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Muslim China boasts a population of 20 million. From the Hui to the Uyghurs, Islam in China is distinctive and diverse – intertwining authentic Chinese culture, with Islamic practice.

I get into a rickshaw in Beijing and my 65 year old wrinkled driver immediately whizzes me through the hutongs – old, narrow alleyways. He looks at me and talks in Chinese. I turn to my guide. “He’s asking where you are from.” “Aygee,” I reply in my broken Chinese – Egypt . He points at my headscarf, “Are you Hindu?”

“No, Muslim.” He smiles and points to himself, “Moosleeman.” For many people it comes as a shock to learn that officially there are at least 20 million Muslims in China , that’s a third of the UK ’s total population. Unofficially, the number is even higher, some saying 65.3 million and even 100 million Muslims in China – up to 7.5% of the population.

Regardless of the real figure, the reality is that Islam in China is almost as old as the revelation of Islam to the Prophet Muhammad S.A.W.W. Twenty years after the Prophet’s death, diplomatic relations were established in China by the Caliph Uthman. Trade was followed by settlement, until eighty years after the hijrah pagoda style masjid appeared in China . A century later, in 755, it became common for Chinese emperors to employ Muslim soldiers in their armies and also as government officials.

Today, the population of China includes 56 ethnic groups, 10 of which are Muslim. Out of these 10 minority groups, the Hui (short for Huizhou) are the largest group at 9.8m, making up 48% of China ’s Muslim population. The second largest group is the Uyghurs at 8.4m, or 41% of the Chinese Muslim population. The Hui speak Chinese, unlike the Uyghurs and five other Muslim ethnic groups which speak Turkic languages. Overwhelmingly Sunni in belief and practice, the Hui are ethnically and culturally Chinese, virtually indistinguishable from the Han, who make up China ’s billion-strong community. If my rickshaw driver hadn’t told me he was Muslim, I would have never guessed.

For over a millennium, and across five major imperial dynasties the Hui have lived in China peacefully, spread in every province and contributing to every aspect of Chinese life, from the military and the economy to the arts and sciences. Thriving in a non-Muslim civilisation, the Hui managed to create an indigenous Islamic culture that is uniquely and simultaneously Chinese and Muslim. Their experience, as Dru Gladney, author of Dislocating China puts it, is a “standing refutation of Samuel Huntington’s clash of civilisations.” No identity crisis whatsoever.

1,400 years of History

Muslims in China began as traders and soldiers in the seventh century, therefore instilling in the early Muslim settlers a sense of belonging and legitimacy; they were not a burden on the country, but valuable contributors. It was only in the thirteenth century however, after the Mongols conquered China, that these Muslims who were classified as ‘foreign guests’ were allowed to live wherever they chose and granted citizenship. This started the development of a fully indigenous Chinese Muslim culture. The Mongols, a minority themselves, encouraged Muslim migration to China , and forcibly relocated millions of Muslim immigrants, employing them as government officials and dispersing them throughout China . In the Ming dynasty Hui became the standard title for Chinese Muslims, and they flourished.

Centuries later, during the Manchurian (Qing) dynasty in 1780, communal violence between the Han and Hui began, and continued for 150 years. It began with the Manchurian’s discriminatory policies towards the Muslims: forbidding them from building mosques or slaughtering animals, paradoxically at a time when then Hui had become an integral part of Chinese culture. One of the worst bloodbaths took place between 1862 and 1878 in the province of Gansu , where the population of 15 millions were slaughtered to one million, two-thirds of which were Hui.

The Manchurian dynasty was overthrown in 1912, although violence against the Hui continued until 1930. But then less than 20 years later, communist party Chairman Mao Zedong established the People’s Republic of China, a Marxist state that was antagonistic to all religions. The Hui, with other religious minorities, were prosecuted, killed, and had their places of worship destroyed. It was only after Mao’s death that things started to settle down. Realising the economic potential of the Hui, the government sought to make amends and offered them special accommodations.

Imam Ali Noor-Elhuda, Chairman of the Islamic Association in Beijing , and Imam of the gorgeous 1,000-year-old Niujie mosque tells me, “The government is no longer repressing faith and allows everyone to practice their religion. It emphasises respect to everyone. And although in our history there was fighting with the Han, it is mostly peaceful now. And for the most part there is no ideological conflict between Muslims; we believe in one God and one Book. The differences are only in language, food and tradition.” Although Chinese Muslims are currently disfranchised from political involvement (the Chinese communist party only admits atheists, I’m told by some students), the political stability of modern China is hopefully a good omen for the future of the Hui.

Harmony

Islam began in an Arab region. On the surface, it seemed to be at complete odds with Chinese traditions and Confucianism, which at the time was the official religion of China . The ancient Chinese people saw their civilisation as the epitome of human development, and had Islam been presented as an alien faith, they would have rejected it completely and seen it as unworthy, with no place in their world. Islam in China would have become isolated, and perhaps as fleeting as Christianity was.

“But this was unacceptable,” says the Imam of the Grand Mosque of Xian, the first mosque to be built in China almost 1,400 years ago. Sitting in front of him, trying not to gawp at the incredible architecture surrounding me, I ask him why. “Chinese Muslims love their country and its people. We are Chinese. We cannot not be part of China . There is even a hadith that says, ‘Love of your country is part of faith.’”

The Hui scholars therefore searched to find the common ground between Islam and the main faiths of China : Confucianism, Daoism (Taoism), and Buddhism. They became experts in Islamic and Chinese texts, traditions and practices, and without their efforts Chinese Muslim culture would have remained alien and foreign, isolated and far removed from the community.

In Western discourse, Dr. Umar Abd-Allah of the Nawawi Foundation tells me, many scholars argue that in order to integrate into the country, Chinese Islam Sinicised, which means orthodox Islamic faith and practice was made Chinese. The most evident example of how Chinese Muslims created their own unique forms of cultural expressions are their mosques, of which 45,000 exist in China. Stunningly beautiful, the mosques are quintessentially both Chinese and Muslim. My first sight of a Chinese mosque literally took my breath away. On the outside, they are built in traditional Chinese style, with pagoda-like roofs, Chinese calligraphy and Chinese archways. On the inside, however the Islamic influences are crystal clear : beautiful Chinese Arabic calligraphy, an octagonal minaret, a mihrab, a Chinese Imam lecturing in Mandarin and making supplication in perfect Arabic. Examples of the fusion of Chinese and Islamic traditions are everywhere. In Xian, where an estimated 90,000 Muslims live, whilst wandering through a noisy souvenir market I came across traditional wall hangings with Arabic hadith written in calligraphy; porcelain tea sets with Qur’anic verses inscribed on them; popular red amulets with an attribute of Allah at the center rather than the traditional Chinese zodiac animal; rosaries with a name of Allah printed on each bead in Chinese characters; Qur’ans printed in both Chinese and Arabic.

When it comes to language, rather than transliterate Arabic terms into words that might be mispronounced and misunderstood – since the Chinese writing system is not phonetic – the early Hui scholars decided to choose words that best reflected the meaning of the Arabic terms, and at the same time were meaningful in Chinese tradition. Their purpose in doing this was twofold: they showed the Chinese community that they respected, believed and honoured the Chinese tradition, and that Islamic concepts, which in Arabic might have seemed inconceivable, were not only relatable, but similar. The Qur’an, for example, was referred to as the Classic: the sacred books of China were called the Classics, and as such the Qur’an was psychologically put in the same category. Islam was translated as Qing Zhen Jiao, “The religion of the Pure and the Real”. At the great Mosque of Xian, Chinese characters proclaim, “May the religion of the Pure and the Real spread wisdom throughout the land.”

Haroun Khanmir, a 24-year-old Islamic Studies student at the Xiguian masjid in Lingxia, has studied Arabic for four years. “Being fluent in Chinese and Arabic allows me to appreciate the brilliance of the terms chosen. They have so many nuances that instantly explain the true essence of Islam using main Chinese values.”

When comparing Islamic and Chinese traditions, the Hui scholars searched for  common ground, coming up with five main principles that both traditions shared. And although they were clear about where Islamic belief deviated from Chinese thought, they did not set out to reject Chinese tradition and prove why it was wrong. Instead, they showed how Islam added to it. By not painting Islamic and Chinese tradition in binary opposition where belief in the former meant rejection of the latter, they avoided distressing Muslims who were very much Chinese.

“I consider myself 100% Chinese,” says a smiling 18 year old Ahmed Dong, dressed in a white thobe and turban. “And I don’t see why, even with different politics and languages and beliefs, we can’t be so; we share the same language, customs, and culture. Our country is so diverse, and yet unity is a value we all wish to have, rather than living separately.” One of the hundreds of students at the Xiguian masjid who come from a number of different ethnic backgrounds and study Qur’aan, hadith, Arabic, English, as well as computer skills, Dong hopes to continue his studies in an Arabic country, and then come back and do da’wa in China, raising awareness of Islam.

Today

Thirty four years after the Cultural Revolution, Muslims – and indeed, followers of other religions – are in a much better position. Islamic associations, schools and colleges are being created, mosques are being built, and there is a small but visible Islamic revival. After years of repression, Chinese Muslims are flourishing, organizing inter-ethnic activities amongst themselves and international activities with Muslims abroad.

China’s one-child policy applies to the Hui, even though minority groups are allowed to have two or even three children, simply because the Hui’s numbers are so substantial. The majority of the other Chinese Muslim minority groups, however, are allowed to have two children, and Chinese Muslim numbers are increasing.. “There is also a very small number of converts,” says the Imam of the Xiguian masjid after a heartfelt du’a under the shade of a 500 year old tree, the only original thing left in the masjid complex which was destroyed during the Cultural Revolution. “But what is more interesting is that many people who would not admit to being Muslims before out of fear of harming their livelihoods, like doctors, are now openly saying they are Muslims.”

Depending on the city you are in, the practice of Islam is different. In rural areas such as Little Makkah, where Muslims make up almost 60% of the population, Islam is evident in the number of mosques, halal restaurants and women in headscarves. It felt wonderful and yet so strange to walk and hear a dozen assalamu alaikums; to hear the adhan. In cosmopolitan cities like Beijing , however, as in every country of the world, globalisation and consumerism affects spirituality. Abdul Rahman Haroun, Imam of the 300-year old Nan Dou Mosque, one of Beijing ’s 72 masjids, elaborates: “Here in the big cities Muslims have to conform to the dress code.

Women do not wear head scarves because they are inconvenient and would be incomprehensible. In the south western parts of China it is different.” Deea’ El Din, Imam at the 85 year old masjid in Shanghai smiles when I tell him I am from Egypt, and says that the years he spent at Al-Azhar university in Cairo were some of the best in his life. “Unfortunately, the environment here is not conducive to being religious, and most masjid-goers are older men and women.” He excuses himself to call the adhan for maghrib, and leads us in prayers; there were only half a dozen Chinese worshippers.

Muslim minorities around the world have much to learn from the experience of the Hui in China , even though many Muslim minorities today in the West have a millennium long history of contributing to their country. By delving deep into the heart of Islamic beliefs and becoming just as knowledgeable of Chinese beliefs, the Hui scholars found common ground with faiths and traditions that on the surface seemed very different to Islam – but they found the human values that bind us.

The Islamic scholars of today have to do the same with Western traditions, which are much more similar to Islam than Chinese traditions: they share the same Abrahamic values and beliefs, and the two civilisations have histories that were often intertwined.

There are 10 Muslim minority groups in China , but never in the history of the world has there ever been such an ethnically diverse group of Muslims in non-Muslim countries as there are in the world today. From the example of China we learn the importance of cross-cultural communication.

The Hui experience also demonstrates that it is very possible that Muslims can live in harmony with very different civilisations, and at the same time create a viable and unique indigenous culture. The fusion of things Chinese and Islamic is unparalleled, whether it is in thought or cultural expression. By expressing their spirituality through architecture, works of literature, calligraphy and more, the Hui demonstrate to all minority Muslim groups that creating an authentic and genuine culture that is both Muslim and indigenous is not only possible, but beautiful. My fondest memory of the entire trip is reading Qur’aan in a Chinese masjid, only to have an old Chinese woman, dressed all in white sit next to me, smile hugely and point at the Qur’aan. I look at her askance, and she starts pointing to the letters and at me. I start reading from surah Ya Sin and she reads with me. And for the next fifteen minutes we read together. Islam is truly a universal religion.

I get into a rickshaw in Beijing and my 65 year old wrinkled driver immediately whizzes me through the hutongs – old, narrow alleyways. He looks at me and talks in Chinese. I turn to my guide. “He’s asking where you are from.” “Aygee,” I reply in my broken Chinese – Egypt . He points at my headscarf, “Are you Hindu?”

“No, Muslim.” He smiles and points to himself, “Moosleeman.” For many people it comes as a shock to learn that officially there are at least 20 million Muslims in China , that’s a third of the UK ’s total population. Unofficially, the number is even higher, some saying 65.3 million and even 100 million Muslims in China – up to 7.5% of the population.

Regardless of the real figure, the reality is that Islam in China is almost as old as the revelation of Islam to the Prophet Muhammad S.A.W.W. Twenty years after the Prophet’s death, diplomatic relations were established in China by the Caliph Uthman. Trade was followed by settlement, until eighty years after the hijrah pagoda style masjid appeared in China . A century later, in 755, it became common for Chinese emperors to employ Muslim soldiers in their armies and also as government officials.

Today, the population of China includes 56 ethnic groups, 10 of which are Muslim. Out of these 10 minority groups, the Hui (short for Huizhou) are the largest group at 9.8m, making up 48% of China ’s Muslim population. The second largest group is the Uyghurs at 8.4m, or 41% of the Chinese Muslim population. The Hui speak Chinese, unlike the Uyghurs and five other Muslim ethnic groups which speak Turkic languages. Overwhelmingly Sunni in belief and practice, the Hui are ethnically and culturally Chinese, virtually indistinguishable from the Han, who make up China ’s billion-strong community. If my rickshaw driver hadn’t told me he was Muslim, I would have never guessed.

For over a millennium, and across five major imperial dynasties the Hui have lived in China peacefully, spread in every province and contributing to every aspect of Chinese life, from the military and the economy to the arts and sciences. Thriving in a non-Muslim civilisation, the Hui managed to create an indigenous Islamic culture that is uniquely and simultaneously Chinese and Muslim. Their experience, as Dru Gladney, author of Dislocating China puts it, is a “standing refutation of Samuel Huntington’s clash of civilisations.” No identity crisis whatsoever.

1,400 years of History

Muslims in China began as traders and soldiers in the seventh century, therefore instilling in the early Muslim settlers a sense of belonging and legitimacy; they were not a burden on the country, but valuable contributors. It was only in the thirteenth century however, after the Mongols conquered China, that these Muslims who were classified as ‘foreign guests’ were allowed to live wherever they chose and granted citizenship. This started the development of a fully indigenous Chinese Muslim culture. The Mongols, a minority themselves, encouraged Muslim migration to China , and forcibly relocated millions of Muslim immigrants, employing them as government officials and dispersing them throughout China . In the Ming dynasty Hui became the standard title for Chinese Muslims, and they flourished.

Centuries later, during the Manchurian (Qing) dynasty in 1780, communal violence between the Han and Hui began, and continued for 150 years. It began with the Manchurian’s discriminatory policies towards the Muslims: forbidding them from building mosques or slaughtering animals, paradoxically at a time when then Hui had become an integral part of Chinese culture. One of the worst bloodbaths took place between 1862 and 1878 in the province of Gansu , where the population of 15 millions were slaughtered to one million, two-thirds of which were Hui.

The Manchurian dynasty was overthrown in 1912, although violence against the Hui continued until 1930. But then less than 20 years later, communist party Chairman Mao Zedong established the People’s Republic of China, a Marxist state that was antagonistic to all religions. The Hui, with other religious minorities, were prosecuted, killed, and had their places of worship destroyed. It was only after Mao’s death that things started to settle down. Realising the economic potential of the Hui, the government sought to make amends and offered them special accommodations.

Imam Ali Noor-Elhuda, Chairman of the Islamic Association in Beijing , and Imam of the gorgeous 1,000-year-old Niujie mosque tells me, “The government is no longer repressing faith and allows everyone to practice their religion. It emphasises respect to everyone. And although in our history there was fighting with the Han, it is mostly peaceful now. And for the most part there is no ideological conflict between Muslims; we believe in one God and one Book. The differences are only in language, food and tradition.” Although Chinese Muslims are currently disfranchised from political involvement (the Chinese communist party only admits atheists, I’m told by some students), the political stability of modern China is hopefully a good omen for the future of the Hui.

Harmony

Islam began in an Arab region. On the surface, it seemed to be at complete odds with Chinese traditions and Confucianism, which at the time was the official religion of China . The ancient Chinese people saw their civilisation as the epitome of human development, and had Islam been presented as an alien faith, they would have rejected it completely and seen it as unworthy, with no place in their world. Islam in China would have become isolated, and perhaps as fleeting as Christianity was.

“But this was unacceptable,” says the Imam of the Grand Mosque of Xian, the first mosque to be built in China almost 1,400 years ago. Sitting in front of him, trying not to gawp at the incredible architecture surrounding me, I ask him why. “Chinese Muslims love their country and its people. We are Chinese. We cannot not be part of China . There is even a hadith that says, ‘Love of your country is part of faith.’”

The Hui scholars therefore searched to find the common ground between Islam and the main faiths of China : Confucianism, Daoism (Taoism), and Buddhism. They became experts in Islamic and Chinese texts, traditions and practices, and without their efforts Chinese Muslim culture would have remained alien and foreign, isolated and far removed from the community.

In Western discourse, Dr. Umar Abd-Allah of the Nawawi Foundation tells me, many scholars argue that in order to integrate into the country, Chinese Islam Sinicised, which means orthodox Islamic faith and practice was made Chinese. The most evident example of how Chinese Muslims created their own unique forms of cultural expressions are their mosques, of which 45,000 exist in China. Stunningly beautiful, the mosques are quintessentially both Chinese and Muslim. My first sight of a Chinese mosque literally took my breath away. On the outside, they are built in traditional Chinese style, with pagoda-like roofs, Chinese calligraphy and Chinese archways. On the inside, however the Islamic influences are crystal clear : beautiful Chinese Arabic calligraphy, an octagonal minaret, a mihrab, a Chinese Imam lecturing in Mandarin and making supplication in perfect Arabic. Examples of the fusion of Chinese and Islamic traditions are everywhere. In Xian, where an estimated 90,000 Muslims live, whilst wandering through a noisy souvenir market I came across traditional wall hangings with Arabic hadith written in calligraphy; porcelain tea sets with Qur’anic verses inscribed on them; popular red amulets with an attribute of Allah at the center rather than the traditional Chinese zodiac animal; rosaries with a name of Allah printed on each bead in Chinese characters; Qur’ans printed in both Chinese and Arabic.

When it comes to language, rather than transliterate Arabic terms into words that might be mispronounced and misunderstood – since the Chinese writing system is not phonetic – the early Hui scholars decided to choose words that best reflected the meaning of the Arabic terms, and at the same time were meaningful in Chinese tradition. Their purpose in doing this was twofold: they showed the Chinese community that they respected, believed and honoured the Chinese tradition, and that Islamic concepts, which in Arabic might have seemed inconceivable, were not only relatable, but similar. The Qur’an, for example, was referred to as the Classic: the sacred books of China were called the Classics, and as such the Qur’an was psychologically put in the same category. Islam was translated as Qing Zhen Jiao, “The religion of the Pure and the Real”. At the great Mosque of Xian, Chinese characters proclaim, “May the religion of the Pure and the Real spread wisdom throughout the land.”

Haroun Khanmir, a 24-year-old Islamic Studies student at the Xiguian masjid in Lingxia, has studied Arabic for four years. “Being fluent in Chinese and Arabic allows me to appreciate the brilliance of the terms chosen. They have so many nuances that instantly explain the true essence of Islam using main Chinese values.”

When comparing Islamic and Chinese traditions, the Hui scholars searched for  common ground, coming up with five main principles that both traditions shared. And although they were clear about where Islamic belief deviated from Chinese thought, they did not set out to reject Chinese tradition and prove why it was wrong. Instead, they showed how Islam added to it. By not painting Islamic and Chinese tradition in binary opposition where belief in the former meant rejection of the latter, they avoided distressing Muslims who were very much Chinese.

“I consider myself 100% Chinese,” says a smiling 18 year old Ahmed Dong, dressed in a white thobe and turban. “And I don’t see why, even with different politics and languages and beliefs, we can’t be so; we share the same language, customs, and culture. Our country is so diverse, and yet unity is a value we all wish to have, rather than living separately.” One of the hundreds of students at the Xiguian masjid who come from a number of different ethnic backgrounds and study Qur’aan, hadith, Arabic, English, as well as computer skills, Dong hopes to continue his studies in an Arabic country, and then come back and do da’wa in China, raising awareness of Islam.

Today

Thirty four years after the Cultural Revolution, Muslims – and indeed, followers of other religions – are in a much better position. Islamic associations, schools and colleges are being created, mosques are being built, and there is a small but visible Islamic revival. After years of repression, Chinese Muslims are flourishing, organizing inter-ethnic activities amongst themselves and international activities with Muslims abroad.

China’s one-child policy applies to the Hui, even though minority groups are allowed to have two or even three children, simply because the Hui’s numbers are so substantial. The majority of the other Chinese Muslim minority groups, however, are allowed to have two children, and Chinese Muslim numbers are increasing.. “There is also a very small number of converts,” says the Imam of the Xiguian masjid after a heartfelt du’a under the shade of a 500 year old tree, the only original thing left in the masjid complex which was destroyed during the Cultural Revolution. “But what is more interesting is that many people who would not admit to being Muslims before out of fear of harming their livelihoods, like doctors, are now openly saying they are Muslims.”

Depending on the city you are in, the practice of Islam is different. In rural areas such as Little Makkah, where Muslims make up almost 60% of the population, Islam is evident in the number of mosques, halal restaurants and women in headscarves. It felt wonderful and yet so strange to walk and hear a dozen assalamu alaikums; to hear the adhan. In cosmopolitan cities like Beijing , however, as in every country of the world, globalisation and consumerism affects spirituality. Abdul Rahman Haroun, Imam of the 300-year old Nan Dou Mosque, one of Beijing ’s 72 masjids, elaborates: “Here in the big cities Muslims have to conform to the dress code.

Women do not wear head scarves because they are inconvenient and would be incomprehensible. In the south western parts of China it is different.” Deea’ El Din, Imam at the 85 year old masjid in Shanghai smiles when I tell him I am from Egypt, and says that the years he spent at Al-Azhar university in Cairo were some of the best in his life. “Unfortunately, the environment here is not conducive to being religious, and most masjid-goers are older men and women.” He excuses himself to call the adhan for maghrib, and leads us in prayers; there were only half a dozen Chinese worshippers.

Muslim minorities around the world have much to learn from the experience of the Hui in China , even though many Muslim minorities today in the West have a millennium long history of contributing to their country. By delving deep into the heart of Islamic beliefs and becoming just as knowledgeable of Chinese beliefs, the Hui scholars found common ground with faiths and traditions that on the surface seemed very different to Islam – but they found the human values that bind us.

The Islamic scholars of today have to do the same with Western traditions, which are much more similar to Islam than Chinese traditions: they share the same Abrahamic values and beliefs, and the two civilisations have histories that were often intertwined.

There are 10 Muslim minority groups in China , but never in the history of the world has there ever been such an ethnically diverse group of Muslims in non-Muslim countries as there are in the world today. From the example of China we learn the importance of cross-cultural communication.

The Hui experience also demonstrates that it is very possible that Muslims can live in harmony with very different civilisations, and at the same time create a viable and unique indigenous culture. The fusion of things Chinese and Islamic is unparalleled, whether it is in thought or cultural expression. By expressing their spirituality through architecture, works of literature, calligraphy and more, the Hui demonstrate to all minority Muslim groups that creating an authentic and genuine culture that is both Muslim and indigenous is not only possible, but beautiful. My fondest memory of the entire trip is reading Qur’aan in a Chinese masjid, only to have an old Chinese woman, dressed all in white sit next to me, smile hugely and point at the Qur’aan. I look at her askance, and she starts pointing to the letters and at me. I start reading from surah Ya Sin and she reads with me. And for the next fifteen minutes we read together. Islam is truly a universal religion.

By Ethar El-Katatney

President al-Assad Decrees Establishing Veterinary Medicine Faculty affiliated with Damascus University in Daraa City

The decree stipulates for establishing a veterinary medicine faculty affiliated with Damascus University in Daraa city.

Sixteen Army and Law-enforcement Martyrs Laid to Rest

Solemn funeral processions were held for the martyrs who were targeted by armed terrorist groups while they were in line of duty in Damascus Countryside, Homs, Daraa and Aleppo.

The martyrs are:

• Lieutenant Colonel Ma’an Ahmad Shakkouf, from Homs.
• Aspirant Mazen Bader Hussam-Eddin, from Lattakia.
• Warrant officer Ya’el Hamed Wannous, from Hama.
• Sergeant Major Alaa mohammad Suleiman, from Tartous.
• Sergeant Suleiman Hamad Seif, from Sweida.
• Sergeant Youssef Khalil al-Jasem, from Raqaa.
• Corporal Ayham Diyab al-Saleh, from Hama.
• Corporal Hussam-Eddin Abu Mudirah, from Damascus Countryside.
• Conscript Abed Ali Ali, from Aleppo.
• Conscript Assad Mamed Bakko, from Aleppo.
• Conscript Mohammad Dib Hussein Sarraj, from Aleppo.
• Conscript Abdul-Rahman al-Ghabani, from Hama.
• Conscript Ahmad Mohammad al-Jaber, from Raqaa.
• Conscript Najm-Eddin Diyab, from Raqaa.
• Conscript Mohammad Zakariya Barakat, from Lattakia.
• Policeman Ghandi Mohammad Maryam, from Hama.

The families of the martyrs expressed confidence in the Syrian people’s ability to overcome the crisis through adhering to the national unity, asserting that the blood of the martyrs is the guarantee for fortifying Syria in the face of the challenges.

They expressed rejection of all forms of foreign interference in Syria’s internal affairs, calling for confronting the armed terrorist groups and striking with an iron fist those who try to tamper with the homeland’s security and stability.

§Two Military Engineering Members Martyred in Aleppo… Terrorists Attack Oil Pipelines in Deir Ezzor and Homs,  Kill Two Children,   Assassinate a Nurse in Damascus

PROVINCE, (SANA)_ Two members from the military engineering units were martyred, one was injured and a law-enforcement member was injured on Tuesday as an explosive device was detonated by an armed terrorist group in Al Azizieh neighborhood in Aleppo.

SANA reporter quoted a source in the province as saying that the military engineering units had just dismantled an explosive device when the armed terrorist group detonated another one in the same area.

The source added the explosion led to the martyrdom of Sergeant Ali Hassan Marouf, Bishing Abdo Alik, adding that Sergeant Maher al-Hakim and Warrant Officer Rami Qashqa’ from the law-enforcement forces were wounded.

Oil Pipelines in Deir Ezzour and Homs Attacked

An armed terrorist group on Tuesday detonated with an explosive device oil derivatives pipeline extending from Homs to Damascus and the Southern region at al-Sultaniya area in Homs causing fire to erupt at the site of the blast.

Earlier, an armed terrorist group detonated with an explosive device an oil transfer pipeline between Eyin Ali area south of al-Quriya city in Deir Ezzour causing fire to erupt at the site of the blast.

A source at the Ministry of Petroleum and Mineral Resources told SANA reporter that the 24-inch diameter oil pipeline,which belongs to al-Furat Oil Company, transfers crude oil from al-Omar field to T2 station.

The source added that pumping operations were halted after the explosion, adding that the maintenance workshops will start repair works soon to restore pumping oil in the next few days.

The same pipeline has been targeted twice during the past two weeks as an armed terrorist group detonated the pipeline near Abu Hamam area.

Terrorist Infiltration Attempts from Lebanon to Syria Thwarted

The competent authorities on Monday confronted two infiltration attempts by armed terrorist groups near al-Jousieh crossing in al-Qseir city and near Qumar Bridge in Talkalakh countryside.

A source at Homs Governorate told SANA reporter that the clash between the authorities and the armed groups resulted in the killing of a number of terrorists and the injury of others at the aforementioned sites and the destruction of a war that an armed group was driving at al-Jousieh crossing.

The source added that the rest of the terrorists fled towards the Lebanese territories.

An armed terrorist group exploded Tuesday morning a gasoline pipeline  – Homs-Adra Pipline at Babamro-al-Sultaniah in Homs Governorate.

According to an official source at the Ministry of Oil and Petroleum, the competent authorities are taking the necessary measures to extinguish the fire caused by the explosion and repair the pipeline as to re-start pumping operations.

Another armed terrorist group launched a similar attack yesterday against an oil pipeline affiliated to al-Furat Company at al-quoria village in Deir Azzour Governorate.

Meantime, in Damascus Governorate, competent authorities clashed with armed terrorists at Douma outskirts killing the terrorists who were in Dushka machinegun –equipped  four cars.

Other four terrorists were killed and four others injured, some of them captured, in the clashes with terrorists between Rankous and Azzabadani in Damascus Countryside.

Car Bomb Kills Two Terrorists in Idleb Countryside

A car bomb killed two terrorists on Tuesday in Jisr Hileh in Idleb countryside.

SANA reporter quoted a source in the province as saying that the two terrorists were in the car when it exploded causing damage in the area.

Meanwhile in Hama province, competent authorities clashed with an armed terrorist group in al-Qusour neighborhood.

SANA reporter said that the clashes resulted in killing many terrorists, arresting others and seizing their weapons which included machineguns, RPG launchers, night-vision goggles, remote-control devices and a large amount of ammunition.

Authorities Uncover Workshop for Manufacturing  Explosives in Douma

The authorities raided a terrorist hideout in Douma, Damascus Countryside, and clashed with a number of terrorists hiding in it, killing some of them and arresting the rest.

An official source told SANA’s correspondent that inspection of the hideout uncovered a workshop for manufacturing explosives devices and rigging car bombs.

Terrorists Storm Citizen’s House in Qudsaya and Kill His Sons, Assassinate a Nurse in Rukn Eddin

An armed terrorist group stormed the house of citizen Ammar Shamiyeh, behind al-Badr Hospital in Qudsaya in Damascus Countryside.

A source at the Police Command told SANA reporter that the terrorists opened fire on Shamiyeh’s sons Murhaf (19 years old) and Yazan (15 years old), causing their immediate death.

In Rukn Eddin area in Damascus, two terrorists assassinated the nurse Jamileh Aziz Ahmad.

A source at the Police Command in the province told SANA that the two terrorists intercepted the way of the 40-year-old nurse and shot her while she was walking in the street.

Engineering units explode a number of explosives planted by armed terrorist groups in different areas of Idleb

The Engineering units today exploded a number of explosives planted by armed terrorist groups in different areas of Idleb that were prepared to target the citizens and law enforcement personnel.

A source in Idleb told SANA reporter that the engineering units blew up explosives with 100 KG at the southern entrance of  Maarat al-Numan and two others with 75 KG each on Ariha- Jisr al-Shoughour road.

It added that the explosives were put by terrorists within the populated areas.

§Shaaban and Bogdanov Discuss Latest Developments on Events in Syria

MOSCOW, (SANA)- Presidential Political and Media Advisor, Dr. Bouthaina Shaaban, discussed on Monday with Russia’s Deputy Foreign Minister, Mikhail Bogdanov, the latest developments regarding the events in Syria and the Russian efforts to consolidate stability in Syria and help launch the dialogue in it.

The Russian Foreign Ministry said in a statement that Dr. Shaaban expressed thanks over Russia’s stance of rejecting foreign interference in the Syrian affair and its role seeking to create the conditions for a diplomatic political settlement and prevent the supply of money and weapons to the gunmen in Syria.

Lavrov Stresses Importance of Unifying Efforts of External Players to Reach Peaceful Settlement

The Russian Foreign Ministry on Tuesday said the Russia-proposed international conference on Syria would provide appropriate conditions for starting a political dialogue among the Syrian parties.

The Ministry was quoted by Russia Today website as saying that Russian Foreign Minister, Sergei Lavrov, having discussed the crisis in Syria on the sidelines of the G20 Summit in Los Cabos in Mexico, stressed the importance of unifying the efforts of external players to reach peaceful settlement to the situation in Syria.

The Ministry added that Lavrov drew attention to the necessity of creating appropriate conditions to start political dialogue among the Syrian parties, through which they themselves are to solve the issues of “overhauling the political system in the country”.

It pointed out that the Russian initiative on an international dialogue on Syria is particularly aimed at achieving this end.

§Al-Hamwi Denounces Biased and Subjective Statements Issued by Pillay Based on Provocative Media Reports

GENEVA, (SANA) – Syria’s Permanent Representative to the UN Office at Geneva (UNOG), Dr. Fayssal al-Hamwi, stressed that the armed terrorist groups are still violating the plan of UN Envoy to Syria, Kofi Annan, with the support of some regional countries and the United States of America.

Dr. al-Hamwi’s remarks came in response to the High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay’s allegations and some states’ representatives that support the armed terrorist groups in Syria during the 20th  meeting of the Human Rights Council held in Geneva on Monday.

Dr. al-Hamwi expressed the Syrian delegation’s disapproval of the biased and subjective statements made by the High Commissioner based on some provocative media reports.

On Pillay’s allegations that the UN Supervision Mission in Syria (UNSMIS) did not manage to reach some areas in Syria, Dr. al-Hamwi pointed out that the good standing cooperation between the international observers and the Syrian Government was certified by the head of the mission who affirmed that his team was moving freely in the country.

Dr. al-Hamwi also refuted the allegations of the representatives of Qatar, Libya and the USA about the casualties in Syria, pointing out that these countries are supplying the armed gangs with weapons and money.

For his part, Russia’s representative stressed the importance of solving the crisis in Syria through peaceful means, calling for supporting Annan’s plan.

 §Homs Governorate: Armed Terrorist Groups Thwarted Efforts to Evacuate Civilians

 HOMS, (SANA) – Homs Governorate said on Tuesday that its efforts to rescue civilians trapped in neighborhoods where armed terrorist groups are located have failed, and that mediators dealing with other sides informed the Governorate that the terrorists refused to allow any citizen to leave these areas.

In a statement, the Governorate said that this situation endangers the lives of innocent civilians, especially children, women, elderly and individuals with special needs, and that it shows that the terrorist continue to threaten and terrorize civilians and refuse to comply with the efforts being exerted for around a week to evacuate these citizens.

The Governorate called upon all those who sincerely want to help to participate in rescuing the citizens trapped in these neighborhoods and help end this tragic situation, affirming that the terrorist groups are accountable for the lives of these citizens due to their refusal to let them leave.

The statement concluded by affirming that the Government took all necessary steps to evacuate these citizens without any restrictions or conditions, and that it complied fully with the UN observer mission and prepared all possible necessities that citizens will need when they leave the neighborhoods afflicted by terrorist groups.

§State Ministry for Environmental Affairs Denounces Terrorists’ Infringements upon Forests

 DAMASCUS, (SANA) – The  State Ministry for Environmental Affairs denounced the infringements carried out by armed terrorist groups and those who support them upon forests in Syria, primarily in the northern and northwestern areas on the borders with Turkey.

In a statement, the State Ministry said terrorists have been using Syrian forests in the aforementioned border areas as a convenient hiding place and starting fires in them to facilitate and cover their entry from Turkey to Syria, noting that these infringements are taking place because of the logistic support and weapons supplied to terrorists by Turkey and its providing them with a temporary haven and allowing them to use Turkey’s forests to pass into Syria.

The statement noted that the Turkish sides’ readiness to douse the forest fires started by terrorists indicates prior knowledge of where and when they will occur.

§Russian Defense Ministry Denies News on Preparations for Military Exercises in Syria

MOSCOW, (SANA)- The Russian Defense Ministry denied news on preparations to conduct large-scale military exercises on the Syrian territories with Russia’s participation, a statement by the Ministry said on Tuesday.

It added that the recurrence of such media misinformation recently by influential media based on various intelligence and satellite data aims at further intensifying the situation in Syria and do not reflect the reality on the ground.

The Russian Defense Ministry also dismissed news that the Russian Baltic Fleet large landing ship, Kaliningrad, is soon to set sail to the Mediterranean and enter Tartous Port in Syria.

The Ministry’s statement said that the only correct piece in this news is that Kaliningrad ship is indeed part of the Russia Baltic Fleet.

§Four Parliament Committees on Public Freedoms and Human Rights, Youths, Women’s Rights and Press Approved

 DAMASCUS, (SANA) – The People’s Assembly on Tuesday agreed on establishing four new permanent committees on public freedoms and human rights, youths, family, children and women’s rights and the press, printing and publishing.

During a session chaired by Speaker Jihad al-Laham, a number of MPs said that this logical reform step came in line with the new constitution as it also reflects keenness on the people’s interests and enhancing freedoms, rights, social justice, national unity and cultural diversity.

They stressed the need for specifying the tasks assigned to the committees to ensure better performance.

They indicated the importance of following up on the requirements of youth and meeting their needs as they are the future of the country through the youth committee, particularly providing job opportunities and establishing a ministry for youth issues.

The members highlighted the role of the family, children and women’s rights committee in empowering women and preserving their rights as they are the main pillar of the society, in addition to drawing special attention to child labor.

They stressed the importance of the freedoms and human rights’ committee in the current stage since freedom is a holy right guaranteed by the constitution, in addition to enhancing the values of justice and trust between the citizens and the state so that Syria would remain an example of unity, amity and fraternity.

They called for changing the name of the press, printing and publishing committee to become media, printing, press and publishing and to task it with supervising the performance of the Ministry of Information, stressing the importance of having a media institution that is able to direct the public opinion in the interest of the homeland and reform process.

The members called for forming committees for combating unemployment, strategic studies and scientific research and care provision for the martyrs’ families.

A committee for accountability and corruption fighting was also called for to be in charge with following up on the affairs of the Central Commission for Control and Inspection and the Central Apparatus for Financial Control, the two bodies charged with corruption issues.

The members also called for forming a committee to supervise the work of civil society organizations and syndicates and another for education, higher education and Arabic language empowerment.

They stressed the need for forming a special temporary committee to study the situation of the affected and displaced citizens due to the current events in the country and the families of civilian and military martyrs to ease their suffering. The committee is to include all the Assembly’s members and operate all over the Syrian provinces.

Stress was also placed on forming a committee to follow up on the implementation of the ministries’ work and projects and presenting monthly reports on any faults.

The members suggested forming a committee for small and medium-sized project development to provide job opportunities for the youths and support their civil initiatives, in addition to establishing a committee for universities and institutes and forming offices at the universities for dialogue with the students.

They underscored the importance of establishing a committee for taking care of and attracting the Syrians expatriate innovators.

They called for a special committee for relief and another temporary one for embarking on the national reconciliation.

Another suggestion focused on forming a social committee to consolidate national unity and rebuilding trust among the homeland’s citizens, and another for preserving national heritage and folklore.

The Assembly’s members stressed the importance of launching the comprehensive national dialogue and find the best means to activate the Assembly’s role in this regard.

They called for combating monopoly which led to a rise in the prices and activating the role of judiciary and monitoring its performance.

They also called for amending the statute of the People’s Assembly so as to enable its members to practice their role of scrutiny, monitoring and accountability as soon as possible to keep pace with the ongoing reform process.

A number of the members also called for re-imposing the state of emergency for a temporary and renewable period due to the prevailing security situation with the aim of protecting the citizens against the violations and criminal acts of the terrorist groups.

The discussions also focused on tackling the problem of the shortage of gas and gas oil and following up on the issue of gas oil smuggling and black market to help supply the citizens and peasants with these two materials.

§Fire at Aleppo Petrol Station Destroys 4 Fuel Tankers

 ALEPPO, (SANA) – 4 gasoline and fuel tankers and 10 oil pumps were completely destroyed when a fire broke out in Aleppo Petrol Station in Bustan al-Basha area without human losses.

 Governor of Aleppo, Mwafaq Khallouf told SANA reporter that the fire spark was triggered by a friction between two private cars at the entrance of the Station while draining the fuel tankers which caused fire to erupt and extend to other tankers. He estimated the damage at SYP 50 million.

 §Putin and Obama: Need for Reaching a Halt of violence in Syria

Los Cabos, Mexico, (SANA)-Russian President Vladimir Putin announced that he and his USA counterpart Barack Obama found common denominators about a lot of international problems, including the Syrian crisis

Putin said at a press conference Monday with Obama in Los Cabos, Mexico ” We held talks about international problems including the Syrian crisis.. we will continue our contacts on all issues.”

Obama, for his part said “We have agreed on the necessity of reaching a halt for violence in Syria and the need for running a political process to avoid a civil war.”

” In order to stop bloodshed in Syria, we call for an immediate halt to any form of violence… we support efforts of the UN Envoy to Syria Kofi Annan including the political shift into democracy, party pluralism and the political system which the Syrians select in the framework of Syrian sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity,” a statement by the two presidents stated.

§Fourteen Citizens Involved in Recent Events Turn Themselves In

DAMASCUS COUNTRYSIDE/ HOMS, (SANA) – 14 citizens who were misled and got involved in the recent events in the country and whose hands are clean of Syrian blood turned themselves in and surrendered their weapons in to the authorities in Damascus Countryside and Homs Provinces.

The citizens were released after pledging not to take up arms again or take part in vandalism or any act that affect Syria’s security and stability in the future.

30 Jan 2011

On Sunday 30 January Rashid Al-Ghannouchi, the 69 year old leader of the Tunisian Islamic movement, returned home after a long exile in London. The international media has interpreted Al-Ghannouchi’s return as the most potent symbol yet of the dramatic changes that have taken place in Tunisia in recent weeks.

Al-Ghannouchi is widely regarded to represent the most liberal and progressive strand in Arab Islamist politics. Born in 1941 in Qabis province (southern Tunisia) he received higher education in Cairo, Damascus and the Sorbonne in Paris. In 1981 Al-Ghannouchi founded the Al-Ittijah al-Islami (Islamic Tendency) which was renamed Hizb al-Nahda (aka Hizb Ennahda) or the Renaissance Party in 1989.

Al-Ghannouchi has been at the forefront to resistance against authoritarian regimes in Tunisia from the early 1980s. His return to Tunisia looks set to bring about important changes not only in his native country but North Africa more broadly and perhaps even further afield. Coupled with wider developments in the region (notably the unrest in Egypt) it may mark the point at which Islamists are gradually allowed to fully participate in the politics and governance of North African states.

Mahan Abedin conducted this interview in London on Thursday 27 January 2011.

——————————————————————————–

Mahan Abedin – Were you surprised by the speed of the apparent revolution in Tunisia?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – I expected a revolution to occur in Tunisia, but not of the speed that we witnessed.

Mahan Abedin – You were expecting change for a long time?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – There have been uprisings in parts of Tunisia in the past two to three years, especially in Gafsa and Ben Gardan in the south. Several months ago I wrote on Al-Jazeera net that this chain of dissent will eventually cohere and erupt in the capital city. I have argued for a long time that the Tunisian regime can’t reform from within; it has to be changed from without.

Mahan Abedin – On that note, it appears that the old guard is pulling out all the stops to cling to power. Are we witnessing a true revolutionary moment or a carefully managed and contrived change?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – It is a revolutionary moment. When you talk to people in Tunisia you feel that a real revolution has occurred. The people are ready to sacrifice their lives to safeguard the achievements of recent weeks. The people want to see an end to all the symbols of the RCD [Constitutional Democratic Rally] party and the former regime.

Mahan Abedin – Given the complex dynamics at play – for example the role of the army and the security forces and the external dimension namely the desire by the Western powers to contrive reforms under the existing regime rather than risk the emergence of a new system – are you hopeful that meaningful change can come as quickly as you would wish?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – The Tunisian street can’t be appeased with small and half-hearted gestures. The Tunisian street is active and is keeping the elites under intense pressure. Until now the Tunisian elites have failed to reflect the people’s will, namely to construct a democratic regime without the RCD apparatus. Another problem is that the international order has intervened on behalf of continuity in Tunisia. They want to change the appearance of the regime and not its essence.

Mahan Abedin – What is your personal situation; have you been granted an amnesty to return?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – Yesterday [Wednesday 26 January] I went to the Tunisian Embassy in London to collect my passport. For 22 years I have been protesting outside the Tunisian Embassy, it was only yesterday that I was allowed inside. The people in charge of the embassy received us warmly but in the evening they phoned my son to say that my amnesty hasn’t been approved. They said that if I go back to Tunisia I’ll be doing so at my own risk.

Mahan Abedin – You haven’t visited Tunisia for 22 years?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – Yes.

Mahan Abedin – The fact that they are implying that you may be arrested upon your return indicates that the old security clique is still powerful, don’t you agree?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – I don’t think they will arrest me. They are very weak and need legitimacy from the people. It is the people who are on the offensive. Even if they do arrest me it won’t advance their cause.

Mahan Abedin – Why haven’t you gone back already?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – I have been obliged to go into exile by the dictatorial regimes. Now that the regime in Tunisia has collapsed or is on the verge of collapsing I am going back.

Mahan Abedin – Are you making preparations to go back?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – I am going back on Sunday [30 January]. My flight leaves at 8.30 in the morning.

Mahan Abedin – Why haven’t Islamists played a prominent role in the street protests? The people on the streets appeared to be of the trendy variety; left-wing beards and fancy veils dominated the scenes.

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – Islamists can be trendy too! The Tunisian Islamists are different to Islamists in other parts of the Arab world. They have been fiercely harassed and repressed for decades and as a consequence they are reluctant to show themselves or to adopt an Islamist appearance. For the past 22 years they have kept their Islamic identity in their hearts as opposed to wearing it on their sleeves in the form of headscarves and beards.

Mahan Abedin – On a more serious note, you are adamant that Islamists played a leading role in the street protests that forced Zine El Abidine Ben Ali from power?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – No one can pretend that this revolution has been led by Islamists or Communists or any other group for that matter. This is a popular revolution and all the trends in Tunisian political society are present on the scene. At the same time it is clear that the Islamists are the biggest political force in Tunisia. The former regime suppressed all groups and in this transitional period all the groups are concentrating on rebuilding themselves.

Mahan Abedin – You are widely regarded as a reformist in the international Islamist current. In your interview with Al-Jazeera on 22 January you appeared to categorically reject the Islamic Caliphate in favour of democracy. Is this the culmination of your reformist Islamist thought?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – This is the authentic and realistic position. The notion of Khilafah (Caliphate) is not a religious one as some groups claim. It reflects a period of time.

Mahan Abedin – Is your embrace of democracy strategic or tactical?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – It is strategic. Democracy is crucial to dealing with and reconciling different and even conflicting interests in society. Islam has a strong democratic spirit inasmuch as it respects religious, social and political differences. Islam has never favoured a monolithic state. Throughout their history Muslims have objected to the imposition of a single all-powerful interpretation of Islam. Any attempt to impose a single interpretation has always proven inherently unstable and temporary.

Mahan Abedin – Of late Islamism has been more focussed on moral issues and identity politics, as opposed to taking concrete steps towards securing social justice. I refer to staple social justice demands, like affordable housing, cheap food and job security. Is Al-Nahda in a position to address these issues both at a theoretical and practical level?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – The origin of most Nahdawis [supporters of Al-Nahda] is in the rural areas of Tunisia. We understand social justice very well.

Mahan Abedin – You used to have a left-wing outlook and rhetoric in your earlier days, especially the 1970s and early 1980s. Is that still the case?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – In my youth I was a Nasserist. Islam is against injustice and the monopoly of wealth and resources. The notion of Brotherhood in Islam has profound socio-economic implications in so far as it points to the equitable distribution of economic resources. In the economic sphere Islam is closer to the left-wing outlook, without violating the right to private property. The Scandinavian socio-economic model is closest to the Islamic vision.

Mahan Abedin with Rashid Al-Ghannoushi during the interview conducted in London on 27 january 2011.

Mahan Abedin – Is there any tension between the internal wing of Al-Nahda and the exiled leadership?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – No. There are differences of views but you can’t describe it as a clash between those inside and those outside the country.

Mahan Abedin – What is your current position in this movement?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – At the Al-Nahda conference of 2001 I was elected by a majority of 53% of the delegates. At the last conference in 2007 I was elected to the position of President of Al-Nahda by a majority of 63% of the delegates. Back in 2007 I declared that this would be the last time I stand for the leadership of the movement.

Mahan Abedin – What is Al-Nahda’s vision for the future of Tunisia?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – Tunisia needs a coalition government. No single group can rule on its own. The former regime destroyed or severely undermined the organisational capacity of all political groups and we all need time to rebuild our strength.

Mahan Abedin – That is the short-term scenario but in terms of the long-term what is your vision for the country? Do you envisage Western-style Liberal Democracy or a more indigenous form of democracy?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – The best model I can think of is the one adopted by the [ruling] AKP [Justice and Development Party] in Turkey.

Mahan Abedin – From a constitutional point of view, do you aspire to a Presidential system or a Parliamentary one?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – Tunisia needs a Parliamentary system where power is more directly invested in the people. A Presidential system risks inviting authoritarianism as occurred under Bourghiba and Ben Ali. We need a system that distributes power across the country at all levels.

Mahan Abedin – How do you position Al-Nahda in the wider global Islamist experience?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi- Al-Nahda represents the mainstream of the Islamic movement in so far as we struggle to overcome a range of religious, ideological, political and institutional obstacles to bring about democracy to the Muslim world. The movement is at the forefront of this trend not only in the Arab world but also in the broader Muslim world. An-Nahda has devoted a lot of effort to developing Islamic political theory. We stand for Islamic democratic thought, Islamic democracy if you will.

Mahan Abedin – In that case you are an ideological ally of religious intellectuals like the former Iranian President Seyed Mohammad Khatami who expended a lot of effort to popularise the theme of Islamic democracy at the highest level of international politics.

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – Yes I belong to that trend but unlike Khatami I don’t believe in Velayat-e-Faqih [Rule of the Jurisconsult].

Mahan Abedin – Islamic Democracy sounds appealing in theory but the trouble is we don’t know what it looks like in practice. Let’s focus on one important aspect of political theory, namely the perennial quest for social justice. Traditionally Islamists have understood social justice in a narrow sense as a form of charity and not in a deep and contextual sense that takes into account all the prevailing dimensions and dynamics. Do you envisage Al-Nahda and other Islamists making a historic breakthrough in this field?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – Al-Nahda hasn’t had the opportunity to develop and explain its views. Since 1981 the movement has struggled to survive in the face of fierce repression. Nevertheless, if you review our literature from the past three decades you’ll notice that the topic of social justice comes up again and again. We have worked closely with the trade unions in Tunisia even though these bodies were under strong secular left-wing influence, especially in the 1970s and 1980s. By working with the trade unions we realised how close our views on social justice were to theirs. It was amid this process of interaction that we came to the conclusion that Islam – at least in the public sphere – is synonymous with justice and the quest for justice. Consequently we encouraged our people to join the trade unions.

Mahan Abedin – You mentioned the Turkish AKP example earlier. What has been the impact of the AKP experience on Islamists worldwide, but particularly in the Arab world?

Rashid Al-Ghannouch – I believe my thoughts have influenced the AKP. My books and articles have been widely translated into Turkish. A few months ago when I visited Istanbul I was approached by many people on the streets, so much so that I joked why should I go back to Tunisia when I can start a political campaign here! The successful AKP experience has influenced Islamists everywhere. The other examples of Islamists in power, for example in Iran, Afghanistan and Sudan, are not associated with success.

Mahan Abedin – On that note, what is your critique of the Muslim Brotherhood?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – The Muslim Brotherhood is a very big body and it is not easy to change or develop such big organisations, especially when they are assailed and oppressed by repressive regimes. Nevertheless, the Brotherhood has undertaken reform; they have accepted the multi-party system and they play a pivotal role in the trade unions. These days their leaders emerge from inside the trade union movement not from the Al-Azhar [Seminary]. This is very important.

However, the Muslim Brother’s last party programme contained some points which I openly criticised. For example, I criticised their statement that Copts and women should be barred from running for the presidency. I also criticised their idea that a body of Ulama should oversee the parliament. But after the attack on the Coptic Church in Cairo the Secretary-General of the Muslim Brotherhood, Ibrahim Mounir, agreed to review the Brotherhood’s policy towards the Copts. It appears that the Muslim Brotherhood now accepts the notion of citizenship as the basis of running all political affairs, including election to the highest office.

Mahan Abedin – Are you worried by the rise of apolitical and regime-sponsored Salafism in Tunisia and further afield?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – There are many categories of Salafis, some of whom are in the service of the dictatorship regimes. They would like to be on friendly terms with all the regimes, even the overthrown regime of Ben Ali. These groups are exploited by sections of the Mukhaberat [intelligence services].

Mahan Abedin – Are you worried by this trend?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – No. This trend has no popularity because they are aligned with the regimes. The Muslim and Arab peoples are in revolt against these regimes. The only category of Salafism which may have a social base is Jihadi Salafism. The Jihadi Salafis’ relative popularity is based on their opposition to the ruling regimes. There isn’t necessarily a popular base for their views on religion and politics.

Mahan Abedin – Do you envisage the Tunisian example sweeping across the proverbial Arab street?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – The Arab regimes face implosion from within and change from without. This isn’t necessarily a consequence of the Tunisian Revolution but a natural outgrowth of decades of oppression and misrule. There is a similar set of socio-economic and political conditions in all the Arab countries and the dynamic of change appears unstoppable.

Mahan Abedin – On that note, what are the key political lessons of the Tunisian Revolution for Islamists?

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – The main lesson is that Islamists have to work with others. They should totally abandon the view that they can rule on their own. Furthermore, Islamists should relinquish the ambition to monopolise Islam and appear as the only voice of Islam.

Mahan Abedin – But does your view resonate in situations where Islamists have come into armed confrontation with the ruling regimes thus triggering a vicious cycle of polarisation, radicalisation and repression? I refer specifically to neighbouring Algeria.

Rashid Al-Ghannouchi – Even in Algeria Islamists are increasingly coming to the conclusion that violence isn’t the answer. Violence entrenches the security state and dims the prospect for the type of reforms envisaged by Islamists.

Mahan Abedin is an academic and journalist specialising in Islamic affairs.

www.truth-out.org

| Saturday 29 January 2011

In the last year of his life, Martin Luther King Jr. questioned US military interventions against progressive movements in the Third World by invoking a JFK quote: “Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.”

Were he alive to witness the last three decades of US foreign policy, King might update that quote by noting: “Those who make secular revolution impossible will make extreme Islamist revolution inevitable.”

For decades beginning during the Cold War, US policy in the Islamic world has been aimed at suppressing secular reformist and leftist movements. Beginning with the CIA-engineered coup against a secular democratic reform government in Iran in 1953 (it was about oil), Washington has propped up dictators, coaching these regimes in the black arts of torture and mayhem against secular liberals and the left.

In these dictatorships, often the only places where people had freedom to meet and organize were mosques – and out of these mosques sometimes grew extreme Islamist movements. The Shah’s torture state in Iran was brilliant at cleansing and murdering the left – a process that helped the rise of the Khomeini movement and ultimately Iran’s Islamic Republic.

In a pattern growing out of what King called Washington’s “irrational, obsessive anti-communism,” US foreign policy also backed extreme Islamists over secular movements or government that were either Soviet-allied or feared to be.

In Afghanistan, beginning BEFORE the Soviet invasion and evolving into the biggest CIA covert operation of the 1980s, the US armed and trained native mujahedeen fighters – some of whom went on to form the Taliban. To aid the mujahedeen, the US recruited and brought to Afghanistan religious fanatics from the Arab world – some of whom went on to form Al Qaeda. (Like these Washington geniuses, Israeli intelligence – in a divide-and-conquer scheme aimed at combating secular leftist Palestinians – covertly funded Islamist militants in the occupied territories who we now know as Hamas.)

This is hardly obscure history.

Except in US mainstream media.

One of the mantras on US television news all day Friday was: Be fearful of the democratic uprisings against US allies in Egypt (and Tunisia and elsewhere). After all, we were told by Fox News and CNN and Chris Matthews on MSNBC, it could end up as bad as when “our ally” in Iran was overthrown and the extremists came to power in 1979.

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Such talk comes easy in US media where Egyptian victims of rape and torture in Mubarak’s jails are never seen. Where it’s rarely emphasized that weapons of repression used against Egyptian demonstrators are paid for by US taxpayers. Where Mubarak is almost always called “president” and almost never “dictator” (unlike the elected president of Venezuela).

When US media glibly talk about the Egyptian and Tunisian “presidents” being valued “allies in the war on terror,” it’s no surprise that they offer no details about the prisoners the US has renditioned to these “pro-Western” countries for torture.

The truth is that no one knows how these uprisings will end.

But revolution of some kind, as King said, seems inevitable. Washington’s corrupt Arab dictators will come down as surely (yet more organically) as that statue of Saddam, another former US ally.

If Washington took its heel off the Arab people and ended its embrace of the dictators, that could help secularists and democrats win hearts and minds against extreme Islamists.

Democracy is a great idea. Too bad it plays almost no role in US foreign policy.

Back when Abdullah Hussein’s Interlok was first published in 1971, Malaysia was a different place. 

In the ensuing 4 decades, we have become much more multi-racist. This entrenched communalism has been, to a large extent, caused by the implementation (rather than original aims) of the New Economic Policy. In the 1980s, the racist rhetoric of ‘Malay supremacy’ also started to be bandied about, further alienating non-Malays. The Malays were never intended to be ‘supreme’. The assistance given to this group was meant to be (to quote former DPM Tun Dr. Ismail) akin to a golf handicap. But when you have an Establishment dominated by a coalition of mainly ethnic-based parties, each party will be called upon to champion only ‘its’ people, against the ‘other’ people. (Lest we forget, Barisan Nasional started in 1971, too).

The National Cultural Policy, also implemented in 1971, further helped turn what should be national institutions into very Malay ones instead. Hence, organisations like Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka and even the national education system became identified as mainly ‘Malay/Muslim’ rather than ‘Malaysian’, as can be seen not only in their staff ratio but their actions, such as having long doa sessions before the start of each event.

I think Interlok is a worthwhile novel. There are many stereotypes (both good and bad), and at times it feels like a more benevolent (though, unfortunately, less humorous) version of The Malayan Trilogy. The fact that the first three Parts of the book are divided into ‘Malay family-Chinese family-Indian family’ also recalls the introduction to P. Ramlee’s 1968 film Sesudah Subuh. (The two men were friends; one of the books I read during the research of 120 Malay Movies was Abdullah’s P. Ramlee: Kisah Hidup Seniman Agung, 1973).

It is sadly indicative of our sorry intellectual climate that most of the rhetoric about Interlok has been led by people who have not read the whole novel. (For proof, check out this statement: “I have instructed my researcher to read the book and find passages that may have degraded the Malays and point it out.” This is by someone who held a press conference to explain why he found the book ‘degrading’!) 

It’s easy for people with an axe to grind to read certain sentences and try to make those sentences fit their political agenda. Hey, you can even try it for Huckleberry Finn or To Kill a Mockingbird, not to mention The Merchant of Venice (a work whose racial politics is far more problematic than Interlok‘s.) A good teaching system for this book would be a wonderful chance for students to relearn some of the basic empathy that we have lost over the past four decades. In other words, it is the opposite of a racist book. It is even earnest.  I will just pick three scenes that I really like.

In one scene, Cing Huat as a boy had just left his village in China with his father; they are flat broke and as they pass a town market, they are enticed by the food they cannot afford: 

Ada bakul-bakul besar yang berisi beras (beras putih, beras gandum merah, hitam dan mas muda), kacang keledai yang kuning, kacang hijau yang besar, jelai. Daging babi bergantungan di lehernya, dibelah sepanjang-panjang tubuhnya yang merah, lapis-lapis lemaknya, kulitnya yang putih, tebal dan lembut. Itik bergantung berjajar-jajar, itik merah yang sudah dibakar di atas pemanggang, itik putih, angsa yang dipotong berjurai-jurai.

This is very evocative prose; and the pork becomes a crucial part of the scene in a totally non-judgemental way that you wouldn’t expect from a stereotypically songkok-wearing sasterawan.

Another is when Maniam first catches sight of the land that would become his new home:

Waktu kapal itu mendekati pantai Pulau Pinang, Maniam terasa negeri yang didatanginya itu sama seperti negerinya sendiri. Pohon kelapa melambai-lambai di tepi pantai dan warna hijau menutupi sebahagian besar daratan pulau itu. Negerinya juga begitu. Lereng Gunung Nilgiris hijau dengan pokok-pokok kayu putih yang tinggi-tinggi mewangi. Maniam sedikit pun tidak berasa bahawa dia datang ke negeri asing.

Lovely. An enlightened school syllabus would have the teacher discussing with her students the extent to which Indian and Southeast Asian histories have been entwined for centuries. In fact, the early kingdoms of the Malay peninsula were all Hindu-Buddhist.  

Take this bit where Maniam’s wife (unlike the men around her) dares to confront the white tuan of the estate, in order to defend the truth about her husband:

Malini membesarkan anak matanya. Dia tidak takut pada orang putih itu lagi. Mem itu juga dia tidak takut … Sekali lagi Perumal menjeling. Dia menyumpah-nyumpah anaknya, kerana berani bercakap dengan orang putih begitu … Orang putih itu rasa kagum juga pada perempuan yang kurus ini.

What a great chance for students to then discuss gender roles in society; why was it surprising that she would speak up, and what would be the consequence if women always kept mute?

The book was written in the late 1960s for a contest commemorating the 10th anniversary of Malayan Independence. As such, there are elements that are contrived in order to fit this theme. There is a lot of emphasis on the suffering that the individual characters go through, so that the redemptive unity at the end would seem more glowingly optimistic. Hence, the (at times melodramatic) insistence on ‘negative traits’ in the first three sections of the book, which need to be transcended and therefore ‘cured’ by the time the novel reaches its muhibbah end. The way the book is structured therefore emphasis certain ethnicised ‘negative traits’ (such as the Hindu caste system, which is referenced twice). The ‘Malay part’ alone has: laziness (Seman’s father would rather pawn his land than work harder at the fields), superstition (the same man, when deathly ill, is treated by an unreliable bomoh rather than a doctor)  and hostility to education (Seman is kept illiterate because his parents don’t see the point of school).

Interlok is one of the few Malay novels to have prominent non-Malay characters. The utter shame is that it should really have been the first of many more local novels that did the same. If this had been the case, we would be spoiled for choice for a ‘1Malaysia novel’ to fit the literature syllabus. But as it is, the cultural politics of 1971 onwards made more novels of this kind very difficult: ‘Malay’ writers started to write ‘Malay’ books; ‘Chinese educationists’ started to develop the ‘Chinese school system’ (which was not nearly as robust in 1971 as it is now); and so on.

Because supposedly national institutions now seemed more ‘Malay/Muslim’ than ‘Malaysian’, there came a corresponding lack of faith on just how neutral these institutions could be. Hence, the automatic cynicism that greeted the Prime Minister’s 1Malaysia slogan. How to believe it, when the Establishment had been thriving on divide-and-rule for decades? (And when even his Deputy said he is ‘Malay first‘?)

In the last four decades, how many writers have had a national appeal? I think only Lat, and to a certain extent Usman Awang (but do kids read Usman Awang nowadays?). Even in the more accessible realm of showbiz, the names of entertainers who have had pan-national appeal are few and far between: Sudirman, Alleycats, Yasmin Ahmad. Almost everyone else becomes ‘Malay’ rather than ‘Malaysian’. (Now, there is also a parallel ‘Chinese’ star system, as seen in the success of movies like Tiger Woohoo (2010) onwards). 

In the brouhaha over Interlok, we have heard from ‘Indian NGOs’ and ‘Malay NGOs’. Why are there so few ‘Malaysian NGOs’ or indeed Malaysians? (Except from the admirable statement from Chandra Muzaffar, with which I agree.) It’s also a bit rich for associations like Gapena and Perkasa (which are both more ‘Malay’ than ‘Malaysian’) to suddenly champion freedom of expression. If they were consistent, they would do the same with Namewee, whose right to create and share his work I defend.

I am appalled that people who have not bothered to read the novel are being so loud and even pyrotechnic in their protests. If taught properly, Interlok will be a fascinating chance for our students to find ways in which they can build upon the essentialist (but not racist) worldview it depicts. But, at the same time, I think I understand how we have come to this. Each community is now addicted to what in America was once called, by an Australian critic, “the culture of complaint“. Our wounds are our badges of honour. We have been made so aware of what countries our ancestors came from that we have lost sight of what country we are creating for our descendants. 

Interlok, the novel, is innocent. It is we, as Malaysians, who have allowed ourselves to become guilty.