possible only because the US used the veto to prevent any action being taken against Israel. So we are going to see Israel behaving as if they are a great power and breaking all the international laws, because behind them is the US. It is the US which actually is behind the genocide taking place in Gaza.

Billington: There is the third site of possible war between nuclear powers, namely Asia, as the U.S. Insists on provoking a conflict with China and demanding that ASEAN (the Association of Southeast Asian Countries) and other Asian countries join them. Japan and Korea have already formed a military link with the United States, and ASEAN member, the Philippines, has allowed the US to set up bases there, while Washington has even proposed joint naval patrols in the South China Sea, which would quickly lead to an open military clash between the U.S. and China directly. What is your view of this in your backyard?

Dr. Mahathir: The relationship between China and Taiwan is a little bit strange, because China could actually conquer Taiwan if they want to. But they find Taiwan is useful to China because Taiwan invests a lot in China. And Chinese tourists go to Taiwan. Also, Taiwan has access to technologies which China is interested in. So China retains the claim that Taiwan is a part of China, but has done nothing to show that it will take over Taiwan by conquest. So the situation should be left at that. But unfortunately. The speaker of the Congress [Nancy Pelosi] visited Taiwan, and she knows very well that that is going to provoke China. And indeed, this is what happened. China wanted to show its military capabilities, and Taiwan is told [by the U.S.]that they should upgrade their military capability by procuring more weapons from the U.S.. So suddenly the tension has grown, and now we are faced with the possibility of a confrontation and violence between Taiwan and China in the first place and also may involve the United States. But of course, China sometimes behaves strangely, like claiming the entire South China Sea as being a part of China, but that cannot be settled through war. It can only be settled through negotiation, because if there is a war, the damage to all the ASEAN countries and to China would be terrible. So I think the US is trying to get the ASEAN countries to confront China. But ASEAN countries are very weak and they are not capable of fighting against China. Malaysia, for example, wants to make the Chinese market available to us, and so are the other ASEAN countries. So why should we confront China? Yes, China has a claim against Taiwan, but they have not invaded Taiwan.

Billington: What do you think about the situation with the Philippines, and how is that affecting the rest of ASEAN there, they’re becoming engaged in this way with the US against China?

Dr. Mahathir: When China was a third world country, very weak, Malaysia  claimed an atoll in the South China Sea and built up facilities there. The Philippines did the same for Commodore Reef, but they withdrew. And when they withdrew, the Commodore Reef was unoccupied, and the Chinese moved in after claiming that the South China Sea belongs to them. But even such a move by China cannot be settled through a war against China. Philippines is not capable of fighting against China, and if the US gets involved, it will become another Third World War. So it is better if China and the Philippines negotiate a settlement between them without involving the United States.

Billington: Underlying this moment of great danger is the increasing disintegration of the Western financial system. The physical economies of the US and the European countries, especially Germany, are collapsing. Germany was once the industrial powerhouse of Europe and now is in a state of deindustrialization. You’ve been at the center of a fight against the domination of speculation and against speculators for much of your life. You told Gail in the 1999 interview, “When, for the first time, countries decided to float their currencies and allow the market to determine the exchange rates –that was way back in the 1970s — I felt even at that time that the sovereignty of countries had been lost.” Lyndon LaRouche, at that time, you probably know, that when Nixon took the dollar off of gold and launched the floating exchange rates in 1971, destroying the Bretton Woods system, LaRouche said that this would eventually lead to to a depression, to an economic collapse and even to war, perhaps even global nuclear war. He proposed at that time a return to the Bretton Woods system. But instead the deregulation of the world financial system continued. Is it too late now to return to the Bretton Woods?

Dr. Mahathir: Well, one would note that at Bretton Woods, the US dollar was valued at 35 US Dollars per ounce of gold. Today, it is 2,600 US Dollars per ounce of gold, which means that the US dollar has depreciated through the market. So it is not really a good standard. We should use gold as a standard and not the US dollar. But as you know, the US benefits from the use of dollars for settlement of trade, of trading between nations. Especially with oil, you have to settle in US dollars, which creates a demand for US dollars and therefore sustains its value. But actually the US dollar has no real value. It has depreciated very much. So we need an international currency based on gold for a standard. I think that would help stabilize the exchange and trade between nations. But of course, trade between nations can only be sustained if the world is at peace, and there is stability in the relations between countries. So what is happening now is that the US has provoked Russia, and there is a war between Russia and Ukraine. It’s also trying to provoke a war between Taiwan and China. And all these activities are not helping to stabilize the world.

Billington: I’m sure you have followed closely the BRICS nations which are going to be holding their meeting in Kazan, Russia, on the 22-24th of this month, just a few weeks from now, a few days from now, actually, and one of the major issues to be discussed there is the possibility of establishing a new trade relationship. Not a new currency for nations, but a new currency to be used for trade. Do you think that will answer the question you’ve just raised?

Dr. Mahathir: Whatever it is, it must be a currency that is stable. Stability, I think, is provided by valuing it against gold. If you have just an agreement to use another new currency, there will be no stability because against the gold it will depreciate. So we need we need a currency that is based on gold.

Billington: You also told Gail in that 1999 interview that the increasing domination of speculation, dominating the markets, you said “will surely result in a new imperialism, more noxious and debilitating than the old.” And you added that we were “seeing a new kind of imperialism, where the weapon used is really capital, capital that can be used to impoverish country to the point where they have to beg for help. And when they beg, then you can impose conditions on them.” This appears to have gotten even worse since your comment in 1999. Your thoughts?

Dr. Mahathir: As you know, this idea about a new imperialism came from Sukarno [President Sukarno, president of Indonesia from 1950-1967]. He was the first person to coin the word “neocolonialism.” This is based on the management of trade, the trade between countries. For example, Malaysia produces rubber, but the market is in London, and Malaysia does not get the full benefit of producing rubber because all the trading is done in London. So there they can actually increase the value or decrease the value of the rubber. And when they do that it affects Malaysia. It’s the same with the currency. As you know, a currency is supposed to fluctuate because of the market. But it is not really the market. It is the currency traders. It pays for them to make money through short selling. They create money which they don’t have, and they sell the currency in the market, and the value of the currency depreciates. And then, of course, they buy the devalued money to deliver to the first customer they had who had bought at a higher price. This was what happened during the currency crisis. That is why we decided that they should not deal with our currency. We should fix our value, not the currency traders. It’s not the market. Because of the currency traders.

Billington: Right. In fact, in that regard, you engaged in a very famous conflict with the IMF and with the hedge funds and the currency traders who were waging financial warfare on Malaysia and other countries, other developing countries in the 1990s. Can you describe what you did and the results of that?

Dr. Mahathir: As you know, in 1997, 1998, the currency traders devalued their Malaysian currency. We were puzzled by the behavior of the Malaysian currency, especially the depreciation, until we found out that it was the currency traders. So if it is the currency traders, we need not adhere to international practice. We felt that we should stop currency trading. And that was what we did. And indeed when we fixed the exchange rate, the currency trading ceased, stopped completely. But to do that, you need to have financial strength. Malaysia had huge savings. So when we did that, we couldn’t get access to the American dollar at the price we fixed the exchange rate. But we had enough dollars in our savings to meet the demands of trade.

Billington: As part of that conflict, you gave a speech at an IMF conference in Hong Kong in which you discussed what you just described here. You described the currency speculation, what it was doing to the Malaysian ringgit and explained your imposition of currency controls. The Asian Wall Street Journal, which is no longer published, but it was published as an Asian edition at that time, and the front page of the Asian Wall Street Journal, on the same day as that famous speech in Hong Kong published an article which was called “LaRouche report helps feed Malaysian Attacks on Soros.” The article claimed that your attack on Soros “came from an unusual source of publications run by Lyndon LaRouche, Jr,” whom they described as an “eccentric” and a “conspiracy theorist.” They don’t mention the things that Soros said about you — when he had called you “a menace to his own country,” and predicted that your policies would bring ruin to Malaysia. Did that happen? And how do you see that process from the current perspective?

Dr. Mahathir: Well, we were trying to find out who was responsible, and we found that Soros had attacked Italy, the Italian lira, for example. He was actually made persona non grata in Italy. He also attacked the British pound. So it was Soros who was responsible for changing the values of currencies, and it must be him who was responsible for the devaluation of the Malaysian currency, too. At that meeting I did mention his name, but he denied it. Whether it is true or not, I don’t know. But anyway, we concluded that it was the currency traders who were responsible for devaluating our currency, and action had to be taken to stop them from dealing in Malaysian currency.

Billington: And it worked.

Dr. Mahathir: Yes, yes we did. Later on, even IMF agreed that what Malaysia did was right.

Billington: Helga Zepp-LaRouche, the wife of the late Lyndon LaRouche, who now leads the Schiller Institute and the international LaRouche movement, insisted that nothing less than what she calls “a new security and development architecture for all nations” can reverse this decline into war and economic destitution. She compares this to the 1648 Peace of Westphalia, which ended the religious wars of Europe by establishing the notion of sovereign nation states within which each nation’s interests have to include the interests of the others. What are your thoughts on that?

Dr. Mahathir: I did not study her writings deeply, but I think there is some substance in what she says. I think that nowadays we are more connected than ever before. So whatever happens in one country affects all the other countries of the world. On the one hand, the world has become a big market and you can make tons of money from trading with the world. But on the other hand, of course, what happens in one country can affect the other countries of the world. And when the U.S. makes a decision, it affects us. So we have to be constantly aware of what other countries are doing, because whatever they do will affect us in one way or another. For example, when they apply sanctions to a country, it’s not only that country that suffers. Other countries trading with that country also suffer. And Malaysia, as a trading nation, suffers a lot whenever sanctions are applied to any country, even to Russia or Iran. We suffer even though it was not the intention to punish us for anything. We have done nothing wrong. But the fact is that when sanctions are applied, other countries have to pay the price.

Billington: Helga has also proposed something she calls the “Ten Principles of a New International Security and Development Architecture.” She argues that the populations of the Western world have been so indoctrinated with banality, especially since the onset of the rock-drug-sex counterculture in the 1960s, that we must introduce reason and classical culture to get through this crisis. So she addresses the need for development of all countries, the need for education for all people, for health care for all people, and so forth. But it also includes as the 10th principle: “The basic assumption for the new paradigm is that man is fundamentally good and capable of infinitely perfecting the creativity of his mind and the beauty of his soul. And being the most advanced geological force in the universe, which proves that the lawfulness of the mind and that of the physical universe are in correspondence and cohesion, and that all evil is the result of a lack of development and therefore can be overcome.” She stated that this idea is fundamental to all the great religions of the world, but that it has been lost in the hedonistic ideologies dominating the West today. What are your thoughts on that, sir?

Dr. Mahathir: If you look at the world today, the world has shrunken. We have become very small. We are all neighbors of each other, and we need the United Nations more than ever to solve our problem. Unfortunately, the United Nations was designed in order to sustain the big powers who won the war 70-80 years ago. I think the world should not be held down by what happened 70-80 years ago. We should have no veto power for anybody in any country. The vote is given to everyone equally, irrespective of whether they are rich or poor, whether they are workers or they are capitalists. Each one has got one vote. In the UN, we find that five countries are superior to the rest of the world. Any one of them can frustrate 190 other countries. This is totally undemocratic. So if we want to have a world that is more stable and more peaceful, we need to get rid of these veto powers, and maybe amend some of the provisions of the United Nations, or even create a new organization where no one holds any veto power.

There is always talk about a kind of world government. Today, there are many common problems which affect all of us, all the countries. For example, climate change affects everybody, the Covid 19 affects everybody. We are feeling the effects of very common diseases. A currency crisis and all that. So whereas each country can deal with the simple crimes that occur in their country, but in terms of international common problems for the world, we need to have a new authority with clout, which can deal with the problems. For example, it is unacceptable that Israel can commit genocide openly and the world can do nothing. This is something that does not show that we understand, that the world has become small, and anything that is happening in any part of the world affects the rest of the world.

Billington: I’m sure you know that the UN General Assembly held a vote which overwhelmingly voted to demand that Israel stop the occupation, not just the current genocide, but obviously to stop the war, but also to stop the occupation, which has been illegal from its beginning. So that vote took place in the General Assembly, but they don’t have any enforcement power. So unfortunately, most people are, as you’ve indicated, the major powers that are benefiting from this, and especially the U.S., just ignore such a thing, and therefore nothing has happened. You have any recommendations on that?

Dr. Mahathir: Well, in the case of other countries, in Bosnia, for example, and also in many African countries, the UN sends a peacekeeping force to separate the combatants. But in the case of Gaza — no peacekeeping force has been sent to Gaza, and the Israelis are left to themselves, to do what they like. In fact, when Biden proposed a ceasefire, Netanyahu just ignored him and continued, even escalated, the killings. And now, it has spread to Lebanon. I can’t imagine a country as small as Israel can defy the feelings of the whole world, the opinion of the whole world. And this can only happen because behind Israel there is a great power which has a veto, which frustrates the whole United Nations.

Billington: You are currently engaged in a conflict with the Malaysian prime minister, Anwar Ibrahim. Actually you’ve been engaged for many, many years in various kinds of conflicts with Anwar Ibrahim. As you probably know I’ve written about this in the EIR a great deal. He has been accused by several of your own national newspapers of using the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission to open investigations into his adversaries and their families. And that includes you, and Daim Zainuddin, who was your finance minister at the time of your conflict with the IMF, and even two of your sons. You are reported by the press to have said: “This is an abuse of the rule of law.” At the same time that you rejected the demands of the IMF and the speculators. Anwar, who was at that time your Deputy Prime Minister, openly opposed you, and argued that you should accept the demands of the IMF and George Soros and the speculators. And if I understand it correctly, you fired him. Some say that Anwar is now out for revenge. What is the status of this current investigation?

Dr. Mahathir: Well, I support any move to reduce corruption in this country. Corruption, of course, is a very bad practice that affects the development of this country. But what we have learned is that on the one hand, the opposition is accused of corruption, but as for the people who support him, an accusation against them are dropped. For example, the Deputy Prime Minister was facing 47 charges in the court of law. Suddenly they dropped the charges. At the same time, I was accused by him publicly of stealing government money, of abuse of power, which I did not. So I told him, show proof that I have stolen money. He said that I have stolen billions. I said show proof. I don’t know where the billions are, because I have never stolen billions of dollars. Can you show proof? So I took him to court and asked him to show proof. He has not been able to show any proof for the past one whole year, but instead of that, he took action against my children. I mean, it’s not fair. It’s quite obvious that his anti-corruption thing is not sincere, in that he exempts his own supporters, but he took action against those who opposed to him, even though they have no evidence that they were involved in corruption. I challenge him to show that I have money. I am prepared to give all the money that he says I have to charity, 100%. He said only half, but i am willing to give 100% if you can show that I have the money.

Billington: Let me go back a bit. You mentioned Sukarno as bringing up the question of the New Imperialism or the new form of colonialism. As I’m sure you know, in 1955, he called the meeting which became known as the Bandung Conference, the Asia Africa Conference, which was the first meeting of former colonial powers without their colonial masters there. In that famous meeting, he made a call for what eventually turned into being the so-called Non-Aligned Movement. That spirit has been revived recently by many, including Malaysia, which participated in an effort to revive the Non-Aligned Movement. It also is being revived in the form of the new BRICS Association and the many, many Global South countries who aspire to join the BRICS. Their basic principles are very similar to the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence that were adopted by the countries at the Bandung Conference. This is something that Helga Zepp-LaRouche also points to often: that Sukarno’s speech at that event was essentially a call for a new world order based on that kind of principle, of honoring the rights of all countries. What’s your own view of the history of the Non-Aligned Movement and the current form of that with the BRICS?

Dr. Mahathir: The world is still divided into two confronting blocs, the East and the West. And other countries feel that they are being pressured to join one or the other. But these countries do not want to be involved in the confrontation between the U.S. and China and Russia. That is why there is a need once again to think about non-alignment, which was what was proposed by Sukarno. Today, that is still relevant. We want to get away from this confrontation because it is not good for us. We want to see a stable world where we can grow through trade with the whole world. But dividing the world into two parts and then applying sanctions and even taking military action and all that, these are very, very negative. These are not the way to solve the problems of the world. We need a stable world. We don’t need any blocks East or West, but we need a world where everybody is equal. And they should all solve their problems through the United Nations without the veto. That is what we need. But since we cannot change the United Nations, so they form BRICS. And again, that is another way of having non-alignment.

Billington: Do you think Malaysia will join the BRICS at the meeting this month?

Dr. Mahathir: Yes they have applied there. I don’t know what is the criteria for joining but certainly in spirit Malaysia believes in non-alignment.

Billington: Very interesting. Do you have any other thoughts that you’d like to leave with our readers and our followers? I know you followed the EIR on and off most of your life. What are your thoughts now for our followers?

Speaker2: I think this confrontation between East and West should stop. We should not divide the world into two. And we should have a workable United Nations that has no veto power. And of course, when a country is considered to be a recalcitrant, like the Israelis, then the world must take action to put a stop to this killing. Already they have killed 42,000 Palestinians and now more Palestinians living in Lebanon have been targeted, and the world basically shows that it has no power to do anything. It’s something not reasonable for civilized people to accept this kind of killing and do nothing about it.

Billington: Yes. We are certainly committed to resolving those fundamental problems facing mankind. As I said at the beginning, this is perhaps the greatest moment of danger that the human race has ever faced, given that it’s a nuclear age and the level of madness by some leaders who think that they can resolve problems through war, especially with nuclear weapons. This would mean the end of civilization. So we certainly appreciate your continuing battle to make your voice heard. We’re calling on citizens of the U.S. and of all the Western countries to recognize that their own fate rests in working with Russia and China, and not going to war with them, but actually having the kind of world cooperation that we need to have a peaceful world. So I thank you very much. We will get this interview out widely. Many, many people are looking forward to hearing your words. It’s been a long time since we’ve had a chance to speak like this, but it’s very much appreciated, I can assure you, by the growing movement that we represent. Helga Zepp-LaRouche has also initiated something called the International Peace Coalition, which has been meeting every week for 70 weeks now, over a year. There have been between 1000 and 2000 people attending those meetings every Friday afternoon, from 40 to 50 countries, virtually every week. The idea there is that people who believe in peace may have different political ideas, but those political ideas aren’t going to mean anything if we have a nuclear war. Nobody’s going to be around to enjoy the victory if we have a nuclear war and therefore we must get together and cooperate to bring about a peaceful resolution to these conflicts. That’s what we’re fighting to do. Your voice in that, in the International Peace Coalition, would be very valuable. And I invite you, if you possibly can, to join one of our meetings on Fridays. If you agree, we could perhaps use some quotes from this interview in one of those meetings. Would that be acceptable to you?

Dr. Mahathir: From what I see, I see openly we may hurt some people, but I always believe in freedom of speech. You should be able to hear what you like, as well as what you don’t like.  My concern now is that there are too many warheads with nuclear material. And once you activate nuclear material. You cannot reverse it. You cannot even get rid of it as waste. There are these problems now of nuclear waste, which we cannot do anything about, and which is still going to hurt people with this radiation and the like.

Billington: Thank you very much. Very good to see you again. And I hope I get a chance to come back to Malaysia sometime. And I’ll come come to Putrajaya again and and pay my respects. Thank you.

What We need is Arab Action Not Condemnation!

By Dr. Muhammad Turki Bani Salama

In light of the ongoing brutal Israeli aggression on Palestine, Lebanon, Syria and Yemen, the Arab and Islamic media arenas are crowded with official statements of condemnation and denunciation yet the situation remains the same. These expressions of concern and repeated warnings have become, in essence, part of a farcical and repetitive political play that does not provide any tangible support or actual assistance to the afflicted peoples. Rather they are empty words to alleviate popular pressures without any actual intention to take effective steps on the ground.

It is ironic these Arab and Islamic countries do not miss an opportunity to declare their support for Palestine and Lebanon in international forums. They are content with a monotonous diplomatic theatrical performance of statements of condemnation and warning without taking any real steps on the ground.

This is despite the number of dead, wounded and displaced who are increasing daily. These countries, especially the ones who normalized with Israel, are not even bothering to sever relations with Jewish state, or even think of imposing any significant economic sanctions on the entity.

On the contrary, some of these countries have increased the volume of trade and economic exchange with Israel since the outbreak of the Al-Aqsa Flood battle since last October, as if they fear upsetting their new trading partner, while continue to present themselves to the world as protectors of Arab, Islamic and humanitarian principles and values.

This blatant contradiction between political rhetoric and action on the ground cannot but arouse the astonishment of the Arab and Islamic peoples. How can these countries claim to adhere to the values of Arabism, Islam and humanity, while they turn a blind eye to Israeli violations against the Arab populations of Palestine, Lebanon, Syria and Yemen?

How can this support and these hollow words be considered real solidarity? The Arab peoples are asking: Where are the actions that reflect these resonant statements on the ground?

What is even more bizarre in this absurd scene is that even the drug dealers in the Maghreb have taken a more serious stance than those countries. By their decision to stop drug smuggling to Israel, they have demonstrated a greater understanding of effective action than many of the nation’s leaders.

[https://twitter.com/raialyoum1/status/1842175872666878454]

Those who operate in an illegal field have taken a stance that shows that real action can be more effective than any diplomatic statements at Arab summits. If only Arab leaders would learn a lesson from the drug dealers on how to provide support, relief to the distressed and rescue the oppressed.

As for banking on international law and the international community to stop the Israeli aggression, it is a losing bet by all standards. Israel is fully supported by the West, led by the Zionist United States, the head of the snake, and which no longer hides its explicit loyalty to the Zionist project.

While Washington sings the praises of human rights on every occasion, it adopts double-standard policies, turns a blind eye to the flagrant violations of Arab rights, and supplies Israel on a daily basis the latest lethal weapons to continue its aggression against the Arab people without deterrence.

Relying on the Security Council or the United Nations for justice and/or to stop the aggression is just an illusion and a mirage, closer to waiting for the impossible, because these institutions have proven time and again, they are unable to take any serious position when it comes to Israel.

So the fundamental question here is: Will the Arabs continue to play the role of spectators or will they decide to take serious positions to protect themselves and their interests first before thinking about protecting the rights of the peoples of Palestine and Lebanon?

And can the Arabs ever go beyond mere statements and take actual steps that restore balance in the face of Israeli arrogance? Or have the Arabs left history, geography and the entire political equation, and no benefit can be expected of them?

Only the coming days will reveal the answer but what is for certain now is Arab peoples can no longer tolerate more empty promises and hollow statements. They are waiting for real action that embody a strong political will capable of bringing about change.

In the end, the aggression continues, and with it the official Arab and international silence remains, at a time when the suffering of the Arab peoples in Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, Yemen and elsewhere increases. These people have no choice but to resist, without expecting someone to appear in this lunatic world to take bold positions and truly stand for justice and humanity, in the face of the Zionist-American barbarism, brutal aggression and ongoing injustice.

Dr. Muhammad Turki Bani Salama is a Jordanian academic and a full professor who contributed this opinion in Arabic to Raialyoum.com.

6 October 2024

Source: countercurrents.org

Israel – Murder Inc.

By Mir Adnan Aziz

Israel occupies a land that was inhabited by and belonged to the Palestinians. Confining the Palestinians to genocidal and inhuman conditions, Israel has since its inception, invaded almost all its neighbors and still occupies their lands. In 1981, it destroyed Iraq’s Osirak nuclear reactor. Morphing into a Murder Inc., it has sent assassins around the globe with a never diminishing hit list.

Nurtured, protected and encouraged by Washington, Israel is the only nuclear power in the Middle East. It refuses inspection of its nuclear program. Western estimates put its nuclear arsenal at 400 bombs. With a population of .9 million, the equation comes to one nuclear bomb to defend 2250 Israelis.

Despite this massive power, Israel’s myth of invincibility lay shattered with Hamas’s October 7 assault. Eminent Israeli historian Illian Pappe describes this reversal in his recent article titled “The collapse of Zionism.” He likens the Hamas assault to an earthquake that strikes an old building with the already present cracks reaching the foundations.

Netanyahu termed the assassination of Seyyed Hassan Nasrallah as the “key to restoring power balance and recovering the hostages.” Despite decades of brutal subjugation and subterfuge, the acceptance of lacking in the power balance and Hamas holding Israeli hostages is in itself an acknowledgement of defeat.

It is also a proven fact that Israel’s assassination spree has failed miserably to quell the resistance. It has rather proved counterproductive. It was only after Hamas founder Ahmed Yassin and his successor Abdel Aziz al-Rantisi were assassinated in 2004, that the group developed close ties with Iran.

Just like its mentor’s humiliating withdrawal from Afghanistan after two decades of occupation, a rejuvenated Hezbollah forced an equally chastened Israel to end its two decade occupation of Southern Lebanon. This period also entailed the gruesome Sabra and Shatila massacres.

In March 2019, veteran diplomat William Burns, as President of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, dubbed Trump’s Iran Policy as untethered to history. He declared that the “false assumptions about how a muscular, unilateralist US approach can produce the capitulation or implosion of the Iranian regime is an assumption untethered to history.”

Today, the peacenik William Burns who advocated caution is Direct CIA of the Biden administration as Washington seeks the capitulation of Iran through Israel. Narcissism and hegemonic hubris are a lethal concoction that soothes the mind ever whispering that history is for losers. It never is.

With the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh, a pragmatic and moderate political operator, the Hamas leadership mantle has now gone to Yahya Sinwar, the mastermind of the October 7 attack.

Still living in Gaza, Sinwar has spent 22 years in Israeli prisons. In 2011, he was released in a prisoner exchange for Gilad Shalit, an Israeli soldier who remained in Hamas custody for five years. With Haniyeh’s assassination, Hamas’s political bureau has been taken over by its military wing, the Ezzedine Al-Qassam Brigades.

In his book Rise and Kill First: The Secret History of Israel’s Targeted Assassinations, Israeli author Ronen Bergman affirms that Israel has assassinated more than 2,700 people throughout its history. He describes it as Israel seeking to stop history without engaging in diplomacy and statesmanship.

He also writes how some Israeli military figures opposed the assassination plan of Hezbollah leader Abbas al-Musawi warning that he “would be replaced by someone more radical.”

In 1992, Abbas al-Musawi along with his wife and five-year-old son were killed in an Israeli helicopter gunship strike in south Lebanon. His successor Hassan Nasrallah turned out to be more resourceful and eloquent. He transformed Hezbollah to a formidable military force with long-range rockets and precision-guided missiles.

Just like its mentor’s humiliating withdrawal from Afghanistan after 2 decades of occupation, a rejuvenated Hezbollah forced an equally chastened Israel to end its 2 decades occupation of Southern Lebanon. This period also entailed the gruesome Sabra and Shatila massacres.

Yahya Ayyash, a 29 year Hamas operative, was on Mossad’s most wanted list. In 1996 on receiving a call from his father he asked “how are you father?” His last words, the rigged phone exploded, killing him on the spot.

This was almost three decades before the pagers and walkie-talkies started exploding in Beirut. Ayyash’s assassination was deeply unsettling for Hamas as it exposed the extent to which Israeli intelligence had penetrated its ranks. Time proved it a temporary setback.

Netanyahu’s persistent stonewalling of the peace negotiations is his fear that the release of hostages could lead to a ceasefire and a rekindled political process. His political survival, as that of his Zionist coterie, lies in extending the war theater to Iran.

Instead of reining in this insanity Washington, an enabler in the Gaza genocide, threatens anyone who dare stand up to Israel. Continuously arming and encouraging it, Washington feigns ignorance to Israel’s provocations and atrocities.

Apart from arming Israel, Washington’s partner in crime status lies proven with NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden’s leaked documents. They show that Israel has direct and complete access to the highly classified information shared by America’s spy agencies.

Experts and polls hold the view that Israel has played right into Hamas’s hands. For the first time in its history, Israel is seen as a genocidal war-mongering entity by the people in the West. Pro-Palestinian news and views are at the forefront of the international media, universities and streets.

Time has proved that come what may, Israel cannot quash the Palestinian cause. “To say that we are going to make Hamas disappear is to throw sand in people’s eyes. Hamas is an ideology – we cannot eliminate an ideology.” These were the comments made recently by the IDF spokesman Rear Admiral Daniel Hagari in an interview with Israel’s Channel 13.

One can feel Ghassan Kanafani smiling. He was as accomplished an artist as he was a man of letters. One of the most prominent Arab novelists and resistance writers, he was assassinated by Mossad in July 1972 along with his niece Lamees in Beirut. An obituary in Lebanon’s Daily Star described him as a (Palestinian) commando who never fired a gun and whose weapon was a pen.

Celebrated Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish eulogized Kanafani in a poignant elegy: “They blew you up, as they blow up a front, a base, a mountain, a capital, and they fought you, as they fight an army; because you are a symbol of a wounded civilization.”

A few walls still remain standing defiantly in a devastated Gaza. Spray painted on them is Kanafani’s sublime quote symbolizing Palestine’s valiant generational struggle: “Bodies fall but ideas endure.”

Mir Adnan Aziz is a freelance contributor based in Pakistan and can be reached at miradnanaziz@gmail.com

5 October 2024

Source: countercurrents.org

 

Seventy-Five Years of the Chinese Revolution

By Tings Chak and Vijay Prashad

On October 1, 1949, the leader of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Mao Zedong (1893–1976) announced the creation of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Three hundred thousand people gathered in Tiananmen Square to welcome the new government and to greet the new leadership. After Mao made his initial announcement, he unfurled the new flag of the PRC, and then the military chief Zhu De reviewed the forces of the People’s Liberation Army. Similar celebrations were held in other parts of China. The foundation of the PRC ended a century of humiliation before the imperialists (that began with the first Anglo-Opium War of 1839) and the long second world war (that began with the Japanese invasion of Manchuria in 1931). Ten days before, at the first plenary session of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, Mao had said, “we are all convinced that our work would go down in the history of humankind, demonstrating that the Chinese people, comprising one quarter of humanity, have now stood up.”

The words in the name of new state, the PRC, are important: people and republic. The word republic signified the completion of the 1911 revolution that ended the Qing dynasty (1644–1911) and that inaugurated a form of post-monarchical sovereignty. Chinese republicanism drew from the reformist views from people as diverse as Kang Youwei (1858–1927) and Liang Qichao (1873–1929)—who supported a constitutional monarchy—and then put into practice by Sun Yat-Sen (1866–1925), who was not only against monarchies but more importantly against the wretched cultural inheritance of the centuries and for the unity of the Chinese people across a sprawling territory. The other word—people—has a rich history in Chinese thought and in Marxist theory, where it means that the state must operate on behalf of a range of classes that form most of the society (peasants, workers, intellectuals, and the petty bourgeoisie—the four stars in the new flag of China, with the fifth and largest star representing the CPC). The PRC was understood from the start to be an instrument for the transformation of Chinese society and not the culmination of a previous transformation. It was not a socialist state, but a people’s republic, which would strive to construct socialism. From the very beginning, it was understood by the leadership of the CPC that the Chinese Revolution was not an event that took place in 1949 but a process that began long before, at least since the formation of the Chinese Soviet Republic in Ruijin in 1931 to the revolutionary base in Yan’an in 1936.

The Three Mass Movements

The PRC’s formation came at a time when it had not yet established the unity of the territory or found the means to defend itself against imperialist aggression. Two of the main mass movements deepened right after 1949 were the completion of the defeat of the Kuomintang forces in the southwest and south China, and the establishment of allies in the world (particularly the Soviet Union with the Sino-Soviet Treaty of February 1950) against the imperialist support for the Kuomintang (once it had moved to Taiwan) and then with the US invasion of the Korean peninsula in June 1950. These two mass movements—the defeat of the rightist forces and the building of strength to defend against imperialist aggression—forced the PRC to hold off on the third mass movement, which however was the most enduring: the agrarian reform plan.

The decisions of the CPC in the winter of 1950 began a land reform process in the newly liberated zones that were substantially completed by the spring of 1953. The first general principle of the Law of Agrarian Reform noted, “Abolition of the land ownership of the feudal exploitative landlord class and introduction of peasant land ownership so as to liberate rural productive forces, develop agricultural production and pave the way for New China’s industrialisation.” That was the goal. The process was for the state to encourage grassroots political power, trained and led by the CPC, to conduct land reforms in a guided, planned, and orderly manner. The PRC was not to give land to the peasants, but it was to ensure that the peasants could build regionally and locally to accomplish the task of redistributing resources in their areas. Forced confiscation was not as much the policy as political education in the rural areas to transform land relations away from feudal oppression to a more just basis. By 1956, 90 percent of the country’s peasants had land to till, 100 million peasants were organised in agricultural cooperatives, and private industry was effectively abolished.

Agrarian reform had several productive outcomes: it meant that the landless peasantry and agricultural workers now had access to land and resources that allowed them to live with dignity; it meant that the total population of the rural area worked with a stake in the land and with an interest in making material improvements to the land, which increased productivity; it meant that the old landlord culture of hierarchy and its wretched outcomes in terms of patriarchal relations, for instance, was stamped out. These positive outcomes improved the living and working conditions of most of the Chinese people and built an almost immediate sense of loyalty to the Chinese Revolution.

Overcoming the Penalties of the Past

In 1949, the official literacy rate in China was recorded at 20 percent, although by all indications this was a highly inflated number. This was simply one measure of the miserable conditions of life for the mass of the Chinese population. Another was that population mortality was immense, with infant mortality at a striking 250 per 1000 lived births. The average Chinese life expectancy did not surpass 35 years. Coming out of the Century of Humiliation at the hands of imperialist powers, China’s GDP fell from about one-third of the global economy at the beginning of the nineteenth century to only 5 percent at the PRC’s founding. At that time, in terms of GDP per capital, China was the eleventh poorest nation in the world, behind eight African and two Asian countries. The immense turmoil in the Chinese countryside from the nineteenth century—reflected in the wars against the British and the peasant uprisings, such as the Taiping (1850–1864), Nian (1851–1868), and the Du Wenxiu (1856–1872) rebellions—and the theft by a small class of feudal landowners forced the peasantry and workers into an unreconcilable set of circumstances. They fought because they had to fight, and they were able to prevail because of the context of the war against the Japanese and the brilliant strategic choices made by the CPC during and after the culmination of the Long March.

To overcome the penalties of the past is not an easy option. The PRC simply did not have the resources to redistribute wealth through the creation of an immediately adequate educational and health infrastructure. During the process of agrarian reform, the PRC developed a First Five-Year Plan (1953–1957) under the leadership of Zhou Enlai (1898–1976) and Chen Yun (1905–1995). This Plan was worked out over two years and emphasised four theoretical points:

  • To build an industrial base, which had never really been built to satisfy the needs of the Chinese people both in the cities and in the rural areas. Of all the capital pledged toward construction, 58.2 percent went to the building of industrial capacity.
  • To build a New China based on its realities and not on utopian expectations. This meant that the precious resources harnessed by the PRC had to be used judiciously and that the PRC needed to train an enormous army of bureaucrats to manage the expansion of the state and to use the state’s power to assist in democratisation of the economy.
  • To use whatever means that the Chinese could assemble without too much reliance upon outside help, although the USSR did provide assistance in the early years for industrialisation in particular. During the period of the first Plan, the USSR sent three thousand technical experts into China and welcomed twelve thousand Chinese students to study technical subjects in the USSR. The foreign loans necessary for development accounted for only 2.7 percent of the Chinese state’s total financial revenue in the first Plan.
  • To correctly handle the balance between capital accumulation in a poor country and the consumption needs of the impoverished population. The Plan articulated the need for careful consideration of the immediate interests of the people and their longer-term interests: putting too much of the resources toward building fixed capital might dampen the enthusiasm for socialism, while spending the resources on the immediate troubles will only defer the problems till later.

The sophistication of the theory of the first Plan allowed for some major advances, but these were not sufficient for the prevailing needs. While the objective factors of enhancing the material conditions of life advanced progressively, the major social problems had to be confronted by more subjective techniques. The CPC organised mass campaigns to combat illiteracy (1950–1956), including holding classes in the fields for the peasantry. Caught up in the whirlwind of the 1940s, many rural areas of China developed a mutual help tradition that became the Rural Cooperative Medical Insurance Scheme in the PRC. With this form of medical insurance, the PRC began to distribute its resources to build public health, assisted by the Soviets, including by building general hospitals in the rural provinces and polyclinics in the villages. Both literacy and medical health improved dramatically because of the highly motivated cadre of the PRC, who took their wartime experience of sacrifice and strategy to good effect.

One of the downsides of the need to rely on subjectivism for building socialism is that such a framework is prone to human exaggeration and error, such as in the call for the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). But even here, there the record is not entirely negative. During this period, the PRC formalised the “barefoot doctor” scheme, which allowed medical colleges to provide basic training for doctors to go and serve the people in rural areas and thereby allowed the peasantry to access primary medical care where there had been none before. It required this kind of subjectivism to fight against the temptations of corruption and the deterioration of cadre discipline, both of which had become serious problems in the PRC; these were formulated through the 1951 campaign against the “three evils” in the state sector (corruption, waste, and bureaucracy) and the 1952 fight against the “five evils” in the private sector (bribery, tax evasion, theft of state property, cheating on government contracts, and stealing economic information).

In the twenty-nine-year pre-reform period (1949–1978), China’s life expectancy increased by thirty-two years. In other words, for every year after the Revolution, more than one year was added to the life of an average Chinese person. In 1949, the country’s population was 80 percent illiterate, which in less than three decades was reduced to 16.4 percent in urban areas and 34.7 percent in rural areas; the enrolment of school-age children increased from 20 to 90 percent; and the number of hospitals tripled. From 1952 to 1977, the average annual industrial output growth rate was 11.3 percent. In terms of productive capacity and technological development, China went from not being able to manufacture a car domestically in 1949 to launching its first satellite into outer space in 1970. The Dongfanghong satellite (meaning The East is Red) played the eponymous revolutionary song on loop while in orbit for twenty-eight days. The industrial, economic, and social gains in the transition to socialism under Mao formed the foundation of the post-1978 period.

Breaking the Chain of Dependency

In 1954, Mao addressed the Central People’s Government Council and asked a question that was on the minds of many of the delegates:

Our general objective is to strive to build a great socialist country. Ours is a big country of 600 million people. How long will it really take to accomplish socialist industrialisation and the socialist transformation and mechanisation of agriculture and make China a great socialist country? We won’t set a rigid time-limit now. It will probably take a period of three five-year plans, or fifteen years, to lay the foundation. Will China then become a great country? Not necessarily. I think for us to build a great socialist country, about fifty years, or ten five-year plans, will probably be enough. By then China will be in good shape and quite different from what it is now. What can we make at present? We can make tables and chairs, teacups and teapots, we can grow grain and grind it into flour, and we can make paper. But we can’t make a single motor car, plane, tank or tractor. So, we mustn’t brag and be cocky. Of course, I don’t mean we can become cocky when we turn out our first car, cockier when we make ten cars, and still more cocky when we make more and more cars. That won’t do. Even after fifty years, when our country is in good shape, we should remain as modest as we are now. If by then we should become conceited and look down on others, it would be bad. We mustn’t be conceited even a hundred years from now. We must never be cocky.

Three important points come from this speech. First, that it will take time to build socialism, since revolution in a poor country like China requires the state, the party, and the people to build the material basis for socialism. Patience is a central value of national liberation Marxism. Second, that China needed science, technology, and industrial capacity to break the chain of dependency and produce high-value, modern goods. To do this, China had both to rely upon the import of science and technology and to train its own scientific and technological personnel. Third, humility is as central a value as patience because China is not seeking to advance for national chauvinism but for the purposes of international socialism.

The attempt to break the intractable problem of dependency was attempted (and substantially failed) during the Great Leap Forward (1958–1962) and the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). Many lessons were learned then, and during the two-year period after the death of Mao (1976–1978). In May 1976, Hu Fuming (1935–2023), a CPC member and professor at Nanjing University, published an article with an interesting title, “Practice Is the Sole Criterion for Judging Truth.” This philosophical position, which was attractive to many people in the CPC, was adopted by Deng Xiaoping (1904–1997) in his 1978 speech to the 3rd Plenary Session of the CPC’s 11th Central Committee, which was titled, “Emancipate the Mind. Seek Truth from Facts. Unite as One in Looking to the Future.” What might appear as pragmatism was in fact an adherence to materialism, setting the course of Chinese socialism on the tracks of actuality rather than trying to hasten matters through an excess of subjectivism. The reform era, that opened in 1978, was built on this philosophical foundation.

In January 1963, Zhou Enlai had laid out a programme for China to focus on the Four Modernisations, namely, to modernise agriculture, industry, defence, as well as science and technology. In his 1978 speech, Deng returned to these Four Modernisations and said that they could not take place “if ossified thinking was not done away with.” The following year, Deng said that China must strive to become a “moderately prosperous society” (xiaokang), which could only take place with the advancement of the industrial base. In focusing on the opening up and China’s policy to attract technologically advanced industry into the country, an uneven appraisal has come of the Reform era that started in 1978. Several aspects are neglected, but two should be highlighted: agricultural productivity was to be increased through a household responsibility system (which weakened collective farms in the pursuit of a greater socialisation of labour and a higher form of collectivity); the role of the CPC had to be strengthened over the PRC and over society with a better political education and discipline for the cadre (in 1980, Deng made a speech where he highlighted the major malpractices of “bureaucracy, over-concentration of power, patriarchal behaviour, and leading cadres enjoying life-long tenure and privileges of all kinds”). The country would never be able to meet the challenge of the Four Modernisations and advance to socialism if it ignored the problems created by China’s dependent place in the neocolonial world order, as well as the rot that frequently sets in when power becomes an end in itself.

Private foreign capital came first from the Chinese diaspora then from East Asian capitalists (Japan in the lead) and finally from Western capital; this investment that entered the PRC to take advantage of the highly educated and healthy workforce had to transfer science and technology as a prerequisite, which formed a basis for the growth of China’s own science and technology sector. The PRC placed significant restrictions on the foreign capital, such as that it had to meet the productive needs of Chinese plans, that it had to transfer technology, and that it could not repatriate as much of the profit as it wished. Dependency was broken by this insistence, built on the foundation of the early decades of the Chinese Revolution. It was a consequence of the long trajectory of the Chinese Revolution that it was able to demonstrate high growth rates (nearly 10 percent year-on-year) in the period since 1978, that it was able to abolish absolute poverty, and that it was able to increase household and total consumption—including on education—across the decades since then. The chain of dependency was weakened, but not broken, although the reform period came with its own severe problems—such as increased inequality and a weakened social fabric.

The Zigs and Zags of the Chinese Revolution

In 2012, thirty-four years after the opening up period began, CPC leader Hu Jintao (born 1942) told the 18th National Congress that corruption had become a key issue. “If we fail to handle this issue well,” he warned, “it could prove fatal to the Party, and even cause the collapse of the Party and the fall of the state.” At that Congress, Hu was succeeded by Xi Jinping (born 1953), whose first take was to tackle this issue and to revive the socialist culture in China. In his inaugural speech as the Party head, Xi committed to “striking tigers and flies at the same time,” referring to the corruption that had spread from the high echelons down to the grassroots level. The Party launched the “eight-point” measures for its members, to limit practices such as inconsequential meetings and extravagant receptions, and advocated diligence and thrift. Within a year, 25 percent of official meetings were cancelled, 160,000 “phantom staff” were removed from the government payroll, and 2,580 unnecessary official building projects were stopped. By May 2021, a total of over four million cadres and officials had been investigated, with 3.7 million of them having been punished by the Central Commission of Discipline Inspection. At least forty-three members of the Central Committee and six Politburo members have been punished for corruption, including former ministers, provincial governors, and presidents of the biggest state-owned banks.

Hu’s comments and Xi’s actions reflected concerns that during the period of high growth after 1978, CPC members grew increasingly detached from the people. During the first months of his presidency, Xi launched the “mass line campaign” to bring the Party closer to the grassroots. As part of the Targeted Poverty Alleviation campaign launched in 2014, three million Party cadres were sent to live and work in 128,000 villages as part of this project. In 2020, despite the COVID-19 pandemic, China successfully eradicated extreme poverty, contributing to 76 percent of the global reduction in poverty over the last four decades. The 19th National Congress of the CPC in 2017 marked a shift in the principal contradiction facing Chinese society, from developing the productive forces quickly to addressing unbalance and inadequate development. In other words, the reform and opening up period was seen as a precondition for building a modern socialist society, but its work is still incomplete.

Beyond the Party’s self-correction, Xi’s strong words and actions against the corrupt “flies and tigers” contributed to the Chinese people’s confidence in the government. According to a 2020 study by Harvard University, the central government approval rating sits at 93.1 per cent, seeing the most significant growth in the more underdeveloped regions in the countryside. This rise of confidence in rural areas results from increased social services, trust in local officials, and the campaign against poverty.

In 2016, reflecting on the continuation of Chinese dependency, Xi said that the “dependence on core technology is the biggest hidden trouble for us. Heavy dependence on imported core technology is like building our house on top of someone else’s house.” The US trade war against China, which began in 2018, came after the collapse of confidence in countries such as China, India, and Brazil that the US can be the buyer of last resort (the confidence falling after the Third Great Depression began in 2007). These phenomenon—the lack of confidence and the trade war—set China on a path that would diverge from the West, building the Belt and Road Initiative (2013) and then developing New Quality Productive Forces (2023). The first concept shows China’s interest in building new markets away from the United States and Europe, but also using that process to assist in the development breakthroughs in countries in the Global South. The second concept, central to Xi Jinping Thought, is about moving China to “lead the development of strategic emerging industries and future industries,” as Xi put it in September 2023. The US trade war put pressure on Chinese science to advance in new areas, such as artificial intelligence, biomedicine, nanotechnology, and the manufacturing of computer chips. Two examples of the rapid advances are that China’s digital economy in 2022 accounted for 41.5 percent of its GDP, while its 5G penetration rate was greater than 50 percent in 2023. While the growth of these strategic industries have been key to China’s development, the government has taken decisive measures in recent years to curtail the “disorderly expansion of capital,” specifically targeting Big Tech monopolies and other private sectors as well as real estate speculation. At the same time, there has been an increased emphasis on combating the “three mountains” faced by the Chinese people, which is the high education, housing, and healthcare costs.

The Chinese Revolution continues to be a process. It is unfinished because history proceeds onward and there are many problems to solve, including the character of China’s relationship to the rest of the Global South as it searches for a new development architecture after the complete failure of the International Monetary Fund-World Bank austerity and debt approach. That China has been able to abolish absolute poverty and build advanced technology at the same time indicates that the balance between investment and consumption has been well handled by the PRC under the leadership of the CPC. China’s stability and strength has enabled it to now enter the world sphere and offer leadership to solve seemingly intractable problems, such as between Iran and Saudi Arabia and in Palestine.

This is a good period, after 75 years, to go back and study Mao’s 1954 speech where he highlighted the need for China to develop independent science and technology, patience, and humility. In 2021, with the eradication of extreme poverty and on the 100th anniversary of the founding of the CPC, China was able to achieve its “First Centenary Goal” of building “a moderately prosperous society in all respects”—in other words, achieving xiaokang for a country of 1.4 billion people. Now it is on an unchartered path to achieve its Second Centenary Goal of building “a modern socialist country that is prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, and harmonious” by 2049, the 100th anniversary of the PRC’s founding. These are important traits of any development process, but especially one rooted in the socialist tradition.

Courtesy: Monthly Review online

The Authors : Tings Chak and Vijay Prashad work at Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research and are both editors of the international edition of  Wenghua Zongheng: A Journal of Contemporary Chinese Thought.

Tings Chak is a researcher and the art director of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research and co-founding member of the Dongsheng collective.

Vijay Prashad is an Indian historian, editor, and journalist. He is a writing fellow and chief correspondent at Globetrotter.

4 October 2024

Source: countercurrents.org