Just International

Bangladesh protest movement launches foreign remittance freeze

By FAISAL MAHMUD

DHAKA — Weeks of deadly protests in Bangladesh have prompted critics to lean on foreign remittances as their newest weapon against what they blast as state-sanctioned violence.

Organizers are calling on nearly 10 million Bangladeshis living abroad to freeze the flow of about $2 billion sent home monthly, as the Sheikh Hasina government grapples with an economic crisis that forced it to seek out an IMF bailout last year.

Remittances are the South Asian nation’s second-biggest source of foreign currency, a point not lost on boycott organizers like Faiz Ahmad Taiyeb, a Bangladeshi engineer working for a telecom company in Europe.

“By reducing remittances, we can cut off the financial lifeline to Hasina’s autocratic government,” said Taiyeb.

The new tactic has won the backing of some popular Bangladeshi expats, including U.S.-based Elias Hussain, a former TV journalist turned government critic with over 2 million followers on YouTube.

More than 200 people have been killed since mass protests broke out last month as students and other demonstrators called on Hasina’s government to ditch public-sector job quotas amid skyrocketing youth unemployment.

The unrest sparked a heavy-handed government response that drew condemnation at home and abroad. Thousands have been arrested, and this week Hasina’s government — re-elected this year to a fourth term in controversial polls boycotted by the opposition — said it would ban the main Islamic party, Jamaat-e-Islami, and its student wing, which it blames for the violence.

The job quota system was abolished in 2018 after widespread protests, but the country’s High Court ordered its reinstatement in late June.

While Hasina’s administration has since agreed to reduce the quotas, a curfew has been implemented and public anger remains high.

On Wednesday, the European Union said it had postponed negotiations with Bangladesh on a new cooperation deal covering trade and economic relations after criticism of Dhaka’s response to the unrest.

Bangladesh is already struggling with a foreign exchange crisis, which has seen its reserves shrink to about $18 billion from nearly $49 billion two years ago.

The country’s overseas remittances, which are subject to government taxes, hit nearly $24 billion in the last fiscal year.

“Remittances for Bangladesh are what oil sales receipts [are] for a Middle Eastern country,” said Shafquat Rabbee, an adjunct instructor of business analytics at the University of Dallas. “[Any] reduction could run shockwaves through the country’s macro economy.”

Tokyo-based apparel merchandiser Saddam Hossain, another leader of the boycott movement, is calling on Bangladeshis in Japan and South Korea to temporarily suspend payments to friends and family back home — despite the financial strain.

“I am doing this for my homeland,” he said. “By killing students, this autocratic government of Hasina has forfeited all legitimacy.”

Salim Mahmud, secretary of information and research for the ruling Awami League, slammed the remittance freeze as “unpatriotic” and unrealistic over the long term.

“People back home rely on this money,” he told Nikkei Asia. “By urging a halt through legal channels, these individuals are encouraging illegality,” he added, referring to unofficial channels that evade remittance duties.

The social media-driven campaign has led ministers from the Hasina administration to urge expatriates to continue sending funds home, while some banks have been directed to raise the U.S. dollar rate for incoming remittances, local media reported.

Business leaders, meanwhile, have warned that the recent protests, curfews and government-ordered internet shutdowns have already caused an estimated $10 billion in economic losses and threaten Bangladesh’s status as an investment destination.

It is currently not clear how many overseas Bangladeshis are taking part in the boycott or how much remittances may fall.

Bangladesh Bank, the country’s central bank, reported that remittances between July 19 and July 24 were just $78 million, an amount sometimes received in a single day. But central bank spokesperson Mezbah Ul Haque told Nikkei that the sharply reduced flow could be attributed to a five-day internet blackout during the protests.

Australia-based economist Jyoti Rahman said it was “too early to attribute these figures to boycott.”

But “if even a fraction of those who would otherwise have remitted money back to Bangladesh refrain from doing so, it would mean fewer supply of foreign exchange which would mean downward pressure on the taka currency,” Rahman added.

Cutting remittances by half could push Bangladesh into insolvency and crash the local currency, warned U.S.-based academic Rabbee.

Zaved Akhtar, president of the Foreign Investors Chamber of Commerce and Industry, cautioned that the “economic repercussions are still unfolding and the total damage could be even greater if the protests continue.”

The remittance boycott, however, could backfire if the government turns it against the protest movement.

“The current situation is complex and there are lots of pressure points,” said Dhaka-based economist Rubaiyath Sarwar, adding that the government may “attempt to use it as a tool to raise friction between the low-income population and the students.”

2 August 2024

Source: asia.nikkei.com

The international community must uphold its commitments, put an end to the torture of Palestinian detainees and prisoners

By Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor

Palestinian Territory – The international community must act swiftly and forcefully to end Israel’s systematic and widespread use of torture and other serious violations against Palestinian prisoners and detainees, particularly those from the Gaza Strip. These acts of torture and abuse are committed as part of Israel’s full-scale genocide against the Palestinian people, ongoing since 7 October 2023.

The prohibition of torture is a peremptory norm of international law, imposing a duty on all states to enforce this prohibition. All states are legally obligated to prevent and punish acts of torture under all circumstances; torture is a crime that cannot be allowed, justified, or tolerated, even in armed conflicts.

The international community continues to remain virtually silent about Israel’s egregious  human rights violations, despite mounting evidence of their commission and continued recognition by numerous national and international human rights frameworks and institutions. This allows Israel to continue committing these crimes, shields its perpetrators from accountability, and denies its victims their most basic rights and human dignity.

A report released by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights yesterday (Wednesday 31 July), detailing cases of torture and ill-treatment from 7 October 2023 to 30 June 2024, affirms that Israel has committed grave human rights violations during arrests and detentions since the start of its genocide in the Strip. These violations include the denial of the right to life, liberty, and protection from torture and other ill-treatment, as well as the practice of arbitrary detention, rape, and other forms of sexual violence, all of which may qualify as war crimes.

According to the UN report, Palestinian prisoners and detainees from the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, have been subjected to crimes of torture and inhumane treatment that target all groups without exception, including men, women, children, and the elderly, as well as doctors, journalists, and human rights defenders. These crimes begin at the moment of arrest and do not stop until the prisoner’s release—if their release occurs.

The UN report focuses on Israel’s systematic policy of mass and daily arbitrary arrest campaigns against Palestinians, which is a blatant flouting of international law. The Israeli laws include Military Order 1651 of 2010 and the Unlawful Combatants Law of 2002 and its amendments, which give Israeli authorities the right to hold an administrative detainee or prisoner for an indefinite amount of time without charging them with any crime; deny them the right to a fair trial; and prevent them from to be informed with evidence that has been attributed to them—which typically stays secret under the guise of “state security”. Consequently, the legitimate right  to contest the detention is undermined, since neither the detainee nor their  attorney is aware of the charges or detention reasons.

The report concludes that Israel’s widespread arrests of Palestinian civilians and their unjustified, prolonged detentions amount to an act of collective punishment. It also stresses that arbitrary detention during armed conflicts, i.e. the willful denial of a protected person’s right to a fair trial, is regarded as a war crime, and is a serious violation of international humanitarian law.

The various  forms of torture that Palestinian detainees and prisoners in Israeli prisons and detention centres endure, such as severe beatings that sometimes result in death, are also discussed in the UN report. It also documents the deaths of 53 Palestinians in Israeli prisons and detention centres since 7 October 2023 as a result of torture or the willful denial of essential medical care.

According to the report, Palestinian prisoners and detainees also face the confiscation of personal belongings and severe restrictions on their access to food, water, sanitation, electricity, medical care, media, family visits, and legal representation. Furthermore, they are held in extremely overcrowded cells and cage-like facilities.

Other forms of torture and mistreatment that Palestinian prisoners and detainees—including women and children—are subjected to are covered in the report as well. These practices include prolonged handcuffing and blindfolding, waterboarding, sleep deprivation, exposure to extreme cold, being forced to kneel on gravel, intentional humiliation, extortion, electric shocks, being burned with cigarettes, and being forced to take hallucinogenic medications.

The report details several incidents where members of the Israeli army and security personnel committed sexual assault, threatened sexual assault, and raped Palestinian detainees, including both men and women. The Geneva Conventions prohibit these acts because they constitute torture and are per se classified as war crimes.

According to the UN report, the widespread practice of detention by Israel, combined with its refusal to admit that detainees have been deprived of their liberty and held without the Israeli authorities informing their families of their location or fate, puts them outside the legal protection system, amounts to the crime of enforced disappearance. Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor emphasises that the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court classifies the crime of enforced disappearance as a crime against humanity.

In a recent report released on 21 May, Euro-Med Monitor documents the testimonies of about 100 released Palestinian detainees. These testimonies confirm that the Israeli authorities and army have committed horrific crimes of arbitrary detention, enforced disappearance, torture, and inhuman treatment against thousands of Palestinian civilians who were arrested as part of Israel’s genocide in the Strip.

In the 50-plus-page report, titled “Hostages of Israeli Revenge in the Gaza Strip”, Euro-Med Monitor brings to light the widespread practice of arbitrary collective and individual arrests by Israeli forces against Palestinian civilians in the Strip. Those arrested during Israel’s military incursions and its ground attacks on cities, camps, and residential neighbourhoods throughout the Strip include women, children, the elderly, and displaced individuals.

Over the past few days, a number of Israelis and members of the Israeli Knesset have stormed Israeli prisons and security facilities in protest against the detention of several Israeli army soldiers for inquiry into allegations of severe torture and brutal sexual assault against a Palestinian prisoner.

The Euro-Mediterranean Monitor believes that the Israeli authorities’ claims of conducting local investigations fall within their attempts to obstruct the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court by arguing the absence of the complementarity principle, even though these procedures and investigations have proven to lack seriousness, as evident from the quick release of these accused individuals.

The international community cannot continue to ignore Israel’s horrific crimes against Palestinians, including torture, rape, sexual assault, inhumane treatment, and enforced disappearances. Over time, states that overlook these acts will be found to have violated their international obligations through inaction, or some may even be considered complicit in Israel’s crimes against Palestinian prisoners and detainees. In either case, victims will be entitled to hold these states and their officials—particularly decision-makers—legally accountable on both criminal and civil levels.

All states and the international community have a responsibility to carry out their international legal and ethical duties, as well as to implement the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights’ most recent report’s recommendations and any other relevant advice from the UN’s independent experts and other capable international organisations. These recommendations include:

1. Take immediate action, apply real pressure and influence, and use tools to force Israel to stop committing crimes against Palestinian prisoners and detainees and pressure it to comply with the rules of international law and the decisions of the International Court of Justice.

2- Refrain from collaborating or participating with Israel in committing crimes against Palestinian prisoners and detainees, and refrain from providing any form of support or assistance to Israel in relation to committing these crimes, including refraining from establishing contractual relations or providing assistance in the military, intelligence, political, legal, financial, media, and other fields that may contribute to the continuation of these crimes.

3- Pressure Israel to immediately stop committing the crime of enforced disappearance against Palestinian prisoners and detainees from the Gaza Strip, immediately disclose all secret detention facilities, and disclose Gaza prisoners’ names, fate and places of detention, and assume full responsibility for their lives and safety.

4- Pressure the Israeli authorities to release all Palestinian detainees who have been arbitrarily arrested, and to ensure that all fair trial procedures are followed if the accused are brought to trial.

5- Intervene to ensure the return of the remains of Palestinian prisoners and detainees who died in Israeli prisons and detention centers.

6- Pressure Israel not to enforce any Israeli legislation that violates the rights of Palestinian prisoners and detainees, including the recent amendments to this legislation.

7. Calling on the International Committee of the Red Cross to take up its responsibilities and visit Palestinian prisoners and detainees in all Israeli prisons and detention centres, verify the conditions of their detention, look for missing and forcibly disappeared people, help uncover their fate, and take public positions, including making statements, each time Israel forbids it from carrying out its mandated duties, most notably visiting Palestinian prisoners and detainees.

8- Conduct an immediate, independent and impartial international investigation into the circumstances of the deaths of all Palestinian prisoners and detainees who died in Israeli prisons, and the crimes of torture, rape, and sexual violence committed against them, especially since Israel began its unprecedented, large-scale military attack on the Gaza Strip on October 7, and take appropriate steps to hold those responsible accountable and provide justice to the victims.

9-Collaboratively and seriously working at all levels to submit specialized reports to the International Criminal Court on the crimes to which Palestinian prisoners and detainees are subjected in Israeli prisons and detention centres, especially after October 7.

10- Support the work of the International Criminal Court in its investigations into the situation in Palestine, and do not obstruct its issuance of arrest warrants for all those responsible for committing these crimes and bringing them to justice and holding them accountable, and comply with arrest and extradition requests if they are issued, and cooperate for the purpose of arresting the Israeli defendants against whom these warrants are issued, and prevent their escape, and work to hand them over without delay to the International Criminal Court in accordance with the relevant international procedures and rules.

11- States must implement their international obligations to prosecute perpetrators before their national courts by exercising universal jurisdiction over serious violations, including acts of torture and other ill-treatment committed by Israel against Palestinians, which trigger such jurisdiction regardless of the place where the crime occurred, the nationality of the perpetrator and/or the victim, in accordance with the laws in force in those States.

12- Urging and calling on the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, and the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, and demanding them to conduct immediate and comprehensive investigations into all crimes committed by the Israeli army and security forces against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, each in accordance with their mandate, and to communicate with the victims of these crimes and their families, as well as provide reports on these crimes to all relevant parties to prepare for the work of fact-finding committees and international courts in reviewing, probing, and holding trials regarding the Israeli crimes and justice for victims.

13- Ensuring compensation and redress for the victims of Palestinian prisoners and detainees and their families and redressing the damage resulting from the serious crimes and grave violations committed by Israel against them, in accordance with the rules of international law.

Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor is a Geneva-based independent organization with regional offices across the MENA region and Europe

2 August 2024

Source: countercurrents.org

When ‘Prophets’ Become Memes: Rise and Fall of Benjamin Netanyahu

By Dr. Ramzy Baroud

Great orators in history would not have been recognized as such if their words carried no value. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is neither a great orator, nor did his speech before a joint Congressional session on July 24 have actual worth. It was an expression of his desperation, if not defeat, on all fronts.

This is not new. For years, Netanyahu has served the role of a social media meme. During his United Nations General Assembly speech in September 2012, the Israeli leader displayed a bomb diagram to fan the flames for another Middle East war.

His equally bizarre map of the ‘New Middle East’, which he also carried during another UNGA speech on September 22, 2023, also invited mockery.

But on both occasions, as on others, Netanyahu’s strategy was never intended for humor. His spectacles were carried out with the knowledge that global media would not miss the opportunity to highlight his performance with much interest. His rhetoric would often go unchallenged.

Moreover, until October 7, Netanyahu’s possible risk factors, resulting from what may seem to us as outrageous behavior and outlandish speeches, were quite minimal. To the contrary, for his Israeli constituency, appearing on the world stage with such media fanfare was always a reason for yet greater approval.

To his followers, Netanyahu served the role of the ‘modern-day prophet‘.

“There are very few leaders left in Israel or around the world with the capacity to fully grasp and articulate the historical and prophetic relevance of what is happening in Israel, the Middle East and around the world today,” David Lazarus wrote on October 9, 2020 – almost exactly three years before the Hamas operation in southern Israel, and the most destructive Israeli war which followed.

But the supposed visionary has failed to read all the signs, not only in the lead-up to the war, but to the disastrous impact of the genocide, which will haunt his country for many years to come. Since then, the majority of Israelis have abandoned their prophet, numerous Israeli opinion polls continue to tell us.

Yet, Netanyahu appears unperturbed. He spoke at the Congress with near total lack of awareness of the new reality emanating from his failed policies and botched reading of history.

For those who may not know, Netanyahu also sells himself to Israelis as an intellectual. His intellect involves “exposing the deception”, of the centrality of the Palestinian cause to the Middle East, or the so-called “theory of Palestinian centrality”.

To counter that “big lie”, Netanyahu dedicated to the notion of the ‘reversal of causality’, as in challenging the notion that Israel – namely the Israeli occupation of Palestine and other Arab lands – is the main cause of problems in the Middle East.

Until recently, the man’s theories have garnered much traction, enough, in fact, to temporarily marginalize the Palestinian cause, and to invest in new ways of shaping a ‘new Middle East’, where Palestine simply is not on a map.

These illusions, however, have and continue to crumble. Instead of pushing a reset button that would shape the Middle East according to Israeli priorities and interest, the Palestinians pushed it.

This time around, Netanyahu has no theories, no actual solutions, no prophetic visions, not even a ridiculous map to save his life or career. Isolated by much of the world, he rushed to the only place where he would feel safe, where people would clap for him unconditionally, even before he spoke: The US Congress.

And, indeed, they did – 39 times, including 23 standing ovations, and a total of 10 minutes and 55 seconds to be exact. But even the jolly bunch of US representatives who agreed to be part of that tragic charade will not save Netanyahu.

Here, a quick pause is needed, in appreciation for those who refused to attend Netanyahu’s speech of lies, and admiration for US-Palestinian Congresswoman Rashida Tlaib, who held a sign throughout the whole event, reminding us, and the world, that Netanyahu is a “war criminal” and “guilty of genocide”.

Netanyahu is not a pathological liar, as he is often accused by his enemies and detractors, in Israel and elsewhere. He lies, because, at times, not telling the truth is convenient, especially when there is no accountability for lying, time and again.

In his Congress speech, however, Netanyahu did more than simply lie. He had the audacity of calling millions of Americans who protested the war “Iran’s useful idiots”, while perpetuating the right-wing language on the “clash between barbarism against civilization”.

Still, a few were truly impressed. Even his closest allies are abandoning him. Former US Speaker, Nancy Pelosi described his speech as “by far the worst presentation of any foreign dignitary invited and honored with the privilege of addressing the Congress of the United States”. Many others found him insincere, including his own people.

When Netanyahu mattered, his speeches often led to wars, or major regional instability. But Netanyahu no longer matters, except for a few US politicians vying for re-election.

The Israeli leader had hoped to press the reset button and return to his silly theories about the irrelevance of Palestine to the Middle East, and the world. He was proven wrong, again, making him a false prophet or, at best, a failed leader.

Dr. Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle.

2 August 2024

Source: countercurrents.org

733 million of the world’s people faced hunger in 2023

By Jean Shaoul

According to the latest State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World (SOFI) report, a staggering 733 million people faced hunger in 2023, equivalent to one in eleven people globally and one in five in Africa.

Global hunger levels have remained the same for three consecutive years and are running at around 152 million more than in 2019.

That so many people are unable to feed themselves in the third decade of the 21st century, amid unprecedented scientific and technological developments in food production and distribution, is a searing indictment of the capitalist system.

The annual report was published by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the UN World Food Programme (WFP), and the World Health Organization (WHO). These agencies are part of the international order set up in the aftermath of World War II to enforce the peace; they act as pillars of support for the predatory aims of the US and other imperialist powers. Their focus is therefore on the financial “solutions” that will best enrich the banks and global food corporations.

The UN agencies launched the report in the context of the G20 Global Alliance against Hunger and Poverty Task Force Ministerial Meeting that took place in Brazil on July 24, with the official launch of the alliance set to take place at the same time as the leaders of the world’s 20 richest nations meet for the G20 Summit in November 2024. It points to the way that hunger, poverty and malnutrition are seen as business opportunities dressed up as philanthropy, humanitarianism and social concern.

While Asia is home to more than half the world’s hungry people, the worst conditions exist in Africa, where the percentage of people facing hunger continues to rise (to 20.4 percent). In 2023, 384.5 million people in Asia faced hunger, compared with 298.4 million in Africa. From 2022 to 2023, hunger increased in Western Asia, the Caribbean, and most subregions of Africa.

The report goes beyond the issue of hunger, drawing attention to widespread food insecurity and malnutrition.

In 2020, amid the COVID-19 pandemic, there was a sharp uptick in the numbers of people facing moderate or severe food insecurity, especially in Africa where 58 percent of the population is moderately or severely food insecure. Four years later, the overall number has not changed significantly, hovering around 2.33 billion, or 29 percent of the world’s 8.1 billion population. Over 864 million people experienced severe food insecurity, going without food for an entire day or more at times

Levels of undernourishment, far from falling, have risen to levels comparable to those in 2008-09. What the report omitted to say was that more than one billion went hungry then as food prices soared thanks to hoarding by the food trading corporations, hedge fund speculation and the criminal activities of the financial institutions in 2007-08. It led to people dying of starvation and food riots and social unrest in both poor and advanced nations, bringing down the Haitian government and contributing to the 2011 Arab Spring.

The report warns that if current trends continue, about 582 million people will be chronically undernourished in 2030, half in Africa. These figures put paid to any notion of achieving the UN’s Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 2, Zero Hunger, by 2030. The Zero Hunger Goal, established in 2015, was supposed to “end hunger, achieve food security and improved nutrition and promote sustainable agriculture.”

Malnutrition and a healthy diet go beyond the issue of food insecurity, as the report points out, affecting over one-third of the global population. Using new food price data and methodologies, it reveals that more than 2.8 billion people were unable to afford a healthy diet in 2022, particularly in low-income countries, where 71.5 percent of the population cannot afford a healthy diet, compared to 6.3 percent in high-income countries. This increased substantially in Africa, while dropping below pre-pandemic levels elsewhere.

A recent report on the diets of under-fives from the UN’s children’s agency UNICEF found that one young child in four globally has a diet so restricted it is likely to harm their growth, brain development and chances of survival. Many of the children live in UN-designated “hunger hotspots” such as Palestine, Haiti and Mali, where it expects access to food to deteriorate over the coming months. An estimated 181 million children from almost 100 countries were consuming, at most, only two food groups on a daily basis—typically milk with a starchy food such as rice, maize or wheat.

The SOFI report points to the co-existence of undernutrition alongside overweight and obesity that has surged across all age groups. While thinness and underweight have declined over the last 20 years, obesity—which increases the risk of diabetes, cardiovascular diseases and cancer—has risen, with levels of adult obesity rising from 12.1 percent in 2012 to 15.8 percent in 2022. This is projected to rise to 1.2 billion by 2030.

Overweight and obesity have risen because of the huge increase in the production and consumption of processed and ultra-processed foods containing high levels of salt, saturated fats and/or preservatives, and of sugar-sweetened beverages, distributed through supermarkets and local convenience stores, many of which sell little else. This is not just increasing in urban areas but also in Africa’s rural areas, driven, among other things, by mechanization of farm production and higher incomes from non-farm employment, along with longer working hours and travel time that puts a premium on convenience foods.

The International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) cited research showing that the rising demand for processed foods has come on the back of the rapid expansion of the food processing and modern distribution and packaging systems in the food supply chains, encompassing both small-and medium enterprises (SMEs) and the giant food companies.

The large food corporations have invested in highly automated food processing factories in Africa and elsewhere, with Indonesia’s Indofood manufacturing package snacks and ready-to-eat products like Indomie ramen noodles in Nigeria.

The SMEs involved in the processing, wholesale, transportation and retail food supply chain employ an estimated 20 percent of the rural and 25 percent of the urban workforces in Africa. Many African countries face strong opposition from large food companies with strong market power to any attempts to impose sugar taxes, the labelling of unhealthy foods and the bans on the distribution of unhealthy foods in schools to reduce demand for unhealthy ultra-processed foods.

The SOFI report has little if anything to say about the impact of the Gulf states’ land and water grabbing activities in the Horn of Africa in search of food supplies for their burgeoning populations. For example, much of Sudan’s most fertile region—the states of Khartoum, River Nile and Northern that once sustained indigenous farmers—has been bought up, particularly after the 2008 food crisis and 2013 introduction of business-friendly legislation. Land has been turned over to highly mechanised food production for export, often via agreements with agribusiness companies such as the US firm Cargill.

In other regions in the Horn and East Africa dominated by agro-pastoral subsistence economies, changes in the ownership, rearing and export of livestock have led to violent land clearances and the militarisation of livestock rearing for a rapidly expanding export market, as well as to the displacement and destitution of the local people who are often forced to live in edge-of-city shanty towns or giant internally displaced peoples’ camps that are little more than bonded-labour camps. In Sudan, ethnic and tribal rivalries exacerbated by militarised livestock production may have played a role in the ongoing intra-military civil war in Darfur and Kordofan.

The UN agencies’ report explains that food insecurity and malnutrition are worsening due to food price inflation, and conflicts, climate change and economic downturns becoming more frequent and severe. None of this is explained in concrete terms that set out the economic processes, the activities of the giant food corporations and traders, the role of the multilateral organisations acting under the umbrella of the UN and the complicity of pliant governments. Much less do they identify the (few) financial winners and (many) losers.

To do so, would make it clear that only a frontal assault on the wealth and power of the corporate and financial oligarchy can resolve the immense social and economic crises confronting mankind. New production techniques, rationally and scientifically utilised, could feed the world and end global hunger, poverty and backbreaking work in the fields. This requires the mass mobilisation of the international working class, which produces all of society’s vast wealth, to conquer state power and carry out the reorganization of social and economic life based on human need, equality and socialism.

2 August 2024

Source: countercurrents.org

The Israeli Terrorist State. Craig Murray

By Craig Murray

It is no longer possible to categorise the nihilistic violence of the Israeli state. It appears to have no objective other than violence and an urge for desolation.

In 24 hours Israel has murdered the man with whom it would need to negotiate hostage release in the short term and political settlement in the long term, and a key figure in its most dangerous potential military enemy which has refrained from full-on war.

In doing so it has violated the territory, indeed the capitals, of two crucial regional states.

Israel has also taken a policy decision that the mass rape of detainees by soldiers – and, somewhat strangely, homosexual rape in particular – is acceptable in war and not to be punished.

Ironically Israel has also underlined its genocidal intent in Gaza by proving that it has the technical ability to carry out targeted attacks, and that the flattening of entire cities with 2,000lb bombs and the massacre of tens of thousands of innocents has been a policy choice.

The western media appears paralysed by this. I have seen virtually no serious comment or analysis. Nor has anybody pointed out the contrast between Israel’s lies about mass rape on October 7 and Israel’s now-admitted policy of tolerating rape of detainees.

The political class seems even more paralysed than the media class. Caught in their commitment to Zionism – basically bought and paid for – they have nothing to say about these incredible events more sensible than Kamala Harris’s zombie-like incantation of “Israel’s right to self-defence”.

The British Foreign Office has failed to produce its promised considered reaction to the ICJ Opinion on the illegality of Israeli occupation, let alone responded sensibly to Israel’s crazed paroxysm of destruction this week.

For me it is now axiomatic that there is no two state solution and that apartheid Israel must be completely dismantled as an entity. I believe that more and more people around the entire globe believe that now.

And if we have to dismantle our own political and media classes to get there, so be it.

1 August 2024

Source: globalresearch.ca

US National Debt Tops $35 Trillion for the First Time in History

By Ahmed Adel

The US has achieved another “milestone” after its national debt surpassed the $35 trillion mark, the US House of Representatives Budget Committee announced on July 29. Yet, despite debt increasing and the economy struggling, the US is still not deterred from achieving its military ambitions.

Committee Chairman Jodey Arrington, R-Ky., called the development a “dubious milestone” and urged for more fiscal and spending responsibility to address the growing national debt.

“Today, we grieve yet another dubious milestone in the fiscal decline of the most powerful and prosperous nation in history. President Reagan’s words 34 trillion dollars ago still hold true today,” Arrington said in a statement, expressing hope that the Republican Party could somehow alleviate the situation if Donald Trump wins the November election.

“I believe Republican leadership in 2025 is our last best hope to restore fiscal responsibility before it’s too late,” he added.

The US national debt has soared in recent years under President Joe Biden and his predecessor, Donald Trump, who had repeatedly promised to reduce it during his 2016 campaign. By the time Trump left office, the debt had grown by $8.4 trillion to $27.7 trillion, with more than half of the borrowings related to COVID-19 measures. The trend has continued under Biden, with the incumbent president now surpassing the $35 trillion mark.

The US is, in fact, the largest debtor nation in world history, and according to the International Monetary Fund, public debt will exceed 123% of GDP this year and reach nearly 134% by 2029. This means that it will be impossible for the US to overcome its debt. The IMF even recently warned the government about the debt level that will be reached if current policies are maintained.

“Under current policies, the general government debt is expected to rise steadily and exceed 140% of GDP by 2032. Similarly, the general government deficit is expected to remain around 2.5% of GDP,” the financial institution said in a statement on June 27.

The IMF added that the US needs to reverse the current rise in its public debt-to-GDP ratio to avoid a growing risk to the country and the global economy.

Responding to the US breaking a new debt record, Maya MacGuineas, president of the nonpartisan Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, said in a statement:

“This news is incredibly sobering – and incredibly unsurprising for anyone who has been following our fiscal trajectory. Just last month, the Congressional Budget Office warned Americans that debt held by the public is on its way to a new record share of the economy in three years. The deficit will be nearly $2 trillion this year and nearly $3 trillion in ten years.”

“We are going to have to get serious about the debt, and soon. Election years cannot be an exception for trying to prevent completely foreseeable dangers – and the debt is one of the major dangers we are facing,” she added.

Nonetheless, despite the growing debt, Moscow is not under any illusions that this will change Washington’s militaristic ambitions.

“Of course, the US, as one of the largest global economies, has a direct impact on the international economic situation,” Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said on July 30. “However, it is unlikely that this whole situation will somehow hinder their militaristic ambitions.”

US global dominance is gradually collapsing due to its weakening economy and the emergence of a multipolar world order in which Russia, China, India, and other countries play a major role. With the emergence of the multipolar world, Washington will soon have to communicate with other powers on an equal footing, especially since, as the failed anti-Russia sanctions have shown, the US can no longer use its economic might to impose its will.

Although US debt is growing and ordinary citizens are suffering from a cost-of-living crisis, Washington’s militaristic ambitions will certainly continue unabated. This is seen in the fact that in May, it was revealed that Congress had approved $175 billion of emergency support for Ukraine since 2022, an astronomical figure considering the US is $35 trillion in debt.

More alarmingly, it appears that the US will continue to waste billions upon billions on a war that Ukraine cannot possibly win. The US announced on July 29 that $1.7 billion in military aid would be sent to Ukraine, including an array of munitions for air defence systems, artillery, mortars and anti-tank and anti-ship missiles.

Nonetheless, if the debt continues to grow, the US may have no choice but to massively scale back its astronomical military spending, which will account for an eye-watering $842.0 billion in 2024. Whether it is a Democrat or a Republican in the White House next year, it is doubtful that the debt will be reduced over the next presidential term.

Ahmed Adel is a Cairo-based geopolitics and political economy researcher. He is a regular contributor to Global Research.

1 August 2024

Source: globalresearch.ca

Stranglehold of Imperialism: Inflicting Hunger and Hardship in Africa

By CST Research

In late June, Kenyan President William Ruto backtracked on a tax-hiking finance bill after protests left at least 20 people dead and more than 150 injured when police opened fire with live ammunition.

According to Patrick Gathara of The New Humanitarian, the youth-led protests were triggered by a range of proposed new taxes that will increase the financial burden on families already struggling with rising prices.

In response to the ongoing nationwide protests that led up to the aforementioned incident, Ruto said he would withdraw the bill as “members of the public insist on the need for us to make more concessions. The people have spoken.”

Fine words, but Amnesty International had previously reported that 21 social media activists had been abducted by state security agents as the government moved to curb the growing dissent.

Ruto has withdrawn the bill and sacked cabinet members to appease the demonstrators. Whether it will remains to be seen.

Triggering a multi-trillion-dollar debt crisis 

In 2021, an Oxfam review of IMF COVID-19 loans showed that 33 African countries were encouraged to pursue austerity policies. This, despite the IMF’s own research showing austerity worsens poverty and inequality.

Days into the shutdown of the global economy in April 2020, the IMF and World Bank were facing a deluge of aid requests from countries in the Global South. Apparently, financial institutions had $1.2 trillion to lend.

Prior to that, in late March, World Bank Group President David Malpass said that poorer countries would be ‘helped’ to get back on their feet after the lockdowns.

However, such ‘help’ would be provided on condition of the acceptance of a booster shot of neoliberalism:

“For those countries that have excessive regulations, subsidies, licensing regimes, trade protection or litigiousness as obstacles, we will work with them to foster markets, choice and faster growth prospects during the recovery.”

Two years later, in an April 2022 press release, Oxfam International insisted that the IMF must abandon demands for neoliberal-driven austerity as hunger and poverty continued to increase worldwide.

According to Oxfam, 13 out of the 15 IMF loan programmes negotiated during the second year of the COVID event required new austerity measures such as taxes on food and fuel or spending cuts that could put vital public services at risk. The IMF was also encouraging six additional countries in Africa to adopt similar measures.

Kenya and the IMF agreed a $2.3 billion loan programme in 2021, which included a three-year public sector pay freeze and increased taxes on cooking gas and food. More than three million Kenyans were facing acute hunger as the driest conditions in decades spread a devastating drought across the country. Oxfam said nearly half of all households in Kenya were having to borrow food or buy it on credit.

It was similar in Cameroon, Senegal and Surinam, for example, which were required to introduce or increase VAT, a tax that disproportionately impacts people living in poverty.

In Sudan, nearly half of the population live in poverty, but it was directed to scrap fuel subsidies, which would hit the poorest hardest.

Oxfam and Development Finance International also revealed that 43 out of 55 African Union member states face public expenditure cuts totalling $183 billion between 2022 and 2027.

Many governments are nearing debt default and being forced to slash public spending to pay creditors and import food and fuel. The world’s poorest countries were due to pay $43 billion in debt repayments in 2022, which could otherwise cover the costs of their food imports.

Oxfam has shown that low- and middle-income countries paid $106 billion in debt repayments and interest to G7 countries in 2023.

In a recent article, journalist Thin Lei Win shared a comment from Professor Raj Patel, member of the International Panel of Experts on Food Systems (IPES-Food). He is reported as saying:

“Debt servicing at these insane interest rates is making it even harder for countries to make sure the hungry are fed. In Kenya, a neoliberal government has met its citizens’ hunger not with food but with violence and tax increases. This is, alas, an augury of the world to come.”

According to the recently released report The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World, one in 11 people went hungry in 2023 and more than one in four were cutting back on the quantity and quality of the food they consume.

One in five people faced hunger and more than a half were eating less or nothing at all for days at a time.

Thin Lei Win notes that soaring inflation and stagnant incomes have put healthy food out of reach for many people, while a reliance on global markets to feed the population has made them hostages to either spiking import bills or market volatility.

Solutions 

Aside from releasing nations from their heavy debt burdens, the solution involves boosting the resilience of local food systems. With nearly 30% of the world food insecure and 42% unable to afford a healthy diet, it is essential to challenge and move away from a global food regime that relies on corporate-controlled supply chains, creates food insecurity (not least in Africa: see the online article Destroying African Agriculture) and uses debt and dependency to leverage compliance with the demands of powerful agribusiness conglomerates.

That much is made clear in the new report Food From Somewhere (IPES-Food) that argues for building food security and resilience through ‘territorial markets’. It notes that the past three years have seen big cracks emerge in global commodity markets and corporate-controlled supply chains resulting in supply chain chaos, lost harvests, volatile food prices and empty shelves.

The authors say:

“Feeding a hungry world requires resilient and robust food systems. In this comprehensive review, IPES-Food finds that a fundamental shift towards close-to-home food supply chains (‘territorial markets’) offers a more resilient, robust and equitable approach to food security.”

The report notes that a wide variety of vibrant food provisioning systems exist beyond corporate-controlled supply chains:

“From public markets and street vendors to cooperatives, urban agriculture to online direct sales, food hubs to community kitchens; territorial market channels are contributing to feeding as much as 70% of the world’s population every day. They are based around small-scale producers, processors and vendors, rooted in territories and communities, and play multiple roles within them. Yet they are continuously overlooked.”

Territorial markets are the backbone of food systems in many countries and regions, and the report highlights how they build resilience on multiple fronts, including ensuring access to seasonal, diverse, more nutritious foods and diets, demonstrating high degrees of resilience and adaptability to shocks, providing decent prices and steady incomes for small-scale producers and enhancing environmental sustainability by promoting low-input, biodiverse farming.

They also sustain traditional food cultures and foster community connections, solidarity and social capital.

However, governments are propping up fragile, disaster-prone global supply chains through agricultural subsidies, trade and investment agreements, tax breaks and food supply infrastructure skewed towards large-scale, industrial export agriculture.

The report adds:

“At the same time, corporate power continues to grow, eroding traditional practices and food cultures, co-opting local and territorial chains and reshaping diets around staple commodities and ultra-processed foods.”

It concludes that public procurement and state purchasing should be redirected to schemes that support sustainable small-scale producers and subsidies should be shifted to invest in the infrastructure, networks and people that underpin territorial markets, including public marketplaces, collectives and cooperatives.

Moreover, local markets need to be protected from corporate co-optation. This involves breaking up supply chain monopolies and encouraging sustainable, biodiverse farming practices and diverse healthy diets.

By moving towards food sovereignty in this way, we can not only avert future food crises and the ramping up of a debt-trap strategy but also challenge a food regime that has its roots in a persistent colonialism and imperialism facilitated by the imposition of neoliberal trade policies and World Bank/IMF directives at the behest of global agribusiness interests.

CST Research specialises in food, agriculture and development issues.

1 August 2024

Source: countercurrents.org

A Diary of Genocide w/ Atef Abu Saif

By Chris Hedges

A Diary of Genocide w/ Atef Abu Saif | The Chris Hedges Report

Those that attempt to transmit the truth from war zones — whether factual or artistic — in the face of death, violence and sickness vanquish the lies told by the killers, determined to make those of us far from the carnage understand. This is why writers, photographers and journalists are targeted by aggressors in war, including the Israelis, for obliteration.

Atef Abu Saif, the Palestinian novelist who has served as the Minister for Culture in the Palestine Authority since 2019, chronicled his experience surviving the most recent onslaught in Gaza that has persisted since last October in his book, “Don’t Look Left: A Diary of Genocide.”

Born in Gaza, Saif has known war his whole life.

“I was born during war, and I might die during war, actually,” he tells Hedges in this interview. “This is our life as Palestinians.”

By detailing the trauma of his experience through horrifyingly vivid imagery and tragic tales of murdered loved ones and permanently injured family, Saif illustrates how life in Gaza, as he says, “is timeout for survival. The normal discourse is to be killed and for your house to be destroyed, like my house in this war. So what we live is like a timeout. It’s rest. So it’s not the normal thing to live.”

This spacey description of existing in the face of genocide is reflected in the Minister for Culture’s words to his niece Wissam when she lost her legs and one of her hands after her family was bombed by the Israelis:

“We are all in a dream…all our dreams are terrifying.”

In this first episode of the new and independent iteration of The Chris Hedges Report, Saif and Hedges explore these experiences, and the meaning behind them, in a substantive and powerful conversation. Through it, the texture of the genocide and the damage it inflicts on its victims is captured, as Saif’s eloquence and vulnerability reveals the weight of the tragedy in a way that only facts and data simply would not be able to.

Transcript

Chris Hedges: There are scores of Palestinian writers, journalists and photographers, many of whom have been killed in the Israeli attacks on Gaza, who are determined to make us see and feel the horror of this genocide. They, in the end, will vanquish the lies told by the killers. Writing and photographing in wartime are acts of resistance, acts of faith. They affirm the belief that one day – a day the writers, journalists and photographers may never see – the words and images will evoke empathy, understanding, outrage and provide wisdom. They chronicle not only the facts, although facts are important, but the texture, sacredness and grief of lives and communities lost. They tell the world what war is like, how those caught in its maw of death endure, how there are those who sacrifice for others and those who do not, what fear and hunger are like, what death is like. They transmit the cries of children, the wails of grief of the mothers, the daily struggle in the face of savage industrial violence, the triumph of their humanity through filth, sickness, humiliation and fear. This is why writers, photographers and journalists are targeted by aggressors in war — including the Israelis — for obliteration. They stand as witnesses to evil, an evil the aggressors want buried and forgotten. The Palestinian novelist Atef Abu Saif, along with his 15-year-old son Yasser, who live in the occupied West Bank, were visiting family in Gaza — where Atef was born —when Israel began its scorched earth campaign. Atef is no stranger to the violence of the Israeli occupiers. He did what writers do, including the professor and poet Refaat Alareer, who was killed, along with Refaat’s brother, sister and her four children, in an airstrike on his sister’s apartment building in Gaza on Dec. 7. Atef described, for 85 days, the horror around him, producing a haunting and powerful work “Don’t Look Left: A Diary of Genocide.” Joining me from his home in Ramallah in occupied Palestine to speak about the genocide in Gaza and his book is Atef Abu Saif.

Atef Abu Saif: Thank you, Chris for this powerful introduction, which you just presented about the situation in Palestine and the role of authors, journalists, artists, photographers and they’ve been victims of the Israeli assault which is going on. Let’s remember since 67 years, this war never stopped on the Palestinian people. When my grandmother and grandfather were expelled from their town of Jaffa, and they were sent to the sands of Gaza to live in a refugee camp, then they died there, unfortunately. So this war never stopped and the war against Palestinian authors, intellectuals, artists, painters, and I would say, against Palestinian culture never stopped. And we can remember, we can mention scores of Palestinian authors, starting with Ghassan Kanafani, who was in a Senate in 1967, Majed Sharar, of course, etc. it’s a long list. But thank you very much for reminding us of this fact that the Palestinians who, of course, like international journalists who try to provide the truth from Palestine, were always as well targeted, like the American [Rachel] Corrie, if you remember her. This lady was killed in Rafah 15 years ago, etc. So whoever wants to transmit or to talk about what’s actually happening in the occupied territories is subject to violence and to evil, and probably would be killed.

For me, as you said, I was born in a refugee camp, in Jabalia refugee camp in 1973 and I think when I was two months old, the war of 1973 started. So I would say, like most of the Palestinians, I was born during war, and I might die during war, actually. And this is how my shortlisted novel for the Arab Booker Prize, “A Suspended Life” starts. Naim, who is the main character of the novel, was born during war, and he dies during war, and this is, this is our life as Palestinian. What we live is time out for survival. We don’t survive. The normal discourse is to be killed and for your house to be destroyed, like my house in this war. So what we live is like a timeout. It’s rest. So it’s not the normal thing to live. So it’s not normal to live. So I was born during the war, then I, of course, Chris, I remember the first time I was arrested. Actually, I was, I would say, nine years old. I was in the elementary school when the Israeli army, this was 1982 I think, yeah, it was the Beirut war at that time, and they attacked our school. We were in the elementary school and, of course, I was nine years old. I remember my mom was telling the captain when she came to the Israeli occupation force basement. She said he doesn’t understand politics, you know, because she wanted me to… anyway, I spent like one day, then they released us. We were like 10 students, 10 pupils at that time. Then, of course, when the First Intifada came, I was like most of the people my age, the young boys and women in my years, in my time, we were throwing stones at the soldiers, and I was shot at three times. One of them actually picked the grave for me and was supposed to be buried in the grave.

And then suddenly, I remember it was a British surgeon. She was in, where we call it, you know, this hospital where, where the Israeli massacre, 500 people. We call it the British hospital, the Baptist Hospital in Gaza. Then she said he’s alive and I went under surgery for 12 hours, etc. Then I survived, you know? Some would say I’m the son of death, you know, just take him for that. So I know, how does it feel that what you live is something that you are not granted. You took from the mouth of death, you know? And obviously I remember that when I was trying to protect my kid Yasser who happened to be with me during my visit to Gaza when the war broke out. And so every time I have to think of that, he should not be killed, because I would be responsible for this, because I missed that. And of course, you feel helpless. And many times I just was sitting like this in the tent. And I think, you know, if a rocket came from an Israeli helicopter or drone or whatever, and will kill it’s not my fault. I was trying to convince myself that we humans, we cannot, we could not control our fate. And unfortunately, it’s not even this thing that controls our fate, in our case, it’s the Israeli army which controls the fate of the Palestinians in Gaza because it is this side which [inaudible] them, this side which destroys them.

And of course, killing and assassination and destruction never stop them in Gaza. And I can tell hundreds of stories which I witnessed myself during my 50 years of my age, you know? My grandfather, from my mother’s side, was killed in the 1967 war, and I didn’t tell you this, even when we met, but he was injured in the Nakba, can you believe it? He was in Jaffa at that time. He was like, I think, 16 years old, and he was injured when, at that time they call it the Israelis gangs before the establishment of Israel, they attacked our neighborhood in Jaffa, and he was injured. And actually it was in the newspaper, I have a cut of the newspaper in Jaffa. And he was injured in his leg, this was in 1948, tt was April, early April, 1948. Then he was killed in 1967, when the Israeli army occupied Gaza after the Six-Day War. So many stories to be told about this and always, one has to remind himself that you know life is precious and you have to live it, and you have to struggle with it. And even in moments, you know, I remember when I was in Israeli jail, I was in the First Intifada for like, I would say five months or four months.

Chris Hedges: How old were you, Atef?

Atef Abu Saif: Yeah, at that time, I was 18 years old, I would say. I was just finishing high school, as you say it in America and I wanted to join the university then. Anyway, I was sent to the Israeli jail in Negev, which we call it, Ktzi’ot, they call it, in Hebrew, and we call it Ansar 3. And yes, always about narrative as well, struggle against, about narrative terms and terminology. Anyway, but I was, at that time, in Israel this year and my brother, Naim, was in Gaza central prison. And I remember my mother at that time, she was like a girl of 42 years old, and she was visiting us on that day. At nine o’clock in the morning, she came to visit me. I was not transferred to Negev jail, I was still in the Gaza arrestment, you know, which is near the beach. It was raining. It was January. She was 42 years old, and she was sick at that time. Anyway, she died later on, and she has to visit my brother in the afternoon in the other hail. And so it’s a tale of, you know, life is a tale of pain, but what other choices did she have? This is always, I remind myself, her two sons are in jail, and she has no other choice, only to visit them and to kiss them, even from far, to see them and to give them power. And actually, she was stronger than us when she was telling us, my brother would be released.

And I remember her statement, it’s amazing, she said, listen, a prison is never built on anybody. It means, you know, it’s not like a grave when it’s filled, you know, you will leave it at a certain moment. And unfortunately, when my brother left it, she had already passed away and she couldn’t see him. And one of the stories about peace and war, if you want to talk about that, I remember her demonstrating in support of Oslo Accords. This was 1993 when they signed. It was November, it was before Arafat arrived in Gaza, and she went happily demonstrating the Oslo Accords, and I was at the university at that time and I was telling her, “Wow, you became a very political activist.” She said, “No, I support Oslo because it’s going to release my son.” And unfortunately, she died two years later without her son being released. And this can tell the whole story of the peace process, how it was disappointing for many Palestinians. So our life is a life of searching for your life or for your time out. Actually, the title of my book in Arabic, goes “Time Out for Survival,” you know, searching for this time out, you know, during the catastrophic war or the genocide, which you live in. And it’s the same story, unfortunately, and this is sad to say, I’m gonna tell my grandchild if I happen to have one, the same story that my grandmother told me about her being forced to leave Jaffa, and how she left her villa, which it still exists until now in Jaffa and is inhabited by Jewish-Polish, from Poland. And I saw it a couple of times, of course, and I even had this structure, which the engineer made and I put it on the cover of one of my novels. And anyway, she had to leave her villa and to walk down, to walk all the way south to Gaza on the sand, and to live in a tent, where we used to live in a villa on the beach, etc. When she was rich, she died very poor.

So I have to tell the same story that she told me to my grandchild in the future but, again, what other options do you have? You have to live this life, to struggle to live and to do all that you can to survive, because life is worth doing, you know? It’s not an adventure, or it’s not a journey, it’s not an act, of course, like Shakespeare would say, we don’t do our part and we leave the stage. It’s just what we are made for. I want to talk, before we talk about October 7, this wasn’t the first Israeli assault on Gaza that you endured and wrote about, you have a previous book. But I want you to talk a little bit about that assault. I think, what was it, 2018 if I’m correct, and compare it to what’s happening now. But let’s talk about that first book that you did, where, day by day, you chronicle the relentless shelling, bombardment and killing that Israel carried out. Yeah, as I told you, I lived all the wars of Gaza, but even the previous attacks I was writing about, but I never published them, and I still have them. I hope they still exist somewhere in Gaza, you know, but 2014 war, because in the summer, 10 years ago, actually it started like these days, it was very massive and very huge and very aggressive for us. We experienced many Israel attacks. But that time, you know, it all happened all of a sudden and the attacks took place everywhere. And the Israeli army invaded Gaza for the first time since the Oslo Accords, you know, they invaded the city from the south, from the valley of Gaza, we call it. I was writing daily what happened, because I felt I’m gonna die at that point, like at this time, but this time it was more… Now we can talk about comparing the two wars, but sometimes it’s ridiculous to compare wars, because, you know, they aim, of course, to kill you.

So sometimes death is closer to you than other occasions, but it’s always seeking to catch you. So 2014 war, for us, was the first massive war we attended or we witnessed or we experienced and we felt it’s danger, that we’re going to die. I remember many times because, you know, at that time, I was more engaged and I wasn’t living in the refugee camp Jabalia, where I was born. And, yeah, at that time, I can tell scores of stories where I helped in rescuing some people, you know, from death. We took them from under the rubble and many times I would get a head without a body or a hand without… You know, it’s awful. But on many occasions, Chris, I was not sure if I was alive or dead, especially when you carry the bodies, you know? And I remember one time I had to take a shower like 15 times or 12 times, you know? At that time, we didn’t have problems with electricity and water like we did in this war. Because this war, yeah, I think it was not a war, it was an elimination. Because they wanted to eliminate Gaza. So this is, in the current war, genocide. They stopped water, electricity and people, they don’t talk about this, Chris, even the press now, they don’t say that it’s now, in a couple of days, it will be 300 days for war. People, they don’t say it’s 300 days without electricity and water in Gaza, running water. But at that time, in 2014, we had kind of regular water supply. It will be kept for a couple of days, but we still have it. So many times when, after washing myself, like 12 times, I remember the family name, it was the Balata family, they were living near the graveyard of the camp and [inaudible] Russian.

Then I had nightmares and then I couldn’t sleep because I saw the hands, the hair without a head, like [inaudible] I would carry it. Then in the night, I had to wake up, I’m not sure if I’m dead or alive, and I approach electricity and I wanted to touch it. So I said if I’m alive, then, of course, I nearly did it. But then in the last minute, I said, yeah, but what if I died? If I’m alive, then I did, I became dead, you know, after touching it, so, what is the point? So what if I’m dead? So I said, No, I’m not going to. But at that time, I don’t like to say this, it was a rehearsal for the coming war, it was like an exercise, you know? So when the current war started, I remember I was in the press house, Belal Jadalla, whom the Israel army assassinated later on, he was the head of the press club in Gaza, what we call press house, and to whom I dedicated the book, actually, and and we were trying to compare the current world with 2014 war, because 2014 war is all what we have in our memory about a massive war. Then, of course Belal at the time was dead, and it was my other friends, we were saying, listen, if this war doesn’t stop on the 51st day, which is the length of the previous war, then this is different.

And of course, what we were doing, we were just indulging, or we were trying to calm ourselves that this war is not going to last for 51 days, like when we were in the tents, my grandaunt, great grandaunt, greataunt Noor, she would ask me, “Oh, do you think we’re going to spend Ramadan here?” Because she doesn’t want to spend Ramadan in the tent. And by the way, Noor, she lived her childhood in a tent, and she lived in, spent the last couple of months of her life in the tent, like my mother-in-law as well, who was born in 1948 in Majdal Asqalan in Ashkelon, and she was carried by her mom to Gaza, where she lived the first three years of her life in a tent. And unfortunately, she died in a tent and then I mentioned about her in my book, but she was dead when I finished my book, when I left Gaza. So my great aunt would ask, “Oh, are we going to spend Ramadan here?” Then after Ramadan over the phone, she will tell me, Atef we going to spend [inaudible]? Every time now, people in Gaza, my sister Asia, will ask, she was asking me today, do you think we’re going to remember the first anniversary of the war here? Which means October 7, will come when [inaudible] yeah, I’m sorry for being long.

Chris Hedges: No, you go as long as you want. I want to talk about Refaat [Alareer] before we talk about your book. He was clearly tracked and assassinated by Israelis, along, of course, with his sister and her family. But just speak a little bit about him before we begin.

Atef Abu Saif: Yeah, I happened to know Refaat from this project, “We’re Not Numbers,” which was, the title of the project was taken from one of my articles in New York Times at that time, in the 2014 war. I was titling every day. And I think Refaat was reporting daily, as you know, from Gaza, he was very active in telling the Palestinian truth simply. He was not exaggerating, he was not even political, like poets will do, you know, just he was doing it. He was writing about what happened to his neighbors and to his family in person, I think, in one of his articles, even when his mom was telling him, don’t speak in the press, because this is dangerous and we might be killed. And, yeah, it’s sad that we lose our voice because it’s not that the killer wants to hide his crime. He doesn’t want the future crimes to be heard of. So the assassination of Refaat, like the assassination of Belal Jadalla as well, the head of the press house in Gaza, was transmitting news from Gaza in five, six languages, not him,  the people working with him. Same thing, of course, with the other other poets like Saleem Al-Naffa and you talked about artists, writers, photographers, etc. So Shireen Abu Akleh before, if you remember in Jenin as well, she was assassinated. So the fight against the truth, or terrorizing the truth itself, so it hides by itself, so nobody dares to touch it, nobody dares to speak about it, and nobody because the word is stronger than the poet, believe me. And many people do not remember the names of the fighters, but they remember the names of the poets, the journalists, the filmmakers who spoke about them, transmitted the truth about their life, their pain, their soul, their suffering.

So Refaat was, yeah, I think he believed in what he did. And, you know, as he said in his poem, if I must die, you know. So the truth would be like the kite, which he referred to, flying in the sky, and with a long tail, long white tail, so a kid from Gaza can see it from any other place on the Gaza beach. And so this is hope, because the truth never dies, Chris, even if they kill the transmitter, the truth never dies. It will find another transmitter, another brave, brave, courageous person, to transmit it and to get it and to tell it, you know? And we Palestinians, I have to say, we’re very grateful to our artists and poets, mainly, who transmitted our pain in the last 100 years. And remember, it’s not only the Israelis, even the British army was putting Palestinian poets in jail in the ’20s and ’30s, like [inaudible] and like [inaudible] and those great poets of the ’20s and ’30s of the Palestinian life in the ’20s and ’30s and [inaudible] Nazareth, they were put in jail at that time. So always the truth. And it’s not always Israelis. All oppressors, all killers, they kill the truth before killing… I always, Chris, said, okay, nobody can understand why you kill your fellow man, your fellow human being, but this war, but why do you destroy castles, for example, in Gaza? The Qasr al-Basha Palace, even when Napoleon Bonaparte entered Gaza, he used it as his office. The Turkish, they were using it as a military office, the British as well. So nobody knows why you destroy it. It doesn’t harm you. It doesn’t and you occupied it already, you were there.

The tanks were there, and they didn’t even shell it from very far, by the way. The tanks stood in front of the historic wall of the castle. It’s a castle as we call it, Basha Palace, we call it, and it’s a museum, by the way, where you had Phoenician jars and Crusades swords. And it’s from all different ages, Islamic [inaudible], you know, monuments. So nobody understands why you can’t stand in front of a historic palace where there is no resistance, no army, nothing, then you destroy it. Hey, even if you’re insane, you sit there and you enjoy your coffee as a winner, or he’s not a winner. But let’s assume you won the war. You sit there and you enjoy the city or on the hill or in the middle of Gaza City. And you can see [inaudible] on your left hand [side] etc. No one can understand why you destroy, the soldiers go inside one of the artist studios, it’s in the video, and they enjoy destroying the damn thing. For God’s sake, you enjoy stealing it, you take it, you hide it. You don’t enjoy just making colors of the painting. You bleed and you enjoy the bleeding colors of the painting. So it’s something, you know, and again, this is not new. This always happened to us, for six, seven years, when the painting in my grandfather’s house in Jaffa was destroyed, when the painting of the Palestinian newspapers were destroyed as well. And then we’re repeating the same story, we’re repeating the same pain and I hope this is not going to happen in the future. I hope this world will put an end to all this pain and long journey of displacement.

Chris Hedges: I mean, in settler colonial projects, they must destroy the culture, identity, history of those they occupy. That’s the way they affirm their own supremacy, or they impose their own supremacy by destroying the Palestinians who are indigenous to Palestine.

Atef Abu Saif: Yeah. Theoretically, you can understand this. But you’re not doing this with joy, you know? They’re doing it with joy and pleasure and why do you kill a poet? Why do you kill Refaat Alareer? He’s a person who always wanted to seek to live in peace, who always wanted to write about love, but he didn’t find love to write about it. He couldn’t write a poem about the toy that he wanted to give as a gift to his daughter, because you took this gift at the checkpoint in Rafah when they were there. So he couldn’t write about stable and normal life. So why do you destroy a museum? And I know that the struggle of narrative, it’s not physically you’re superior even, narrative wise, you’re superior, and you want your narrative and your tales to overwhelm the region. But even thieves, of course, thieves take what is not theirs. But even thieves, they take the nice things from the houses they attack. And even the Colonials in history, they sometimes have little bit of respect to the indigenous culture, like stealing their culture, taking it. But for God’s sake, [inaudible] is one of our greatest poets now, living poet now. And I saw him, I would say, in the first month of the war. And his poems are taught and for our kids in the schools. He’s a very good poet, he and his wife and his kids until now, under the rubble for more than 150 days. And just imagine our loss. He was great and he was at that time, six, and we celebrated his birthday together.

Actually, he was Ramallah participating [inaudible] last September. He’s 60 still. So he could draw another 100 poems, you know? And of course, many young… The other day, by the way, the 21st, a young Palestinian poet, Pilar. His name is [inaudible], I wrote in my Facebook account, I put his… He was killed in his house and he wrote very nice poems. He writes in Arabic. He used to write in Arabic. He’s dead now, but just if you read his text, how he was afraid of that, how he was trying to calm down his sister. He’s 26 years old. And then his house in the center, I think it is in Nuseirat refugee camp and he was killed there. So again, it’s not… This war is targeting humans, the place, the [inaudible] of the place, the history of the place, and it targets the trees. If you plant guava or mango or whatever tree in your garden, it takes you 30 years to see it a full-fledged tree, you know? And suddenly someone comes and takes it out. I remember my sister was telling me the other day on the phone when she realized that her house was destroyed in Beit Lahia. She’s now 46 years old. She said, “I don’t have time in my life to build a new house.” She started with her husband to build the house when they get married when she was in the 20s of their age and they spent 25 years building the house. She said, I don’t have time now to build a new house. So there is no time to plant your new tree in the garden, even. So it’s like this war is targeting everything in Gaza. It’s targeting Gaza, and it’s not targeting the political parties, not targeting the militia, it’s not targeting a specific party or person or character or whatever, and it doesn’t have any aim other than  just eliminating Gaza and making life in Gaza impossible. Not for today or for tomorrow, for the next day or the day after, for scores of years to come. So people have to leave Gaza voluntarily after that.

Chris Hedges: I want to read a little bit from your book. It’s an amazing work, and captures the texture, horror of the genocide. When it begins, you lose a friend, a young poet, musician. You wonder about the Israeli soldiers watching you and your family, quote, “their infrared lenses and satellite photography. You ask, can they count the loaves of bread in my basket, the number of falafel balls on my plate? You watch a crowd of dazed and confused families, their homes and rubble, carrying mattresses, bags of clothes, food and drink. The supermarket, the bureau of change, falafel shop, fruit stalls, perfume parlor, sweet shop, toy shop, all burned.” You write, “Blood was everywhere, along with bits of kids’ toys, cans from the supermarket, smashed fruit, broken bicycles, shattered perfume bottles, the place looked like a charcoal drawing of a town scorched by a dragon.” This, of course, has been a level of destruction, despite the many assaults on Gaza, that is just apocalyptic. But talk about those first days. Did you realize at the beginning that this was different?

Atef Abu Saif: Yeah, actually, it’s funny, the war started while I was swimming in the beach. I remember that I didn’t go swimming the whole summer. So I was visiting Gaza, which was a regular visit for me. But it was my dad who passed away, by the way, Chris, during the war and mid-April, unfortunately, because of lack of food and lack of medicine. Anyway, I was visiting my dad and my sisters. Then we were supposed to celebrate the Palestinian heritage there, which is October 7. And so I was there in the morning. I have to go to the beach. It was my first time at the beach and so I went swimming in the beach, then the war started. And for us, I remember I was calling my brother-in-law, get out of the water. We have to leave. It’s war, I told him. It was 6:30 in the morning. He said, “No, this is another escalation.” I remember I left him inside the water. He said, “Go, go, go, leave me.” It’s because he lives nearby, in [inaudible], near the beach. So when I left, I was driving with my brother Muhammad. I think the policeman was asking us, what is happening? Nobody knows what is happening, you know? But, of course, as the night falls, it gets very dark. We realize this is a different type of war, because even back to the 2014 war, it was not taking place in all the places at the same time. Gaza was targeted today, I remember, in 2014. Even in the 2008 war, Jabalia was targeted, then Gaza City, then Rafah, then Khan Younis but this war was everywhere, every single… I remember October 7 and October 8, the first two days of the war, shelling everywhere, all over. You couldn’t move.

And I had to stay in the press house at that time because I was in the [inaudible] quarter during the day. Then I couldn’t leave so I had to sleep in the press house between the disks of the journalist. From the beginning, it was realized to be a very hard war, but in the previous wars, Chris, people were displaced from their places, but people living in the peripheries, near the border, north border, or eastern border. And they used to come to stand at [inaudible] schools in Jabalia refugee camp, mainly. And we never dreamt of the army getting inside Jabalia, by the way. It’s like even during the war, even after a month of the war, we said, no, no, they will not be able to get, they were not there because this means killing, because we couldn’t believe that the killer can be this savage. We couldn’t believe that any killer can be any human to this extent, to kill 1000s of people, to get to an overcrowded and overcrowded and inhabited place. So we couldn’t believe that in this war, we’re going to be displaced. If you ask me, even after two, three weeks of the war, I say no, come on, it’s just another war for us. But this tends to be not another war. For this, Palestinians usually compare this war to the Nakba War, where people were forced to leave. And even the same slogans, same sentences, phrases we use, I used to say, which was very similar to what my grandmother was saying in the Nakba, but my grandfather was saying, “Oh, it’s just a couple of days then we come back.” We were there. And this is what I was telling my kid, without thinking, this was natural, that we were coming back in a couple of days. And this is what my grandmother and all the old ladies and men were telling their kids in 1948.

So the only comparable situation for the people was the Nakba itself. However, in one of my articles later on, I said, No, we should not compare Nakba to anything, because in the Nakba, a political attack resulted afterward. But the elimination of the Palestinian, I would say, statehood or entity, and they established another entity. So I said, we cannot compare Nakba to any other thing, but this is the only thing that comes to the people’s mind, Nakba. Even the 1960 war doesn’t come to their mind. However, in the 1960 war, if you remember, half of the people of the West Bank were displaced to Jordan, and many of the Gazans, including my grandfather, Ibrahim, with my uncles, they were forced to leave Jabalia to Jordan, and just my father and my grandmother remained in Jabalia. And I think, as I was always saying, I was lucky for this. I didn’t live in diaspora or refugees outside Palestine. So the only comparable event in the minds of the Palestinians to this is the Nakba itself. And Nakba, for the Palestinians, is… you know you translate into English, like catastrophe, which is I would say, a soft word for it, for Nakba. The Nakba is something, a catastrophe that comes very heavy from above. So it’s something that you cannot afford. And that doesn’t mean anything for you. So it’s a very hard and harsh word, you know, and so for this, the Palestinians didn’t call 1967 another Nakba. So they just changed the one sound, Naksa. They changed the “P” sound with “S” sound, which means like being defeated, anyway. So from very early, I told you, in the first two, three weeks, nobody expected that we’re going to be displaced. I didn’t, I cried when I crossed the checkpoint between south and north, and I was looking to the south, 1000s of people, women, men, kids, children, pregnant women crossing.

And it was with my kid carrying the wheelchair of my grandmother, sorry, my mother-in-law, who passed away later on. And we were carrying her, while she was handing her wheelchair, sitting firmly, trying not to fall. We were crossing the border. Then, all the images which I heard of in the camp, I grew up in a refugee camp in the ’70s and ’80s, and so I hear hundreds of stories of people telling about their exodus from their villages and towns in southern Jaffa and all the villages south of Jaffa. So all these stories were presented like you’re watching cinema movies, you know? But you’re watching 100 cinema movies at the same time, but they all reflect the same scene. They all show the same scene with different characters’ faces, and now, at the moment, I realized I’m one of those characters. I became another scene and another movie in this big screen show.

Chris Hedges: And as you’re walking, I remember from the book, you’re with your young son, who’s 15, and they’re bodies everywhere, and you tell him not to look.

Atef Abu Saif: You’ll see that if you do any movement, if you do any gestures, any sign, you would be killed. I remember I said I was arguing with my publisher, we nearly named the book, “A Coffee on Top of the Tank,” because the soldier was sitting on the top of the tank. I don’t know how you can enjoy having your coffee while desperate people, all men and women, grieving on the bodies of the persons while the other soldiers [inaudible] again, actually. Having her, 16, like this, and ready to shoot in any minute, you know? So we nearly named the book that but then we were saying, we’re not naming… I remember my first first book was, “The Drone Is With Me.” So we said we’re not going to say the tank and the drone. So we have to discuss another title, but for this, you walk on those bodies, and you don’t want to be another dead as well. So I was telling my kid not to [inaudible], because the soldier from now, then he will call say, “Hey, you, young man with a white t-shirt and glasses, long hair, jeans, trouser come here.” So of course, you might find like in the same frame, if you take a photo, take a cinema movie, you will find like five, six person like this. But if the wrong person, then to the left of the soldier, he will shoot him. Can you believe it? So the main person himself here, he should realize that he is the wanted one. He is the chosen one to be arrested. So the best way is not to move, not to look, just to keep looking straight until you pass. Just imagine this feeling when you realize that, now in the Olympic time, they’re playing in Paris now, so if you cross the line of the race, this feeling, you know, that you made it, that you survived, you crossed the line. But then I remember, I have some photos of this from my mother-in-law, when we’re sitting after we crossed the checkpoint. We didn’t realize we became displaced. A refugee like me, when I was born in Jabalia refugee camp, became a refugee again. And my mother-in-law became refugee as well. So the moment we cross the point, the moment we realize that we will be beyond the sun, beyond the light, you know? And we’re in darkness. And, of course, it’s funny, from the first day we started to regret that we did it, that we should not cross the line. Actually, there is a bridge there. We call it the Salah al-Din bridge, it’s named after the longest Street in Gaza, so we were regretting that we crossed the bridge. Is there a way to go back?

Chris Hedges: I just remember from your book you write about your house In Jabalia, and how you may change a little bit of the street here and there, and you write about why you always came back to Gaza. You have a PhD from a European university, you could have easily spent the rest of your life living outside of Palestine, but you didn’t. And you write about that house, which, of course, has now been destroyed.

Atef Abu Saif: Yeah, I always had the chance to live abroad, but I never wanted it. It’s not, I love New York, of course, I would say New York is one of my favorite cities. I’ve been there after 11 September directly, [inaudible]. And I love Rome, for example. I’ve been studying in Italy. And I love many places. I love Palestine as well. And if I was telling myself, if everyone like me is going to leave Gaza, who will remain there? So against this brain drain and I don’t like to be this author, intellectual, like many of the Arabs and third world authors, Chris, they sit in London having their precious life, or in Paris or in LA and join American life. Then they talk about the poor people back home. If I have to, I might go to Italy, as I told you, to teach. I don’t mind, but temporarily. I never wanted to stay abroad all my life. Why? Chris, believe me, Gaza is very beautiful. It’s a very beautiful coastal city, and when we people from Gaza, we remember even the taste of coffee in Gaza. We would say, No, you know, all the coffee we have, I remember this guy, we had this talk. No, for God’s sake, no coffee brand in Cairo is similar to the worst coffee brand in Gaza, for example. And this is true, I’m convinced of this. Of course, you might be convinced otherwise. Everybody likes his mom the cook, dishes.

Everybody believes that his mother’s dishes are the best. But she might not be, actually. But for this I like Gaza, it’s where I belong, it’s where I have responsibilities towards the people. Because there I was taught how to tell stories, by my neighbors, by my grandmother, Asia. And always I have felt, due to an obligation, to retell this, their stories, to re-narrate their pain and their suffering, transmit their grief and their loves, by the way, and their sense of humor as well. So when my house was destroyed, I cried like, you know, this is normal. We’re human in the end, you cannot stand, stand fast forever. So I was but I felt sorry for my characters, the characters in my novels. I said, if they came out of my books. They jumped from the novels, they wouldn’t know the place. Instead, where they lived in those alleys, which now is damaged unfortunately, those alleys and those little [inaudible] in between the houses where they lived all their life, but even when I was drawing, sometimes I would draw the map of the sea, or I would say, the stage, the theater of my novel, and always, I depict the same area, which is my neighborhood, which is we call it the Jaffa neighborhood, where all the people living there are originally coming from Jaffa, where they were refugees from Jaffa. So I said, Wow, now the streets are no more streets, the houses are no more there, the alleys are damaged. Everything has changed.

So if my characters walked, they wouldn’t know the place of the house. And if they find that the house where they left and where they were born, actually, they will not recognize it. I used to sit down near the outdoor of the house, looking at the stairs, wooden stairs inside the house, which was to my room, actually. And then I started, always, to make up my stories. Since I was looking to the sky from the stairs as I was imagining myself walking up to the sky from the stairs. You know, Chris, I would tell you that the actual war starts after the war is finished. My wife lost her only sister. She doesn’t have sisters or brothers, and she’s lost her mother as well. And until now, Chris, she cries every night, you know why? Because she wishes, until now, that somebody can take the bones of her sister and her husband and her kids and bury them because they are under the rubber since the seventh, eighth day of the war, ie, since 290 days, more or less. So all she wishes for is a grave to visit, to mourn there. So our soul, even, is postponed. Our pain is not given its duty. So after the war, people will have more time to mourn, to cry, to give respect to the beloved persons who passed in the war. So the actual war, even at the personal level, will start after the war is finished. And of course just think of my dad’s children, they don’t have a place to stay. Even those married, those girls are boys who are married of my dad’s, they don’t, their houses were destroyed as well. So there is no place to go. What the people of the north will do, Chris, they will carry their tents on their shoulder, and they will walk to the north to set them back, again, to live near the rubble and the [inaudible] of their houses. So this is a very long pain, and this is what I’m saying. The end of this war is to eliminate life from Gaza, to make it something impossible, to make it costing and taxing, you’re not happy. You’ll never feel happy, but your future. So it’s a war against the future as well. It’s not, remember, we talked about the war against the past, the memory, the narrative, through culture, destroying minimum sculptures, museums, killing authors, destroying libraries, the string that the archive of Gaza. It’s not only against the past, it’s against the future as well, to make the future something that will not come and will not exist for the Gazans.

Chris Hedges: So Atef, as you mentioned, you lose your sister-in-law and her husband when their building is bombed, you write the bodies of their daughter and grandchild had already been retrieved. The only known survivor was Wissam, one of their other daughters, who had been taken to the ICU. Wissam had gone straight into surgery where both of her legs and her right hand had been amputated. Her graduation ceremony from Art College had taken place only the day before. She has to spend the rest of her life without legs, with one hand. And you visit her in the hospital, and she’s barely awake, and after half an hour, she asks you, “I’m dreaming, right?” And you say, “we are all in a dream.” And she says, “My dream is terrifying. Why?” And you answer, “all our dreams are terrifying.” After 10 minutes of silence, she said, “Don’t lie to me, uncle, in my dream, I don’t have legs. It’s true, isn’t it? I have no legs.” But you said it’s a dream, you tell her. I don’t like this dream, uncle, and you write, “I had to leave. For a long 10 minutes, I cried and cried overwhelmed by the horrors of the past few days. I walked out of the hospital and found myself wandering the streets.I thought idly, we could turn this city into a film set for war movies.” And then when you go back to visit her, and there are no painkillers or sedatives, and she’s racked in pain, she asks you for a lethal injection, and she tells you that Allah will forgive her. And you answer, “but he will not forgive me, Wissam.” And she answers, “I’m going to ask him on your behalf.” I want you to talk a little bit about Wissam and that moment.

Atef Abu Saif: You know, I never read the book after I wrote it, I told you. I don’t [inaudible]. I don’t and even when I did talk about the book in Oman, Cairo, Morocco, my only condition was not to read part of the book, because they would ask you to read them. It’s about your book. So I was in Qatar, actually, where we managed, luckily, I communicated with some persons in the Qatar government, and they transmitted her to Qatar and hopefully, she’s undergoing a few surgeries and operations in August, 15 August, to prepare her to have artificial limbs, legs. And I remember how it goes, when I found my wife saying, she knew the news, it was in the news. She says, “Nobody survived, not even a single person.” Then I went, “Well, Wissam survived. Can you believe it?” You’re talking to a person who lost all her family because she doesn’t have brothers and sisters, so her only sister, and, of course, with her kids and her wife. So for Wissam, when she was in the house, the bomb, the explosion took place, and she was thrown to the next house without legs or hand, and they carried her and they took her to the hospital. Of course, she was unconscious. So for her, the last thing she remembers, she was laying in bed opposite her mother, like they were like this and talking so she doesn’t remember anything. But I think later on, she told me in Cairo, when I visited the hospital in Cairo, she realized that when they carried her, she was with no legs and she felt that her legs were amputated. So for her, it’s like most people, Chris, it’s a nightmare, it’s a movie.

It’s something that you don’t believe or you don’t want, actually to believe. You wish this dream like this until now, because every night before I sleep, my wife has to cry and tell me, “Wow, what if this is a nightmare?” And after 300 days, because in this nightmare which she wants to wake up from, she lost… “You know Atef, when you catch your mobile, you find people to call from your family. But when I catch it, no person.” Her sister, only sister, her brother-in-law, the two kids who are not kids, that are 25, 28 the sons of her sister and her mother. It’s her whole family. So it’s only her [inaudible] father was still alive and he’s a very old man for her. So she says, “When you catch your mobile and you find numbers to call, I don’t find numbers to call.” So every night, she says, what Wissam said to me that day, what if this is a dream, nightmare, a horror movie? Even in this movie, I lost my legs, or in this nightmare, I lost my legs and my arm, but everybody, Chris, I know we are running out of time. But when I left my dad in Jabalia, he refused to come with me to Rafah and the south and said, “Listen, Atef, I lived all my life here, and if Allah wants me to die, I will die, I’m not going to die anywhere.” And he died, actually there, but he died because he didn’t find the bread to eat either. For 10 days, he was eating the animal seeds. The seeds, which you feed animals with. Anyway, I remember when I looked at his face for the last time before driving south. I was asking Allah, just one favor, which he didn’t do for me. I said just, I want to see him again, because I had this feeling I might not see him again. And until now, many times I just think, wow, what if this is just another story I’m telling to the nation, to the readers, like I’m making up all this work as a writer, and you do it as a writer. What if this is just one of my creations, and I wish it is actually. And all our talk now is part of this, actually, is part of this fictitious universe I made to tell about.

Chris Hedges: Great. Thank you, Atef. That was Atef Abu Saif, we’re talking about his book, “Don’t Look Left: A Diary of Genocide.” I want to thank Sofia, Diego, Thomas and Max, who produced the show.

Chris Hedges is a Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist who was a foreign correspondent for fifteen years for The New York Times, where he served as the Middle East Bureau Chief and Balkan Bureau Chief for the paper.

1 August 2024

Source: countercurrents.org

‘Beijing Declaration’ on Palestine – Can Chinese Diplomacy Replace the US?

By Dr. Ramzy Baroud

Chinese diplomacy has done it again.

By hosting a historic signing of a unity agreement between 14 Palestinian political parties in Beijing on July 23, China has, once more, shown its ability to play a global role as a peace broker.

For years, China has attempted to play a role in Middle East politics, particularly in the region’s most enduring crisis, the Israeli occupation of Palestine.

In 2021, China announced its four-point plan, aimed at “comprehensively, fairly and permanently” resolving the Palestinian question.

Whether the plan itself was workable or not, it mattered little, as neither the Israeli government nor the Palestinian Authority were prepared to ditch Washington, which has dominated Middle East diplomacy for decades.

For the Israelis, their interests lie largely within their historic alliance with the United States, which has translated into very generous aid packages, military support and political backing.

As for the PA, since its inception in 1994, it revolved largely within a US-foreign policy sphere.

With time, the Palestinian leadership grew even more reliant on American-western financial handouts and validation. Thus, allowing China to flex its diplomatic muscles in the Middle East, at the expense of the US, would be considered a violation of the unspoken agreement between Washington and Ramallah.

Consequently, the Chinese efforts yielded nothing tangible.

But China’s success in ending a seven-year rift between Saudi Arabia and Iran re-introduced Beijing as a powerful new mediator, in a region known for its protracted and layered conflicts.

The latest horrific war in Gaza has further highlighted the possible role of China in Palestine and the region at large.

For years, China attempted to find the balance between its historic role as a global leader, with clout and credibility in the Global South, and its economic interests, including those in Israel.

That balancing act began eroding soon after the start of the war.

The Chinese political discourse on the war was committed to the rights of the Palestinian people and their historic struggle for freedom and justice.

The above notion was highlighted in the words of China’s ambassador to the UN, Fu Cong, when he said that “the establishment of an independent state is the indisputable national right of the Palestinian people, not subject to questioning or bargaining”.

Such language, which came to define China’s strong stance against the war, the massive human rights violations and the urgent need for a ceasefire, continued to evolve.

On February 22, China’s representative to the Hague, Ma Xinmin, said that “in pursuit of the right to self-determination, Palestinian people’s use of force to resist foreign oppression (…) is (an) inalienable right well founded in international law”. His statement was made during the fourth day of public hearings held by the ICJ to address Israel’s decades-long occupation of Palestine.

The Chinese, and other countries’ efforts, paid dividends, as the ICJ released its Advisory Opinion on July 19, stating that “the sustained abuse by Israel of its position as an occupying Power” and “continued frustration of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, violates fundamental principles of international law”.

It is within this context that ‘The Beijing Declaration on Ending Division and Strengthening Palestinian National Unity’ was signed.

The agreement was not a mere document, similar to those signed between rival Palestinian parties in the past. It proposed a three-step initiative that includes a “comprehensive, lasting and sustainable ceasefire in Gaza”, followed by a post-conflict governance plan, which is itself predicated on the principle of “Palestinians governing Palestine.”

The final step seeks long-term peace, all of which is achieved through broad-based participation of regional and international players. In other words, ending the domination of a single country over the future of Palestine and her people.

There will certainly be attempts to undermine, if not cancel, the Chinese efforts entirely. But there are reasons that give us hope that the diplomatic push by China may, in fact, serve as a foundation for a change in the global attitude towards justice and peace in Palestine.

The fact that western European countries like Spain, Norway and Ireland have recognized Palestine shows that the US-dominated western diplomacy is breaking apart.

Moreover, the growing role of the Global South in supporting the Palestinian struggle suggests another seismic shift.

Since the signing of the Oslo Accords, much of the world has been sidelined from the struggle in Palestine. This is no longer the case.

China’s growing role in Palestinian and Middle East politics is taking place with changing global dynamics, and the practical end of the US traditional role as the ‘honest peace broker’.

The war on Gaza has presented China with the opportunity to play the role of an advocate for Palestine. This has given Beijing the needed credibility to achieve the most comprehensive agreement among Palestinian groups.

Time will tell if the agreement will be implemented or thwarted. But the fact remains that China is now officially a peace broker in Palestine and, for most Palestinians, a credible one at that.

Dr. Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle.

1 August 2024

Source: countercurrents.org

Assassination of Ismail Haniyeh will strengthen resistance resolve

By Ali Abunimah

The assassination of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran early Wednesday is a major escalation that brings the region closer to an all-out war that Israel claims it does not want, but seems to be doing everything in its power to provoke.

It came hours after Israel bombed Lebanon on Tuesday evening, killing three civilians. Israel claimed that it targeted Fuad Shukr, Hizballah’s most senior military official and its leader Hasan Nasrallah’s close confidant. Hizballah confirmed Shukr’s martyrdom later in the day on Wednesday and said that Nasrallah “will announce our political position tomorrow regarding this crime during the funeral of Commander Shukr.”

In keeping with its standard practice, Israel has not made any official comment on the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh and his bodyguard Wasim Abu Shaaban in the Iranian capital, where the Hamas leader was present for the inauguration of President Masoud Pezeshkian on Tuesday.

During a brief speech on Wednesday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu warned the public that “challenging days are ahead” and said that “[we] will stand united and determined against every threat.”

He did not comment on Haniyeh’s assassination and instead doubled-down on his position not to end the war on Gaza through an agreement reached with Hamas. Referring to international and domestic pressure, Netanyahu said “I did not give in to those voices then, and I don’t give in to them now.”

But at least one Israeli official, heritage minister Amihai Eliyahu, celebrated the killing. He posted on X, formerly Twitter, that “this is the right way to clean the world from this filth.”

“No more imaginary ‘peace’/surrender agreements, no more mercy for these sons of death,” Eliyahu added.

Despite Israel’s official silence, few are in doubt about its responsibility, not least Iran, where the killing of Haniyeh on its soil will be viewed as a major breach of its sovereignty and security.

“The criminal, terrorist Zionist regime martyred our dear guest in our territory and has caused our grief, but it has also prepared the ground for a severe punishment,” Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran’s supreme leader, said.

Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps said that Haniyeh and his bodyguard were killed in the residence where they were staying. It added that the attack is under investigation and that details will be released later.

Khalil al-Hayya, a senior Hamas official, said that Haniyeh was “directly” killed in a missile strike that destroyed the windows, doors and walls in the room where he was staying. Al-Hayya added that Israel was aiming to “burn the entire region … because they’ve failed to achieve their goals” in Gaza, rejecting a deal and wanting “to continue their aggression despite all the failure.”

Haniyeh’s family massacred

Among Haniyeh’s last public words are those he made to Khamenei one day before his murder. Haniyeh told the Iranian leader how he had lost more than 60 members of his family in Gaza during Israel’s genocide, including three sons, a sister and many grandchildren.

Following Israel’s killing of several of his family members in April, Haniyeh said “the blood of my children and grandchildren is not more precious than the blood of the children of the Palestinian people.”

“I thank God for this honor that He has bestowed upon me by the martyrdom of my three sons and some of my grandchildren,” Haniyeh added.

After the news of Ismail Haniyeh’s murder, his eldest son Abd al-Salam said, “we have accustomed ourselves to receive the news of martyrdom, like all our people, we have accustomed ourselves to victory or martyrdom.”

He added that Israel was “deluded” if it thought murdering leaders of the resistance would halt the Palestinian struggle for liberation.

Ismail Haniyeh was born in 1962 in Gaza’s Beach refugee camp to a family originally from the Palestinian city of Majdal Asqalan, renamed Ashkelon after the Zionist conquest of the city in 1948.

In the early 1980s he studied literature at the Islamic University of Gaza and joined the Islamic student bloc.

He was active during the first intifada, the mass uprising in the occupied Gaza Strip and the West Bank that began in 1987, the same year Hamas was founded. Haniyeh was one of the group’s early members, becoming a close confidant to its founder Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, who was assassinated by Israel in 2004.

As an activist against the occupation, Haniyeh was repeatedly jailed by Israel, his longest stint in its prisons lasting three years. After that, in 1992, he was among hundreds of Palestinian leaders and activists expelled by Israel to Lebanon.

He returned to Gaza after the signing of the Oslo accords between the Palestine Liberation Organization and Israel in 1993. In 1997, he became the assistant to Sheikh Yassin.

Yassin had just been released from prison by Israel following a failed Israeli assassination attempt on senior Hamas leader Khaled Meshaal in Amman, Jordan, in which Israeli agents had sprayed a toxin into Meshaal’s ear. King Hussein of Jordan demanded that Israel provide the antidote, which it did, and that it release Yassin.

Haniyeh’s rise to leadership

When he returned to Gaza, Haniyeh also returned to the modest family home in which he was born and raised in Beach refugee camp. Haniyeh became a well-known and popular leader across Gaza, in part by regularly giving sermons during Friday prayers in mosques across the territory.

In 2006, following Hamas’ victory in the Palestinian Authority legislative elections in the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, Haniyeh became prime minister of a short-lived national unity government. That government was ended by a plot, backed by the United States, to overthrow Hamas using militias affiliated with its main rival Fatah, which had fully controlled the Palestinian Authority up to that point.

The US-backed coup succeeded in the West Bank but failed in Gaza. Haniyeh remained as prime minister in Gaza as Israel imposed a devastating siege on the territory with the support and complicity of the US, the European Union, Canada, some Arab states and the Palestinian Authority run by Mahmoud Abbas in Ramallah.

Haniyeh was known as a conciliator among Palestinian factions and in 2014 he stepped down as prime minister in Gaza in a fresh attempt to achieve national unity. This followed the signing of an accord with a Palestine Liberation Organization delegation known as the Shati agreement, because it was signed in Haniyeh’s home in al-Shati camp, as Beach camp is called in Arabic.

But the obstacles in the way of unity – principally the PA’s insistence on maintaining its collaboration with Israel and objections from the Ramallah government’s foreign sponsors – torpedoed every attempt to overcome the divide.

In May 2017, Haniyeh was elected head of the politburo of Hamas, succeeding Khaled Meshaal. This coincided with Hamas’ launch of a new political charter that affirmed the group’s independence from the Muslim Brotherhood.

The document indicated Hamas’ readiness to accept a Palestinian state within the West Bank and Gaza.

The new charter stated that the “conflict is with the Zionist project not with the Jews because of their religion. Hamas does not wage a struggle against the Jews because they are Jewish but wages a struggle against the Zionists who occupy Palestine. Yet, it is the Zionists who constantly identify Judaism and the Jews with their own colonial project and illegal entity.”

Resistance a “legitimate right”

The revised charter also stated that resistance, including armed resistance, “is a legitimate right” guaranteed by international law. But it also signaled that armed resistance was a means to an end, and that if those ends – Palestinian liberation and self-determination – could be achieved by political means, Hamas was ready for that.

Hamas had hoped that these far-reaching concessions and political overtures would gain it admission to the international political arena, in a manner similar to the Irish republican movement Sinn Fein and its associated armed wing, the IRA.

Hamas also supported the mass protests in Gaza beginning in 2018 known as the Great March of Return – an effort to win international support and pressure on Israel to end the siege of Gaza. Israel responded by sending military snipers to murder and maim thousands of unarmed civilians.

Met with adamant rejectionism from Israel and the US to all its political overtures, Hamas saw no option but continued and escalating armed resistance, culminating in the al-Aqsa Flood operation of 7 October 2023.

With his assumption of the role as Hamas’ top leader, Haniyeh relocated from Gaza to Doha. From the Qatari capital he could conduct international diplomacy and negotiations, including a central role in the so far unsuccessful efforts to achieve an end to Israel’s genocidal war in Gaza and a mutual exchange of detainees.

Following the assassination of Haniyeh, Israel reaffirmed that it still seeks a deal to free its captives in Gaza, a perverse and cynical statement after it murdered its chief Palestinian interlocutor.

Haniyeh was seen by Palestinians as a major and popular national leader and had gained widespread international recognition, serving as an interlocutor with major world capitals including Moscow, Beijing and Ankara. An opinion poll conducted in the West Bank and Gaza Strip in March, six months into Israel’s genocide, showed him winning 70 percent of the vote in a potential match-up against Palestinian Authority leader Mahmoud Abbas.

After the January assassination of Haniyeh’s deputy and key negotiator Saleh al-Arouri in Beirut – an act also widely attributed to Israel – the now departed head of Hamas stated:

“A movement that offers its leaders and founders as martyrs for the dignity of our people and our nation will never be defeated, and such assassinations only make it stronger, more resilient and more determined.”

Ali Abunimah is Co-founder of The Electronic Intifada and author of The Battle for Justice in Palestine.

Maureen Clare Murphy contributed research.

1 August 2024

Source: countercurrents.org