Just International

Syrian News on June 20, 2012

President al-Assad Decrees Establishing Veterinary Medicine Faculty affiliated with Damascus University in Daraa City

DAMASCUS, (SANA) – President Bashar al-Assad issued on Tuesday decree No. 205 for 2012.

The decree stipulates for establishing a veterinary medicine faculty affiliated with Damascus University in Daraa city.

Sixteen Army and Law-enforcement Martyrs Laid to Rest

PROVINCES, (SANA)- On the music of the ‘Martyr’ and the ‘Farewell’, the bodies of 16 army and the law enforcement martyrs on Tuesdaywere escorted from Tishreen, Aleppo and Zahi Azraq Military Hospitals and Sweida National Hospital to their final resting place.

Solemn funeral processions were held for the martyrs who were targeted by armed terrorist groups while they were in line of duty in Damascus Countryside, Homs, Daraa and Aleppo.

The martyrs are:

  • Lieutenant Colonel Ma’an Ahmad Shakkouf, from Homs.
  • Aspirant Mazen Bader Hussam-Eddin, from Lattakia.
  • Warrant officer Ya’el Hamed Wannous, from Hama.
  • Sergeant Major Alaa mohammad Suleiman, from Tartous.
  • Sergeant Suleiman Hamad Seif, from Sweida.
  • Sergeant Youssef Khalil al-Jasem, from Raqaa.
  • Corporal Ayham Diyab al-Saleh, from Hama.
  • Corporal Hussam-Eddin Abu Mudirah, from Damascus Countryside.
  • Conscript Abed Ali Ali, from Aleppo.
  • Conscript Assad Mamed Bakko, from Aleppo.
  • Conscript Mohammad Dib Hussein Sarraj, from Aleppo.
  • Conscript Abdul-Rahman al-Ghabani, from Hama.
  • Conscript Ahmad Mohammad al-Jaber, from Raqaa.
  • Conscript Najm-Eddin Diyab, from Raqaa.
  • Conscript Mohammad Zakariya Barakat, from Lattakia.
  • Policeman Ghandi Mohammad Maryam, from Hama.

The families of the martyrs expressed confidence in the Syrian people’s ability to overcome the crisis through adhering to the national unity, asserting that the blood of the martyrs is the guarantee for fortifying Syria in the face of the challenges.

They expressed rejection of all forms of foreign interference in Syria’s internal affairs, calling for confronting the armed terrorist groups and striking with an iron fist those who try to tamper with the homeland’s security and stability.

§Two Military Engineering Members Martyred in Aleppo… Terrorists Attack Oil Pipelines in Deir Ezzor and Homs,  Kill Two Children,   Assassinate a Nurse in Damascus

PROVINCE, (SANA)_ Two members from the military engineering units were martyred, one was injured and a law-enforcement member was injured on Tuesday as an explosive device was detonated by an armed terrorist group in Al Azizieh neighborhood in Aleppo.

SANA reporter quoted a source in the province as saying that the military engineering units had just dismantled an explosive device when the armed terrorist group detonated another one in the same area.

The source added the explosion led to the martyrdom of Sergeant Ali Hassan Marouf, Bishing Abdo Alik, adding that Sergeant Maher al-Hakim and Warrant Officer Rami Qashqa’ from the law-enforcement forces were wounded.

Oil Pipelines in Deir Ezzour and Homs Attacked

An armed terrorist group on Tuesday detonated with an explosive device oil derivatives pipeline extending from Homs to Damascus and the Southern region at al-Sultaniya area in Homs causing fire to erupt at the site of the blast.

Earlier, an armed terrorist group detonated with an explosive device an oil transfer pipeline between Eyin Ali area south of al-Quriya city in Deir Ezzour causing fire to erupt at the site of the blast.

A source at the Ministry of Petroleum and Mineral Resources told SANA reporter that the 24-inch diameter oil pipeline,which belongs to al-Furat Oil Company, transfers crude oil from al-Omar field to T2 station.

The source added that pumping operations were halted after the explosion, adding that the maintenance workshops will start repair works soon to restore pumping oil in the next few days.

The same pipeline has been targeted twice during the past two weeks as an armed terrorist group detonated the pipeline near Abu Hamam area.

Terrorist Infiltration Attempts from Lebanon to Syria Thwarted

The competent authorities on Monday confronted two infiltration attempts by armed terrorist groups near al-Jousieh crossing in al-Qseir city and near Qumar Bridge in Talkalakh countryside.

A source at Homs Governorate told SANA reporter that the clash between the authorities and the armed groups resulted in the killing of a number of terrorists and the injury of others at the aforementioned sites and the destruction of a war that an armed group was driving at al-Jousieh crossing.

The source added that the rest of the terrorists fled towards the Lebanese territories.

An armed terrorist group exploded Tuesday morning a gasoline pipeline  – Homs-Adra Pipline at Babamro-al-Sultaniah in Homs Governorate.

According to an official source at the Ministry of Oil and Petroleum, the competent authorities are taking the necessary measures to extinguish the fire caused by the explosion and repair the pipeline as to re-start pumping operations.

Another armed terrorist group launched a similar attack yesterday against an oil pipeline affiliated to al-Furat Company at al-quoria village in Deir Azzour Governorate.

Meantime, in Damascus Governorate, competent authorities clashed with armed terrorists at Douma outskirts killing the terrorists who were in Dushka machinegun –equipped  four cars.

Other four terrorists were killed and four others injured, some of them captured, in the clashes with terrorists between Rankous and Azzabadani in Damascus Countryside.

Car Bomb Kills Two Terrorists in Idleb Countryside

A car bomb killed two terrorists on Tuesday in Jisr Hileh in Idleb countryside.

SANA reporter quoted a source in the province as saying that the two terrorists were in the car when it exploded causing damage in the area.

Meanwhile in Hama province, competent authorities clashed with an armed terrorist group in al-Qusour neighborhood.

SANA reporter said that the clashes resulted in killing many terrorists, arresting others and seizing their weapons which included machineguns, RPG launchers, night-vision goggles, remote-control devices and a large amount of ammunition.

Authorities Uncover Workshop for Manufacturing  Explosives in Douma

The authorities raided a terrorist hideout in Douma, Damascus Countryside, and clashed with a number of terrorists hiding in it, killing some of them and arresting the rest.

An official source told SANA’s correspondent that inspection of the hideout uncovered a workshop for manufacturing explosives devices and rigging car bombs.

Terrorists Storm Citizen’s House in Qudsaya and Kill His Sons, Assassinate a Nurse in Rukn Eddin

An armed terrorist group stormed the house of citizen Ammar Shamiyeh, behind al-Badr Hospital in Qudsaya in Damascus Countryside.

A source at the Police Command told SANA reporter that the terrorists opened fire on Shamiyeh’s sons Murhaf (19 years old) and Yazan (15 years old), causing their immediate death.

In Rukn Eddin area in Damascus, two terrorists assassinated the nurse Jamileh Aziz Ahmad.

A source at the Police Command in the province told SANA that the two terrorists intercepted the way of the 40-year-old nurse and shot her while she was walking in the street.

Engineering units explode a number of explosives planted by armed terrorist groups in different areas of Idleb

The Engineering units today exploded a number of explosives planted by armed terrorist groups in different areas of Idleb that were prepared to target the citizens and law enforcement personnel.

A source in Idleb told SANA reporter that the engineering units blew up explosives with 100 KG at the southern entrance of  Maarat al-Numan and two others with 75 KG each on Ariha- Jisr al-Shoughour road.

It added that the explosives were put by terrorists within the populated areas.

§Shaaban and Bogdanov Discuss Latest Developments on Events in Syria

MOSCOW, (SANA)- Presidential Political and Media Advisor, Dr. Bouthaina Shaaban, discussed on Monday with Russia’s Deputy Foreign Minister, Mikhail Bogdanov, the latest developments regarding the events in Syria and the Russian efforts to consolidate stability in Syria and help launch the dialogue in it.

The Russian Foreign Ministry said in a statement that Dr. Shaaban expressed thanks over Russia’s stance of rejecting foreign interference in the Syrian affair and its role seeking to create the conditions for a diplomatic political settlement and prevent the supply of money and weapons to the gunmen in Syria.

Lavrov Stresses Importance of Unifying Efforts of External Players to Reach Peaceful Settlement

The Russian Foreign Ministry on Tuesday said the Russia-proposed international conference on Syria would provide appropriate conditions for starting a political dialogue among the Syrian parties.

The Ministry was quoted by Russia Today website as saying that Russian Foreign Minister, Sergei Lavrov, having discussed the crisis in Syria on the sidelines of the G20 Summit in Los Cabos in Mexico, stressed the importance of unifying the efforts of external players to reach peaceful settlement to the situation in Syria.

The Ministry added that Lavrov drew attention to the necessity of creating appropriate conditions to start political dialogue among the Syrian parties, through which they themselves are to solve the issues of “overhauling the political system in the country”.

It pointed out that the Russian initiative on an international dialogue on Syria is particularly aimed at achieving this end.

§Al-Hamwi Denounces Biased and Subjective Statements Issued by Pillay Based on Provocative Media Reports

GENEVA, (SANA) – Syria’s Permanent Representative to the UN Office at Geneva (UNOG), Dr. Fayssal al-Hamwi, stressed that the armed terrorist groups are still violating the plan of UN Envoy to Syria, Kofi Annan, with the support of some regional countries and the United States of America.

Dr. al-Hamwi’s remarks came in response to the High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay’s allegations and some states’ representatives that support the armed terrorist groups in Syria during the 20th  meeting of the Human Rights Council held in Geneva on Monday.

Dr. al-Hamwi expressed the Syrian delegation’s disapproval of the biased and subjective statements made by the High Commissioner based on some provocative media reports.

On Pillay’s allegations that the UN Supervision Mission in Syria (UNSMIS) did not manage to reach some areas in Syria, Dr. al-Hamwi pointed out that the good standing cooperation between the international observers and the Syrian Government was certified by the head of the mission who affirmed that his team was moving freely in the country.

Dr. al-Hamwi also refuted the allegations of the representatives of Qatar, Libya and the USA about the casualties in Syria, pointing out that these countries are supplying the armed gangs with weapons and money.

For his part, Russia’s representative stressed the importance of solving the crisis in Syria through peaceful means, calling for supporting Annan’s plan.

 §Homs Governorate: Armed Terrorist Groups Thwarted Efforts to Evacuate Civilians

 HOMS, (SANA) – Homs Governorate said on Tuesday that its efforts to rescue civilians trapped in neighborhoods where armed terrorist groups are located have failed, and that mediators dealing with other sides informed the Governorate that the terrorists refused to allow any citizen to leave these areas.

In a statement, the Governorate said that this situation endangers the lives of innocent civilians, especially children, women, elderly and individuals with special needs, and that it shows that the terrorist continue to threaten and terrorize civilians and refuse to comply with the efforts being exerted for around a week to evacuate these citizens.

The Governorate called upon all those who sincerely want to help to participate in rescuing the citizens trapped in these neighborhoods and help end this tragic situation, affirming that the terrorist groups are accountable for the lives of these citizens due to their refusal to let them leave.

The statement concluded by affirming that the Government took all necessary steps to evacuate these citizens without any restrictions or conditions, and that it complied fully with the UN observer mission and prepared all possible necessities that citizens will need when they leave the neighborhoods afflicted by terrorist groups.

§State Ministry for Environmental Affairs Denounces Terrorists’ Infringements upon Forests

 DAMASCUS, (SANA) – The  State Ministry for Environmental Affairs denounced the infringements carried out by armed terrorist groups and those who support them upon forests in Syria, primarily in the northern and northwestern areas on the borders with Turkey.

In a statement, the State Ministry said terrorists have been using Syrian forests in the aforementioned border areas as a convenient hiding place and starting fires in them to facilitate and cover their entry from Turkey to Syria, noting that these infringements are taking place because of the logistic support and weapons supplied to terrorists by Turkey and its providing them with a temporary haven and allowing them to use Turkey’s forests to pass into Syria.

The statement noted that the Turkish sides’ readiness to douse the forest fires started by terrorists indicates prior knowledge of where and when they will occur.

§Russian Defense Ministry Denies News on Preparations for Military Exercises in Syria

MOSCOW, (SANA)- The Russian Defense Ministry denied news on preparations to conduct large-scale military exercises on the Syrian territories with Russia’s participation, a statement by the Ministry said on Tuesday.

It added that the recurrence of such media misinformation recently by influential media based on various intelligence and satellite data aims at further intensifying the situation in Syria and do not reflect the reality on the ground.

The Russian Defense Ministry also dismissed news that the Russian Baltic Fleet large landing ship, Kaliningrad, is soon to set sail to the Mediterranean and enter Tartous Port in Syria.

The Ministry’s statement said that the only correct piece in this news is that Kaliningrad ship is indeed part of the Russia Baltic Fleet.

§Four Parliament Committees on Public Freedoms and Human Rights, Youths, Women’s Rights and Press Approved

 DAMASCUS, (SANA) – The People’s Assembly on Tuesday agreed on establishing four new permanent committees on public freedoms and human rights, youths, family, children and women’s rights and the press, printing and publishing.

During a session chaired by Speaker Jihad al-Laham, a number of MPs said that this logical reform step came in line with the new constitution as it also reflects keenness on the people’s interests and enhancing freedoms, rights, social justice, national unity and cultural diversity.

They stressed the need for specifying the tasks assigned to the committees to ensure better performance.

They indicated the importance of following up on the requirements of youth and meeting their needs as they are the future of the country through the youth committee, particularly providing job opportunities and establishing a ministry for youth issues.

The members highlighted the role of the family, children and women’s rights committee in empowering women and preserving their rights as they are the main pillar of the society, in addition to drawing special attention to child labor.

They stressed the importance of the freedoms and human rights’ committee in the current stage since freedom is a holy right guaranteed by the constitution, in addition to enhancing the values of justice and trust between the citizens and the state so that Syria would remain an example of unity, amity and fraternity.

They called for changing the name of the press, printing and publishing committee to become media, printing, press and publishing and to task it with supervising the performance of the Ministry of Information, stressing the importance of having a media institution that is able to direct the public opinion in the interest of the homeland and reform process.

The members called for forming committees for combating unemployment, strategic studies and scientific research and care provision for the martyrs’ families.

A committee for accountability and corruption fighting was also called for to be in charge with following up on the affairs of the Central Commission for Control and Inspection and the Central Apparatus for Financial Control, the two bodies charged with corruption issues.

The members also called for forming a committee to supervise the work of civil society organizations and syndicates and another for education, higher education and Arabic language empowerment.

They stressed the need for forming a special temporary committee to study the situation of the affected and displaced citizens due to the current events in the country and the families of civilian and military martyrs to ease their suffering. The committee is to include all the Assembly’s members and operate all over the Syrian provinces.

Stress was also placed on forming a committee to follow up on the implementation of the ministries’ work and projects and presenting monthly reports on any faults.

The members suggested forming a committee for small and medium-sized project development to provide job opportunities for the youths and support their civil initiatives, in addition to establishing a committee for universities and institutes and forming offices at the universities for dialogue with the students.

They underscored the importance of establishing a committee for taking care of and attracting the Syrians expatriate innovators.

They called for a special committee for relief and another temporary one for embarking on the national reconciliation.

Another suggestion focused on forming a social committee to consolidate national unity and rebuilding trust among the homeland’s citizens, and another for preserving national heritage and folklore.

The Assembly’s members stressed the importance of launching the comprehensive national dialogue and find the best means to activate the Assembly’s role in this regard.

They called for combating monopoly which led to a rise in the prices and activating the role of judiciary and monitoring its performance.

They also called for amending the statute of the People’s Assembly so as to enable its members to practice their role of scrutiny, monitoring and accountability as soon as possible to keep pace with the ongoing reform process.

A number of the members also called for re-imposing the state of emergency for a temporary and renewable period due to the prevailing security situation with the aim of protecting the citizens against the violations and criminal acts of the terrorist groups.

The discussions also focused on tackling the problem of the shortage of gas and gas oil and following up on the issue of gas oil smuggling and black market to help supply the citizens and peasants with these two materials.

§Fire at Aleppo Petrol Station Destroys 4 Fuel Tankers

 ALEPPO, (SANA) – 4 gasoline and fuel tankers and 10 oil pumps were completely destroyed when a fire broke out in Aleppo Petrol Station in Bustan al-Basha area without human losses.

 Governor of Aleppo, Mwafaq Khallouf told SANA reporter that the fire spark was triggered by a friction between two private cars at the entrance of the Station while draining the fuel tankers which caused fire to erupt and extend to other tankers. He estimated the damage at SYP 50 million.

 §Putin and Obama: Need for Reaching a Halt of violence in Syria

Los Cabos, Mexico, (SANA)-Russian President Vladimir Putin announced that he and his USA counterpart Barack Obama found common denominators about a lot of international problems, including the Syrian crisis

Putin said at a press conference Monday with Obama in Los Cabos, Mexico ” We held talks about international problems including the Syrian crisis.. we will continue our contacts on all issues.”

Obama, for his part said “We have agreed on the necessity of reaching a halt for violence in Syria and the need for running a political process to avoid a civil war.”

” In order to stop bloodshed in Syria, we call for an immediate halt to any form of violence… we support efforts of the UN Envoy to Syria Kofi Annan including the political shift into democracy, party pluralism and the political system which the Syrians select in the framework of Syrian sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity,” a statement by the two presidents stated.

§Fourteen Citizens Involved in Recent Events Turn Themselves In

DAMASCUS COUNTRYSIDE/ HOMS, (SANA) – 14 citizens who were misled and got involved in the recent events in the country and whose hands are clean of Syrian blood turned themselves in and surrendered their weapons in to the authorities in Damascus Countryside and Homs Provinces.

The citizens were released after pledging not to take up arms again or take part in vandalism or any act that affect Syria’s security and stability in the future.

 

 

 

”Israel”And Despotic Arab Regimes Shake As Revolution Sweeps Through The Middle East

 

 

28 January, 2011

Countercurrents.org

Either we live in dignity or die in dignity

A young Arab blogger

Palestinian scholar Azmi Bshara recently wrote that the whole Arab region is heading quickly towards “Tunisization;” a new term used by Arabs these days to refer to the folk revolution in Tunis.

From Mauretania in the west to Yemen in the east, demonstrations and sit ins are being seen throughout the Middle East. The kings, princes, presidents, the one-man ruler, the one-party, the one- family, the one-tribe ruling system, and naturally the Zionist state are trembling with fear.

The familiar slogan from the Tunisian revolution of (Bread, Freedom, Dignity) are now heard almost everywhere in the Arab world. That region is suffering from major social, political and economic turmoil due to corruption, lack of freedom and absence of hope among the youth. This is confirmed by the United Nations report about the human development in the Arab region.

The report outlines offers a critique and highlights the source for the problems in the area including: corruption, low investment in human resources, absence of freedom and transparency, increasing poverty, and decreasing of middle class and increasing of dissertation and pollution, which threatening agriculture and water sources.

Israel has been worried that the revolution might spread to other parts which will consolidate the democratic forces which naturally are anti-Zionism. This concern was expressed by Sylvan Shalom. Shalom has become even more concerned since the current Egyptian uprising. Egypt is the first country to sign a peace treaty with the Zionist state which it did in 1979. This has, according to Arabs, weakened the Arab struggle against Zionism.

Both Israel and Arab leaders have reasons to be worried about: despotic Arab regimes have turned their countries into private business for themselves and their families, and “Israel” has been occupying Palestine, murdering and humiliating three generations of Arabs since its forceful plantation by the imperial power in Palestine in the black year of 1948.The Us worried too about the situation in Egypt. Obama said that he advised Mubarak to listen to the demands of the people. But now most observers think that the current Egyptian uprising might continue until ending the corrupted regime of Mubarak.

Even before the Tunisian president fled under pressure of the revolution, some Arab countries began to take preventive measures to obstruct the spirit of revolution from spreading their nations. In Jordan, the government tried to bribe the masses by increasing the salaries of the public employees and by allowing the opposition parties to speak up on state TV. The police even distributed water and juice to the demonstrators. In Kuwait, the prince decided to grant each citizen approximately $ 5,000 as a gift. In Syria, Algeria and Yemen, steps were taken to subsidize the cost of food staples. Furthermore, reflecting the increasing concern of the Arab ruling elite, the king of Bahrain called for an emergency meeting for Arab leaders to address grievances of their citizenry. Of course nobody is sure if any serious results would ever come out of such calls because Aspirin cannot cure the old deep wounds, to borrow the words of Jordanian writer Ureib al Rintawi.

The Tunisian revolution has provided Arabs with an example that change is possible, and ordinary people are capable of doing much in this regard.

An elderly Tunisian man addressed a younger Tunisian saying: we have gotten old; it is your time to take responsibility. The events of the revolution proved that Tunisian young men did not fail him. In fact, the Tunisian revolution, as most sources agree was not led by the traditional opposition parties but rather by the young people who were using the net to communicate and to organize their work.

And today as we are following the uprising in Egypt, it is obvious the large role modern communication technology is playing in the uprising. This is why the state cut off the net for several hours, to obstruct the uprising.

While writing this article I looked at one of these sites called (Kuluna Khalid Said) and found out that there are about half million young men communicating on this site. Khalid Said was a young man murdered by the Egyptian police few months ago in Alexandria.

The Egyptian opposition declared today (Friday) as the day of anger and the Egyptian government said that it is ready to face the situation which spread to most Egyptian cities in the last days. Egypt after the 25 of January is not the same after, declared Egyptian opposition politicians.

In the mean time the young Egyptian and Arabs are continuing to express their thoughts on the face book and the twitter preparing themselves to the 28 of January declared as (the day of anger) which many observers believe it might be the decisive day in the conflict between the demonstrators and the government.

“We are tired of being humiliated in our country” a young Arab wrote in his blog. Another young man wrote “either we live in dignity or we die in dignity. “Another blogger refereeing to the young Arab died, drowned in the boats while they trying to come to Europe or Australia by saying “we are dead any way, we have no other choice either to die in the oceans or to die at home in the struggle for change.”

The writer is a Palestinian Norwegian historian in the Middle East.

The Aljazeera Scandal

 

29/01/11

 

I ALWAYS thought this a specifically Israeli trait: whenever a scandal of national proportions breaks out, we ignore the crucial issues and focus our attention on some secondary detail. This spares us having to face the real problems and making painful decisions.

There are examples galore. The classic one centered on the question: “Who Gave the Order?” When it became known that in 1954 an Israeli spy ring had been ordered to plant bombs in US and British institutions in Egypt, in order to sabotage the effort to improve relations between the West and Gamal Abd-al-Nasser, a huge crisis rocked Israel. Almost nobody asked whether the idea itself had been wise or stupid. Almost nobody asked whether it was really in the best interest of Israel to challenge the new and vigorous Egyptian leader, who was fast becoming the idol of the entire Arab world (and who had already secretly indicated that he could possibly make peace with Israel).

No, the question was solely: Who had given the order? The Minister of Defense, Pinhas Lavon, or the chief of military intelligence, Binyamin Gibli? This question rocked the nation, brought down the government and induced David Ben-Gurion to leave the Labor Party.

Recently, the Turkish flotilla scandal centered around the question: was it a good idea for commandos to slide down ropes onto the ship, or should another form of attack have been adopted? Almost nobody asked: should Gaza have been blockaded in the first place? Wasn’t it smarter to start talking with Hamas? Was it a good idea to attack a Turkish ship on the high sees?

It seems that this particular Israeli way of dealing with problems is infectious. In this respect (too), our neighbors are starting to resemble us.

THE ALJAZEERA TV network followed WikiLeaks’ example this week by publishing a pile of secret Palestinian documents. They paint a detailed picture of the Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations, especially during the time of Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, when the gap between the parties became much smaller.

In the Arab world, this caused a huge stir. Even while the “Jasmine Revolution” in Tunisia was still in full swing, and masses of people in Egypt were confronting the Mubarak regime, the Aljazeera leaks stirred up an intense controversy.

But what was the clash about? Not about the position of the Palestinian negotiators, not about the strategy of Mahmoud Abbas and his colleagues, its basic assumptions, its pros and cons.

No, in the Israeli way, the main question was: who leaked the documents? Who is lurking in the shadows behind the whistle-blowers? The CIA? The Mossad? What were their sinister motives?

On Aljazeera, the Palestinian leaders were accused of treason and worse. In Ramallah, the Aljazeera offices were attacked by pro-Abbas crowds. Saeb Erekat, the Palestinian chief negotiator, declared that Aljazeera was actually calling for his murder. He and others denied that they had ever made the concessions indicated in the documents. They seemed to be saying in public that such concessions would amount to betrayal – though they agreed to them in secret.

All this is nonsense. Now that the Palestinian and Israeli negotiating positions have been made public – and nobody seriously denied their authenticity – the real discussion should be about their substance.

FOR ANYONE involved in any way with Israeli-Palestinian peace-making, there was nothing really surprising in these disclosures.

On the contrary, they showed that the Palestinian negotiators are adhering strictly to the guidelines laid down by Yasser Arafat.

I know this firsthand, because I had the opportunity to discuss them with Arafat himself. That was in 1992, after the election of Yitzhak Rabin. Rachel and I went to Tunis to meet “Abu Amar”, as he liked to be called. The high point of the visit was a meeting in which, besides Arafat himself, several Palestinian leaders took part – among them Mahmoud Abbas and Yasser Abed-Rabbo.

All were intensely curious about the personality of Rabin, whom I knew well, and questioned me closely about him. My remark that “Rabin is as honest as a politician can be” was greeted with general laughter, most of all from Arafat.

But the main part of the meeting was devoted to a review of the key problems of Israeli-Palestinian peace. The borders, Jerusalem, security, the refugees etc, which are now generally referred to as the “core issues”.

Arafat and the others discussed it from the Palestinian point of view. I tried to convey what – in my opinion – Rabin could possible agree to. What emerged was a kind of skeleton peace agreement.

Back in Israel, I met with Rabin at his private home on a Shabbat, in the presence of his assistant Eitan Haber, and tried to tell him what had transpired. Rather to my surprise, Rabin evaded all serious discussion. He was already thinking about Oslo.

A few years later, Gush Shalom published a detailed draft peace agreement. It was based on knowledge of the Palestinian position as disclosed in Tunis. As anyone can see on our website, it was very similar to the recent proposals of the Palestinian side as disclosed in the Aljazeera papers.

THESE ARE roughly as follows:

The borders will be based on the 1967 lines, with some minimal swaps of territory which would join to Israel the big settlements immediately adjacent to the Green Line. These do not include the big settlements that cut deep into the West Bank, cutting the territory into pieces, such as Ma’aleh Adumim and Ariel.

All the settlements in what will become the State of Palestine will have to be evacuated. According to the papers, one of the Palestinians opened another option: that the settlers remain where they are and become Palestinian citizens. Tzipi Livni – then Foreign Minister – immediately objected, saying bluntly that all of them would be murdered. I agree that it would not be a good idea – it would cause endless friction, since these settlers sit on Palestinian land, either Palestinian private property or the land reserves of the towns and villages.

About Jerusalem, the solution would be as phrased by President Bill Clinton: What is Arab will go to Palestine, what is Jewish will be joined to Israel. This is a huge Palestinian concession, but a wise one. I was glad that they did not agree to apply this rule to Har Homa, the monstrous settlement built on what was once a beautiful wooded hill, where I spent many days and nights (and almost lost my life) in protests against its construction.

About the refugees, it is clear to any reasonable person that there will not be a mass return of millions, which would turn Israel into something else. This is a very bitter (and unjust) pill for the Palestinians to swallow – but which any Palestinian who really desires a two-state solution must accept. The question is: how many refugees will be allowed back to Israel as a healing gesture? The Palestinians proposed 100,000. Olmert proposed 5,000. That’s a big difference – but once we start to haggle about numbers, a solution can be found.

The Palestinians want an international force to be stationed in the West Bank, safeguarding their own and Israel’s security. I don’t remember if Arafat mentioned this to me, but I am sure that he would have agreed.

This, then, is the Palestinian peace plan – and it has not changed since Arafat came, in late 1973, to the conclusion that the two-state solution was the only viable one. The fact that Olmert and Co. did not jump to accept these terms, instead launching the deadly Cast Lead operation, speaks for itself.

THE ALJAZEERA disclosures are inopportune. Such delicate negotiations are better conducted in secret. The idea that “the people should be part of the negotiations” is naïve. The people should certainly be consulted, but not before a draft agreement lies on the table and they can decide whether they like the whole bundle or not. Before that, disclosures will only whip up a demagogic cacophony of accusations of treason (on both sides), like what is happening now.

For the Israeli peace camp, the disclosures are a blessing. They prove, as Gush Shalom put it yesterday in its weekly statement, that “We have a partner for peace. The Palestinians have no partner for peace.”

 

More to religious (in)tolerance in Indonesia than meets the eye

 

 

Jakarta – At the end of 2010, two Indonesian civil society organisations that work to promote tolerance and understanding in Indonesia, the Moderate Muslim Society (MMS) and the Wahid Institute (WI), separately released the results of research they had conducted on religious life in Indonesia. Both showed significant increases in the number of religiously motivated attacks and discrimination against minority religious groups.

Over the last year, MMS recorded 81 cases of religious intolerance, up 30 per cent from 2009, while WI recorded 193 instances of religious discrimination and 133 cases of non-violent religious intolerance, up approximately 50 per cent from the previous year. Among these instances, forced church closures and disruptions of worship services were the most commonly reported complaints, which also included the firebombing of an Ahmadi mosque and violent attacks on congregants.

At first glance, this paints a frightening portrait of religious life in Indonesia, especially as these are the most common stories to be reported in Western media.

Articles that focus solely on violence against religious minorities depict Indonesian Muslims as angry and destructive individuals who restrict the religious freedom of others, even though the Indonesian Constitution formally guarantees the right to believe and practice one’s religion.

While highlighting real problems in Indonesia, the picture painted of Indonesians is misleading: most Indonesians are accepting of other faiths, and most parts of Indonesia are currently experiencing peace.

For example, in Jakarta, the Istiqlal Mosque and Cathedral Church stand across from one another, facing each other in harmony. In Yogyakarta, Muslims and Christians worked together to help the victims of the recent Merapi volcano eruption which forced many Indonesians to flee their homes. And in many parts of Indonesia with large minority religious groups, such as North Sumatra, North Sulawesi and Bali, inter-religious harmony is the norm.

We cannot close our eyes to acts of religious intolerance. Instead, with the vast majority of Indonesians supporting peaceful coexistence, these acts have provided impetus for Indonesians working in this space to continue to develop programmes and initiatives for peacebuilding.

For example, the Paramadina Foundation – founded by a Muslim reformer, the late Nurcholish Madjid – recently published an Indonesian translation of Mohammad Abu Nimer’s 2003 book, Non-violence and Peace Building in Islam: Theory and Practice. The author is a professor-cum-peacebuilding activist at American University in Washington, DC.

Abu Nimer counters the stereotype in Western media that the Muslim world is intolerant and warlike, and that Islam as a religion and culture is contrary to the principles of peace. According to him, the main problem is that many analysts are obsessed with acts of violence and terrorism committed in the name of Islam, and thus Islamic values and practices of peacebuilding go unnoticed.

By translating this book into Indonesian, Paramadina aims to promote Islamic perspectives and principles of peacebuilding for Indonesian readers, sharing a model of non-violence, like the ones successfully employed in Poso, Aceh and other places in Indonesia, to resolve the violence that had been occurring along religious lines.

True, Indonesia today is in a state of democratic transition. Nevertheless, it is recognised as the third-largest democratic country in the world, after the United States and India, and the most democratic Muslim-majority country.

In the authoritarian New Order period (1966-1998), Indonesia was rated by Freedom House as a “half-free” state, free from violence only because people were afraid to voice their opinions. But since 2005 Indonesia has entered the ranks of “fully free” states in which people feel free to express their opinions. Unfortunately, this sometimes means that individuals violate others’ freedoms – for example, by expressing an opinion that goes against the right of others to build a house of worship.

The critical issue now is to help foster a healthy debate on religion and how Indonesians can best promote pluralism and respect for others’ beliefs, without infringing on others’ freedoms.

The democratic transition that has been taking place since 1998 still leaves a large amount of work to be done yet in law enforcement, including protecting the right to freely practice one’s religion. This is a responsibility that must be tackled by government, religious leaders, civil society activists, as well as all lovers of peace and freedom.

History shows that Indonesians are up for the challenge. Hopefully, as greater numbers of individuals and groups join the ranks of those already working to promote pluralism and religious tolerance, we will see a marked improvement in religious tolerance reports in 2011.

* Testriono is a researcher at the Center for the Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) at the State Islamic University (UIN) Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 25 January 2011, www.commongroundnews.org

 

Mohamed ElBaradei: “If Not Now, When?”

 

 

Friday 28 January 2011

 t r u t h o u t | News Analysis

 

Pro-democracy leader Mohamed El Baradei is calling for Western leaders to explicitly condemn Egypt’s current President Hosni Mubarak. (Photo: Lukas Beck / The New York Times)

If Western leaders, who have backed the dictator Mubarak for 30 years, cannot stand before the Egyptian people today and say unequivocally, “we support your right of national self-determination,” when can they do it?

That’s the question that Egyptian democracy leader and Nobel laureate Mohamed ElBaradei has put before Western leaders today.

Speaking to The Guardian UK in Cairo, before the planned protests today, ElBaradei stepped up his calls for Western leaders to explicitly condemn Mubarak, who, as The Guardian noted, has been a close ally of the US:

“The international community must understand we are being denied every human right day by day,” he said. “Egypt today is one big prison. If the international community does not speak out it will have a lot of implications. We are fighting for universal values here. If the west is not going to speak out now, then when?”

Giving forceful illustration to ElBaradei’s words that “Egypt today is one big prison,” Egyptian police later doused ElBaradei with a water cannon and beat supporters who tried to shield him, AP reported, then trapped ElBaradei in a mosque by surrounding it with tear gas:

Police fired water cannons at one of the country’s leading pro-democracy advocates, Mohamed ElBaradei, and his supporters as they joined the latest wave of protests after noon prayers. They used batons to beat some of ElBaradei’s supporters, who surrounded him to protect him.

A soaking wet ElBaradei was trapped inside a mosque while hundreds of riot police laid siege to it, firing tear gas in the streets around so no one could leave.

As I can attest from personal experience, having been under “hotel arrest” in Egypt during the Gaza Freedom March a year ago, this is a standard tactic of Egyptian police – prevent you from participating in a demonstration by detaining you where you are.

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What does it say that ElBaradei, a Nobel Prize winner, the former head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, a former assistant to the Egyptian foreign minister, not to mention a 68-year-old man – is not allowed to peacefully raise his voice in protest against the Egyptian government?

Some folks in Washington still seem to be laboring under the illusion that the US can wash its hands of this matter, like Pontius Pilate.

If the Egyptian government were not one of the largest recipients of US “foreign aid,” largely military “aid,” it might be a different story. If the protesters in Egypt weren’t painfully aware that the US has long backed Mubarak to the hilt, it might be a different story.

But that’s not the world in which we live. The world in which we live is the one in which people in Egypt know that the US has backed Mubarak to the hilt. FDR famously said of the Nicaraguan dictator Somoza, “He may be a son of a bitch, but he’s our son of a bitch.” But FDR didn’t say that in 2011. The world has changed. Expectations have been raised. US leaders today have to meet a higher standard today. “Our son of a bitch” isn’t going to wash on the streets of Cairo.

ElBaradei told CNN on Tuesday:

“I was stunned to hear Secretary Clinton saying that the Egyptian government is ‘stable,’ and I asked myself at what price stability. Is it on the basis of 29 years of martial law? … Is it on the basis of rigged elections? That’s not stability. That’s living on borrowed time. Stability is when you have a government that is elected on a free and fair basis. And we have seen how elections have been rigged in Egypt, we have seen how people have been tortured. And when you see today over 100,000 young people, getting desperate, going to the street, asking for their basic freedoms, I expected to hear from Secretary Clinton … democracy, human rights, freedom.”

In cities across Egypt today, thousands of people, young and old, secularists and Islamists, Muslims and Christians, workers, lawyers, students and professors, have placed their bodies on the line. Their willingness to sacrifice forces us to consider ElBaradei’s question: if not now, when? As Rabbi Hillel said,

If I am not for myself, who will be for me?

If I am only for myself, what am I?

If not now, when?

‘US supports Mubarak, not Egyptians’

 

Fri Jan 28, 2011 7:27PM

Riot police clash with protestors on the Kasr Al Nile Bridge, Cairo, on January 28, 2011.

A political analyst says the US call on the Egyptian authorities to heed demands for reforms is a charade, as Washington will continue to support President Hosni Mubarak.

In an apparent change of tone, the Obama administration on Friday expressed its deep concerns about the use of violence by Egyptian police and security forces against protesters and urged Egyptian authorities to respect citizens’ rights.

“Events unfolding in Egypt are of deep concern. Fundamental rights must be respected, violence avoided and open communications allowed,” State Department spokesman PJ Crowley tweeted.

Crowley’s remarks, however, contradicts Washington’s earlier stance on Egypt’s protests which were accompanied by mild expressions of support for Mubarak.

“Mubarak has been an ally of ours in a number of things. And he’s been very responsible on, relative to geopolitical interest in the region, the Middle East peace efforts; the actions Egypt has taken relative to normalizing relationship with-with Israel. …I would not refer to him as a dictator,” US Vice President Joe Biden said on Thursday.

Some political analysts, however, believe that there is no change in the US stance toward Egypt and that Washington still fully supports Mubarak’s regime.

“There is no ambiguity about what [the US] stance is. The Egyptian military and police are completely supported and backed by the US and by the Central Intelligence Agency,” the author of The Hidden History of Zionism Ralph Schoenman told Press TV in an interview.

“It’s a country selling regime that does the bidding of US and Israeli policy in the region at the expense of the very livelihood and survival of its own people,” he added.

On Friday, tens of thousands of protesters across the country turned out after Friday prayers and clashed with police.

In response to the mass protests, Egyptian authorities shut down Internet and cell services in the country and imposed curfew in major cities.

So far, at least 14 people have been killed and dozens of others have been injured since the protests against unemployment, corruption and rising prices began four days ago.

Up to 1,000 people have been arrested during the protests.

Tunisia: the advent of liberal Islamism – an interview with Rashid Al-Ghannouchi

 

 

30 Jan 2011

On Sunday 30 January Rashid Al-Ghannouchi, the 69 year old leader of the Tunisian Islamic movement, returned home after a long exile in London. The international media has interpreted Al-Ghannouchi’s return as the most potent symbol yet of the dramatic changes that have taken place in Tunisia in recent weeks.

Al-Ghannouchi is widely regarded to represent the most liberal and progressive strand in Arab Islamist politics. Born in 1941 in Qabis province (southern Tunisia) he received higher education in Cairo, Damascus and the Sorbonne in Paris. In 1981 Al-Ghannouchi founded the Al-Ittijah al-Islami (Islamic Tendency) which was renamed Hizb al-Nahda (aka Hizb Ennahda) or the Renaissance Party in 1989.

Al-Ghannouchi has been at the forefront to resistance against authoritarian regimes in Tunisia from the early 1980s. His return to Tunisia looks set to bring about important changes not only in his native country but North Africa more broadly and perhaps even further afield. Coupled with wider developments in the region (notably the unrest in Egypt) it may mark the point at which Islamists are gradually allowed to fully participate in the politics and governance of North African states.

Mahan Abedin conducted this interview in London on Thursday 27 January 2011.

——————————————————————————–

Mahan Abedin – Were you surprised by the speed of the apparent revolution in Tunisia?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – I expected a revolution to occur in Tunisia, but not of the speed that we witnessed.

Mahan Abedin – You were expecting change for a long time?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – There have been uprisings in parts of Tunisia in the past two to three years, especially in Gafsa and Ben Gardan in the south. Several months ago I wrote on Al-Jazeera net that this chain of dissent will eventually cohere and erupt in the capital city. I have argued for a long time that the Tunisian regime can’t reform from within; it has to be changed from without.

Mahan Abedin – On that note, it appears that the old guard is pulling out all the stops to cling to power. Are we witnessing a true revolutionary moment or a carefully managed and contrived change?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – It is a revolutionary moment. When you talk to people in Tunisia you feel that a real revolution has occurred. The people are ready to sacrifice their lives to safeguard the achievements of recent weeks. The people want to see an end to all the symbols of the RCD [Constitutional Democratic Rally] party and the former regime.

Mahan Abedin – Given the complex dynamics at play – for example the role of the army and the security forces and the external dimension namely the desire by the Western powers to contrive reforms under the existing regime rather than risk the emergence of a new system – are you hopeful that meaningful change can come as quickly as you would wish?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – The Tunisian street can’t be appeased with small and half-hearted gestures. The Tunisian street is active and is keeping the elites under intense pressure. Until now the Tunisian elites have failed to reflect the people’s will, namely to construct a democratic regime without the RCD apparatus. Another problem is that the international order has intervened on behalf of continuity in Tunisia. They want to change the appearance of the regime and not its essence.

Mahan Abedin – What is your personal situation; have you been granted an amnesty to return?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – Yesterday [Wednesday 26 January] I went to the Tunisian Embassy in London to collect my passport. For 22 years I have been protesting outside the Tunisian Embassy, it was only yesterday that I was allowed inside. The people in charge of the embassy received us warmly but in the evening they phoned my son to say that my amnesty hasn’t been approved. They said that if I go back to Tunisia I’ll be doing so at my own risk.

Mahan Abedin – You haven’t visited Tunisia for 22 years?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – Yes.

Mahan Abedin – The fact that they are implying that you may be arrested upon your return indicates that the old security clique is still powerful, don’t you agree?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – I don’t think they will arrest me. They are very weak and need legitimacy from the people. It is the people who are on the offensive. Even if they do arrest me it won’t advance their cause.

Mahan Abedin – Why haven’t you gone back already?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – I have been obliged to go into exile by the dictatorial regimes. Now that the regime in Tunisia has collapsed or is on the verge of collapsing I am going back.

Mahan Abedin – Are you making preparations to go back?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – I am going back on Sunday [30 January]. My flight leaves at 8.30 in the morning.

Mahan Abedin – Why haven’t Islamists played a prominent role in the street protests? The people on the streets appeared to be of the trendy variety; left-wing beards and fancy veils dominated the scenes.

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – Islamists can be trendy too! The Tunisian Islamists are different to Islamists in other parts of the Arab world. They have been fiercely harassed and repressed for decades and as a consequence they are reluctant to show themselves or to adopt an Islamist appearance. For the past 22 years they have kept their Islamic identity in their hearts as opposed to wearing it on their sleeves in the form of headscarves and beards.

Mahan Abedin – On a more serious note, you are adamant that Islamists played a leading role in the street protests that forced Zine El Abidine Ben Ali from power?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – No one can pretend that this revolution has been led by Islamists or Communists or any other group for that matter. This is a popular revolution and all the trends in Tunisian political society are present on the scene. At the same time it is clear that the Islamists are the biggest political force in Tunisia. The former regime suppressed all groups and in this transitional period all the groups are concentrating on rebuilding themselves.

Mahan Abedin – You are widely regarded as a reformist in the international Islamist current. In your interview with Al-Jazeera on 22 January you appeared to categorically reject the Islamic Caliphate in favour of democracy. Is this the culmination of your reformist Islamist thought?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – This is the authentic and realistic position. The notion of Khilafah (Caliphate) is not a religious one as some groups claim. It reflects a period of time.

Mahan Abedin – Is your embrace of democracy strategic or tactical?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – It is strategic. Democracy is crucial to dealing with and reconciling different and even conflicting interests in society. Islam has a strong democratic spirit inasmuch as it respects religious, social and political differences. Islam has never favoured a monolithic state. Throughout their history Muslims have objected to the imposition of a single all-powerful interpretation of Islam. Any attempt to impose a single interpretation has always proven inherently unstable and temporary.

Mahan Abedin – Of late Islamism has been more focussed on moral issues and identity politics, as opposed to taking concrete steps towards securing social justice. I refer to staple social justice demands, like affordable housing, cheap food and job security. Is Al-Nahda in a position to address these issues both at a theoretical and practical level?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – The origin of most Nahdawis [supporters of Al-Nahda] is in the rural areas of Tunisia. We understand social justice very well.

Mahan Abedin – You used to have a left-wing outlook and rhetoric in your earlier days, especially the 1970s and early 1980s. Is that still the case?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – In my youth I was a Nasserist. Islam is against injustice and the monopoly of wealth and resources. The notion of Brotherhood in Islam has profound socio-economic implications in so far as it points to the equitable distribution of economic resources. In the economic sphere Islam is closer to the left-wing outlook, without violating the right to private property. The Scandinavian socio-economic model is closest to the Islamic vision.

Mahan Abedin with Rashid Al-Ghannoushi during the interview conducted in London on 27 january 2011.

Mahan Abedin – Is there any tension between the internal wing of Al-Nahda and the exiled leadership?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – No. There are differences of views but you can’t describe it as a clash between those inside and those outside the country.

Mahan Abedin – What is your current position in this movement?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – At the Al-Nahda conference of 2001 I was elected by a majority of 53% of the delegates. At the last conference in 2007 I was elected to the position of President of Al-Nahda by a majority of 63% of the delegates. Back in 2007 I declared that this would be the last time I stand for the leadership of the movement.

Mahan Abedin – What is Al-Nahda’s vision for the future of Tunisia?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – Tunisia needs a coalition government. No single group can rule on its own. The former regime destroyed or severely undermined the organisational capacity of all political groups and we all need time to rebuild our strength.

Mahan Abedin – That is the short-term scenario but in terms of the long-term what is your vision for the country? Do you envisage Western-style Liberal Democracy or a more indigenous form of democracy?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – The best model I can think of is the one adopted by the [ruling] AKP [Justice and Development Party] in Turkey.

Mahan Abedin – From a constitutional point of view, do you aspire to a Presidential system or a Parliamentary one?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – Tunisia needs a Parliamentary system where power is more directly invested in the people. A Presidential system risks inviting authoritarianism as occurred under Bourghiba and Ben Ali. We need a system that distributes power across the country at all levels.

Mahan Abedin – How do you position Al-Nahda in the wider global Islamist experience?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi- Al-Nahda represents the mainstream of the Islamic movement in so far as we struggle to overcome a range of religious, ideological, political and institutional obstacles to bring about democracy to the Muslim world. The movement is at the forefront of this trend not only in the Arab world but also in the broader Muslim world. An-Nahda has devoted a lot of effort to developing Islamic political theory. We stand for Islamic democratic thought, Islamic democracy if you will.

Mahan Abedin – In that case you are an ideological ally of religious intellectuals like the former Iranian President Seyed Mohammad Khatami who expended a lot of effort to popularise the theme of Islamic democracy at the highest level of international politics.

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – Yes I belong to that trend but unlike Khatami I don’t believe in Velayat-e-Faqih [Rule of the Jurisconsult].

Mahan Abedin – Islamic Democracy sounds appealing in theory but the trouble is we don’t know what it looks like in practice. Let’s focus on one important aspect of political theory, namely the perennial quest for social justice. Traditionally Islamists have understood social justice in a narrow sense as a form of charity and not in a deep and contextual sense that takes into account all the prevailing dimensions and dynamics. Do you envisage Al-Nahda and other Islamists making a historic breakthrough in this field?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – Al-Nahda hasn’t had the opportunity to develop and explain its views. Since 1981 the movement has struggled to survive in the face of fierce repression. Nevertheless, if you review our literature from the past three decades you’ll notice that the topic of social justice comes up again and again. We have worked closely with the trade unions in Tunisia even though these bodies were under strong secular left-wing influence, especially in the 1970s and 1980s. By working with the trade unions we realised how close our views on social justice were to theirs. It was amid this process of interaction that we came to the conclusion that Islam – at least in the public sphere – is synonymous with justice and the quest for justice. Consequently we encouraged our people to join the trade unions.

Mahan Abedin – You mentioned the Turkish AKP example earlier. What has been the impact of the AKP experience on Islamists worldwide, but particularly in the Arab world?

Rashid Al-Ghannouch – I believe my thoughts have influenced the AKP. My books and articles have been widely translated into Turkish. A few months ago when I visited Istanbul I was approached by many people on the streets, so much so that I joked why should I go back to Tunisia when I can start a political campaign here! The successful AKP experience has influenced Islamists everywhere. The other examples of Islamists in power, for example in Iran, Afghanistan and Sudan, are not associated with success.

Mahan Abedin – On that note, what is your critique of the Muslim Brotherhood?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – The Muslim Brotherhood is a very big body and it is not easy to change or develop such big organisations, especially when they are assailed and oppressed by repressive regimes. Nevertheless, the Brotherhood has undertaken reform; they have accepted the multi-party system and they play a pivotal role in the trade unions. These days their leaders emerge from inside the trade union movement not from the Al-Azhar [Seminary]. This is very important.

However, the Muslim Brother’s last party programme contained some points which I openly criticised. For example, I criticised their statement that Copts and women should be barred from running for the presidency. I also criticised their idea that a body of Ulama should oversee the parliament. But after the attack on the Coptic Church in Cairo the Secretary-General of the Muslim Brotherhood, Ibrahim Mounir, agreed to review the Brotherhood’s policy towards the Copts. It appears that the Muslim Brotherhood now accepts the notion of citizenship as the basis of running all political affairs, including election to the highest office.

Mahan Abedin – Are you worried by the rise of apolitical and regime-sponsored Salafism in Tunisia and further afield?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – There are many categories of Salafis, some of whom are in the service of the dictatorship regimes. They would like to be on friendly terms with all the regimes, even the overthrown regime of Ben Ali. These groups are exploited by sections of the Mukhaberat [intelligence services].

Mahan Abedin – Are you worried by this trend?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – No. This trend has no popularity because they are aligned with the regimes. The Muslim and Arab peoples are in revolt against these regimes. The only category of Salafism which may have a social base is Jihadi Salafism. The Jihadi Salafis’ relative popularity is based on their opposition to the ruling regimes. There isn’t necessarily a popular base for their views on religion and politics.

Mahan Abedin – Do you envisage the Tunisian example sweeping across the proverbial Arab street?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – The Arab regimes face implosion from within and change from without. This isn’t necessarily a consequence of the Tunisian Revolution but a natural outgrowth of decades of oppression and misrule. There is a similar set of socio-economic and political conditions in all the Arab countries and the dynamic of change appears unstoppable.

Mahan Abedin – On that note, what are the key political lessons of the Tunisian Revolution for Islamists?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – The main lesson is that Islamists have to work with others. They should totally abandon the view that they can rule on their own. Furthermore, Islamists should relinquish the ambition to monopolise Islam and appear as the only voice of Islam.

Mahan Abedin – But does your view resonate in situations where Islamists have come into armed confrontation with the ruling regimes thus triggering a vicious cycle of polarisation, radicalisation and repression? I refer specifically to neighbouring Algeria.

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – Even in Algeria Islamists are increasingly coming to the conclusion that violence isn’t the answer. Violence entrenches the security state and dims the prospect for the type of reforms envisaged by Islamists.

Mahan Abedin is an academic and journalist specialising in Islamic affairs.

 

 

 

 

Fear Extreme Islamists in the Arab World? Blame Washington

www.truth-out.org

 

| Saturday 29 January 2011

In the last year of his life, Martin Luther King Jr. questioned US military interventions against progressive movements in the Third World by invoking a JFK quote: “Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.”

Were he alive to witness the last three decades of US foreign policy, King might update that quote by noting: “Those who make secular revolution impossible will make extreme Islamist revolution inevitable.”

For decades beginning during the Cold War, US policy in the Islamic world has been aimed at suppressing secular reformist and leftist movements. Beginning with the CIA-engineered coup against a secular democratic reform government in Iran in 1953 (it was about oil), Washington has propped up dictators, coaching these regimes in the black arts of torture and mayhem against secular liberals and the left.

In these dictatorships, often the only places where people had freedom to meet and organize were mosques – and out of these mosques sometimes grew extreme Islamist movements. The Shah’s torture state in Iran was brilliant at cleansing and murdering the left – a process that helped the rise of the Khomeini movement and ultimately Iran’s Islamic Republic.

In a pattern growing out of what King called Washington’s “irrational, obsessive anti-communism,” US foreign policy also backed extreme Islamists over secular movements or government that were either Soviet-allied or feared to be.

In Afghanistan, beginning BEFORE the Soviet invasion and evolving into the biggest CIA covert operation of the 1980s, the US armed and trained native mujahedeen fighters – some of whom went on to form the Taliban. To aid the mujahedeen, the US recruited and brought to Afghanistan religious fanatics from the Arab world – some of whom went on to form Al Qaeda. (Like these Washington geniuses, Israeli intelligence – in a divide-and-conquer scheme aimed at combating secular leftist Palestinians – covertly funded Islamist militants in the occupied territories who we now know as Hamas.)

This is hardly obscure history.

Except in US mainstream media.

One of the mantras on US television news all day Friday was: Be fearful of the democratic uprisings against US allies in Egypt (and Tunisia and elsewhere). After all, we were told by Fox News and CNN and Chris Matthews on MSNBC, it could end up as bad as when “our ally” in Iran was overthrown and the extremists came to power in 1979.

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Such talk comes easy in US media where Egyptian victims of rape and torture in Mubarak’s jails are never seen. Where it’s rarely emphasized that weapons of repression used against Egyptian demonstrators are paid for by US taxpayers. Where Mubarak is almost always called “president” and almost never “dictator” (unlike the elected president of Venezuela).

When US media glibly talk about the Egyptian and Tunisian “presidents” being valued “allies in the war on terror,” it’s no surprise that they offer no details about the prisoners the US has renditioned to these “pro-Western” countries for torture.

The truth is that no one knows how these uprisings will end.

But revolution of some kind, as King said, seems inevitable. Washington’s corrupt Arab dictators will come down as surely (yet more organically) as that statue of Saddam, another former US ally.

If Washington took its heel off the Arab people and ended its embrace of the dictators, that could help secularists and democrats win hearts and minds against extreme Islamists.

Democracy is a great idea. Too bad it plays almost no role in US foreign policy.

 

How we failed INTERLOK



Back when Abdullah Hussein’s Interlok was first published in 1971, Malaysia was a different place. 

In the ensuing 4 decades, we have become much more multi-racist. This entrenched communalism has been, to a large extent, caused by the implementation (rather than original aims) of the New Economic Policy. In the 1980s, the racist rhetoric of ‘Malay supremacy’ also started to be bandied about, further alienating non-Malays. The Malays were never intended to be ‘supreme’. The assistance given to this group was meant to be (to quote former DPM Tun Dr. Ismail) akin to a golf handicap. But when you have an Establishment dominated by a coalition of mainly ethnic-based parties, each party will be called upon to champion only ‘its’ people, against the ‘other’ people. (Lest we forget, Barisan Nasional started in 1971, too).

The National Cultural Policy, also implemented in 1971, further helped turn what should be national institutions into very Malay ones instead. Hence, organisations like Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka and even the national education system became identified as mainly ‘Malay/Muslim’ rather than ‘Malaysian’, as can be seen not only in their staff ratio but their actions, such as having long doa sessions before the start of each event.

I think Interlok is a worthwhile novel. There are many stereotypes (both good and bad), and at times it feels like a more benevolent (though, unfortunately, less humorous) version of The Malayan Trilogy. The fact that the first three Parts of the book are divided into ‘Malay family-Chinese family-Indian family’ also recalls the introduction to P. Ramlee’s 1968 film Sesudah Subuh. (The two men were friends; one of the books I read during the research of 120 Malay Movies was Abdullah’s P. Ramlee: Kisah Hidup Seniman Agung, 1973).

It is sadly indicative of our sorry intellectual climate that most of the rhetoric about Interlok has been led by people who have not read the whole novel. (For proof, check out this statement: “I have instructed my researcher to read the book and find passages that may have degraded the Malays and point it out.” This is by someone who held a press conference to explain why he found the book ‘degrading’!) 

It’s easy for people with an axe to grind to read certain sentences and try to make those sentences fit their political agenda. Hey, you can even try it for Huckleberry Finn or To Kill a Mockingbird, not to mention The Merchant of Venice (a work whose racial politics is far more problematic than Interlok‘s.) A good teaching system for this book would be a wonderful chance for students to relearn some of the basic empathy that we have lost over the past four decades. In other words, it is the opposite of a racist book. It is even earnest.  I will just pick three scenes that I really like.

In one scene, Cing Huat as a boy had just left his village in China with his father; they are flat broke and as they pass a town market, they are enticed by the food they cannot afford: 

Ada bakul-bakul besar yang berisi beras (beras putih, beras gandum merah, hitam dan mas muda), kacang keledai yang kuning, kacang hijau yang besar, jelai. Daging babi bergantungan di lehernya, dibelah sepanjang-panjang tubuhnya yang merah, lapis-lapis lemaknya, kulitnya yang putih, tebal dan lembut. Itik bergantung berjajar-jajar, itik merah yang sudah dibakar di atas pemanggang, itik putih, angsa yang dipotong berjurai-jurai.

This is very evocative prose; and the pork becomes a crucial part of the scene in a totally non-judgemental way that you wouldn’t expect from a stereotypically songkok-wearing sasterawan.

Another is when Maniam first catches sight of the land that would become his new home:

Waktu kapal itu mendekati pantai Pulau Pinang, Maniam terasa negeri yang didatanginya itu sama seperti negerinya sendiri. Pohon kelapa melambai-lambai di tepi pantai dan warna hijau menutupi sebahagian besar daratan pulau itu. Negerinya juga begitu. Lereng Gunung Nilgiris hijau dengan pokok-pokok kayu putih yang tinggi-tinggi mewangi. Maniam sedikit pun tidak berasa bahawa dia datang ke negeri asing.

Lovely. An enlightened school syllabus would have the teacher discussing with her students the extent to which Indian and Southeast Asian histories have been entwined for centuries. In fact, the early kingdoms of the Malay peninsula were all Hindu-Buddhist.  

Take this bit where Maniam’s wife (unlike the men around her) dares to confront the white tuan of the estate, in order to defend the truth about her husband:

Malini membesarkan anak matanya. Dia tidak takut pada orang putih itu lagi. Mem itu juga dia tidak takut … Sekali lagi Perumal menjeling. Dia menyumpah-nyumpah anaknya, kerana berani bercakap dengan orang putih begitu … Orang putih itu rasa kagum juga pada perempuan yang kurus ini.

What a great chance for students to then discuss gender roles in society; why was it surprising that she would speak up, and what would be the consequence if women always kept mute?

The book was written in the late 1960s for a contest commemorating the 10th anniversary of Malayan Independence. As such, there are elements that are contrived in order to fit this theme. There is a lot of emphasis on the suffering that the individual characters go through, so that the redemptive unity at the end would seem more glowingly optimistic. Hence, the (at times melodramatic) insistence on ‘negative traits’ in the first three sections of the book, which need to be transcended and therefore ‘cured’ by the time the novel reaches its muhibbah end. The way the book is structured therefore emphasis certain ethnicised ‘negative traits’ (such as the Hindu caste system, which is referenced twice). The ‘Malay part’ alone has: laziness (Seman’s father would rather pawn his land than work harder at the fields), superstition (the same man, when deathly ill, is treated by an unreliable bomoh rather than a doctor)  and hostility to education (Seman is kept illiterate because his parents don’t see the point of school).

Interlok is one of the few Malay novels to have prominent non-Malay characters. The utter shame is that it should really have been the first of many more local novels that did the same. If this had been the case, we would be spoiled for choice for a ‘1Malaysia novel’ to fit the literature syllabus. But as it is, the cultural politics of 1971 onwards made more novels of this kind very difficult: ‘Malay’ writers started to write ‘Malay’ books; ‘Chinese educationists’ started to develop the ‘Chinese school system’ (which was not nearly as robust in 1971 as it is now); and so on.

Because supposedly national institutions now seemed more ‘Malay/Muslim’ than ‘Malaysian’, there came a corresponding lack of faith on just how neutral these institutions could be. Hence, the automatic cynicism that greeted the Prime Minister’s 1Malaysia slogan. How to believe it, when the Establishment had been thriving on divide-and-rule for decades? (And when even his Deputy said he is ‘Malay first‘?)

In the last four decades, how many writers have had a national appeal? I think only Lat, and to a certain extent Usman Awang (but do kids read Usman Awang nowadays?). Even in the more accessible realm of showbiz, the names of entertainers who have had pan-national appeal are few and far between: Sudirman, Alleycats, Yasmin Ahmad. Almost everyone else becomes ‘Malay’ rather than ‘Malaysian’. (Now, there is also a parallel ‘Chinese’ star system, as seen in the success of movies like Tiger Woohoo (2010) onwards). 

In the brouhaha over Interlok, we have heard from ‘Indian NGOs’ and ‘Malay NGOs’. Why are there so few ‘Malaysian NGOs’ or indeed Malaysians? (Except from the admirable statement from Chandra Muzaffar, with which I agree.) It’s also a bit rich for associations like Gapena and Perkasa (which are both more ‘Malay’ than ‘Malaysian’) to suddenly champion freedom of expression. If they were consistent, they would do the same with Namewee, whose right to create and share his work I defend.

I am appalled that people who have not bothered to read the novel are being so loud and even pyrotechnic in their protests. If taught properly, Interlok will be a fascinating chance for our students to find ways in which they can build upon the essentialist (but not racist) worldview it depicts. But, at the same time, I think I understand how we have come to this. Each community is now addicted to what in America was once called, by an Australian critic, “the culture of complaint“. Our wounds are our badges of honour. We have been made so aware of what countries our ancestors came from that we have lost sight of what country we are creating for our descendants. 

Interlok, the novel, is innocent. It is we, as Malaysians, who have allowed ourselves to become guilty.

Bottom of Form

The Canadian Zionism Question

 

 

26 January, 2011

Activist Teacher Blog

“This is the kind of obviousness that a child can see—though the child may, later in life, become browbeaten into believing that the obvious problems are “non-problems”, to be argued into nonexistence by careful reasoning and clever choices of definition.”

— Roger Penrose

“… so obvious that it takes really impressive discipline to miss it …”

— Noam Chomsky

Here we have Israel as an internationally recognized thug, keeper of the largest open-air prison on earth, regularly practicing war crimes against civilians, targeting civilian infrastructure and continuously disregarding the Geneva Conventions – virtually unanimously denounced by the international community, by every human rights watch group on the globe, and by international civil society for the last many decades [1] – and how do Canadian politicians and parliamentarians respond?

Israel, the modern sate that shamelessly uses the Nazi holocaust to justify overtly racist domestic and foreign national policies, stock piles nuclear weapons, incites wars on its neighbours, overtly funds propaganda in foreign countries, routinely practices international pirating, kidnappings and murders, openly performs political assassinations [1]… and how do Canadian politicians and parliamentarians respond?

Israel has no significant economic exchanges with Canada and performs no significant geopolitical service of benefit to Canada; a Canada with virtually no economic ties with the Middle East and a Canada that is a net exporter of oil and gas.

Yet, apart from the independent-thinking Bloc Quebecois, it seems that half the time that English Canadian politicians open their mouths it’s to denounce a “new anti-Semitism” that social scientists and statisticians tell us is a media fabrication or to express Israel’s “right to defend itself” or to declare Canada’s “unwavering support for Israel.” Not to mention Israel’s “right to exist”! [2]

What about unwavering support for human rights and international law?

And I count the NDP (New Democratic Party) establishment prepared to sacrifice one of its own for stating a historic fact and happy to stand silent in the face of Zio-zeal.

The Canadian Zionism Question is: Why?

Why has Zio-zeal become English Canada’s new political religion? If Canada is Israel’s friend why doesn’t Canada help Israel abandon violence as its main diplomatic tool and facilitate Israel’s integration into the community of nations that denounce violence and racism? Why doesn’t Canada help Israel and its people?

How do English Canada politicians benefit from being subservient to US geopolitical doctrine? Or how would they suffer from not trading away Canada’s sovereignty; and how are most Quebec politicians immune?

Would it be so difficult for English Canada politicians to not so enthusiastically kiss the ass of the Middle East tyrant? And not adopt unanimous parliamentary resolutions to suppress criticism of Israel on university campuses? And not spend valuable parliamentary resources “investigating” imagined new anti-Semitism in Canada?

How in God’s name can we understand this new madness?

What happened? Sure there was CanWest but it died, despite the government’s best efforts to covertly bail it out.

What is going on?

Some prominent cover-up artists have suggested that English Canada politicians are overly preoccupied with pleasing Jewish voters. But there just aren’t enough Jewish voters to explain transforming the Parliament into the embarrassing Zio-zeal fest that it has become, in the face of an opposing world consensus view. In addition there are growing numbers of Jewish Canadians who are critical of Israel and of Canada’s uncritical support for Israel and its policies. [3]

No there has to be more to it than Jewish voters. Not to mention that 56% of Canadians have a “mainly negative view of Israel”. [4] (The average global opinion for “mainly positive view of Israel” is 17%. [4])

Given the overwhelming evidence for the Zio-zeal phenomenon and given its obvious sovereignty implications, it seems fair to ask the Canadian Zionism Question: Why?

There are at least two categories of possible answers: One that involves the obedience of service intellectuals and political caretakers and a related one that involves “following the money”. There is also of course the always useful appeal to mythology:

“And then, you know, there’s the obvious one – you love someone so much that you would do anything to spend all of eternity with them.”

— The Vampire Diaries (TV series)

Is not the Zionism Question a worthy research question – brimming with societal implications – for tenured university professors? Or is everyone afraid of Stanley Fish and his crasser cohorts? Hey, those goons are in the US – remember?

References

[1] See the work of Norman Finkelstein: http://www.normanfinkelstein.com/

[2] “On Israel’s ‘Right to Exist’ and on Racism” by Denis G. Rancourt, Palestine Chronicle, June 30, 2010: http://palestinechronicle.com/view_article_details.php?id=16096

[3] e.g. Independent Jewish Voices (Canada): http://www.independentjewishvoices.ca/

[4] 2007 global opinion survey, as reported in “For Israel, every traveller is an ambassador” by Patrick Martin, Globe and Mail, February 23, 2010.

New terms

Zionism Question – Why all the unconditional support for Israel and its crimes from Western politicians?

Zio-zeal – Western politicians’ beyond-the-call-of-duty enthusiasm to publicly support Israel and its crimes.

Denis G. Rancourt was a tenured and full professor of physics at the University of Ottawa in Canada. He practiced several areas of science which were funded by a national agency and ran an internationally recognized laboratory. He published over 100 articles in leading scientific journals. He developed popular activism courses and was an outspoken critic of the university administration and a defender of student and Palestinian rights. He was fired for his dissidence in 2009 by a president who is a staunch supporter of Israeli policy. [See rancourt.academicfreedom.ca]