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By Cedric Prakash

Many years ago, there was a popular American song which one gustily sang at camps, picnics and other get-togethers. Thanks to its very catchy tune, it was always a hit. The chorus of the lyrics went thus:

“This land is your land, and this land is my land

From California to the New York island

From the Redwood Forest to the Gulf Stream waters

This land was made for you and me”

A special stanza of the song was:

“There was a big, high wall there that tried to stop me

A sign was painted said ‘Private Property’

But on the backside, it didn’t say nothing

This land was made for you and me.”

The song is essentially a protest song, first composed by the American folk singer Woody Guthrie in 1940. It was a critical response to Irving Berlin’s ‘God Bless America’ Its melody is based on a Carter Family tune called ‘When the World’s on Fire’. The song was a hit then, particularly during World War II; over the years, the lyrics of the song have undergone several changes and adaptations. The essence however remains the same, “this land was made for you and me.” In 2025, it was listed at No. 11 of ‘The 100 Best Protest Songs of All Time.’ Given the context of the highly polarised and divided world we live in– this song is definitely all the more relevant today!

About a week ago, on Sunday 2 March, at the 97^th Academy Awards, ‘No Other Land’ won the coveted Oscar for the Best Documentary Film. The film has been made by four Israeli and Palestinian activists (Basel Adra, Hamdan Ballal, Yuval Abraham and Rachel Szor) and is a powerful examination of life under occupation. It is their directorial debut. They describe the film as an act of resistance on the path to justice during the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.

‘No Other Land’ is a portrait of a West Bank village under Israeli military occupation. The documentary film gets its title from a statement by a long-time Masafer Yatta resident who says, “we have no other land. It is our land. That is why we suffer for it.” For the ones who have seen this path-breaking documentary. ‘No Other Land’ is a breathtakingly powerful chronicle of what it means to live with the constant threat of eviction. The film captures with heartrending detail the relentlessness of Israel’s effort to remove any trace of Palestinian presence in the West Bank. This reality is what the world painfully witnesses today and yet does not dare to address collectively!

The documentary has the friendship between Basel and Yuval as a backgrounder. Their relationship is filled with intense emotions. Basel is very anxious over the fate of his family and village, to the point of exhaustion. Yuval expresses guilt and sorrow over being unable to prevent imminent destruction or to persuade his fellow- Israelis to see reason. There is a sad but grim irony when Basel says that he has a law degree, but can only find work as a construction labourer in Israel. The manner in which the judiciary can be used to redesignate land use and thus enable unfeeling eviction policies points to a familiar playbook predicated on absolute denial of basic human rights.

In their acceptance speech, two of the film’s four directors pleaded for an end to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Basel Adra, a Palestinian activist who is from Masafer Yatta, a region of the West Bank said, “About two months ago, I became a father, and my hope to my daughter [is] that she will not have to live the same life I’m living now – always fearing settlers’ violence, home demolitions and forceful displacements that my community, Masafer Yatta, is living and facing every day under the Israeli occupation.…We call on the world to take serious actions to stop the injustice and to stop the ethnic cleansing of Palestinian people.” Adra also described the issues faced by his village, including home demolitions and displacement.

Yuval Abraham, an Israeli investigative journalist, co-director of the film said, “When I look at Basel, I see my brother, but we are unequal. We live in a regime where I am free under civilian law, and Basel is under military laws that destroy his life and he cannot control. Israelis and Palestinians are ‘intertwined’; my people can be truly safe if Basel’s people are truly free and safe.”

In February 2024, at the 74th Berlin International Film Festival, ‘No Other Land’ won the Berlinale Documentary Award and the Panorama Audience Award for Best Documentary Film. During his acceptance speech then, Abraham criticized Israel saying, “We are standing in front of you now, me and Basel are the same age. I am Israeli; Basel is Palestinian. And in two days we will go back to a land where we are not equal. I am living under a civilian law and Basel is under military law. We live 30 minutes from one another, but I have voting rights. Basel is not having voting rights. I’m free to move where I want in this land. Basel is, like millions of Palestinians, locked in the occupied West Bank. This situation of apartheid between us, this inequality, it has to end”.

Adra chipped in saying, “It’s our first movie; since many years my community, my family has been filming our community being erased by this brutal occupation. I am here celebrating the award, but also very hard for me to celebrate when there are tens of thousands of my people being slaughtered and massacred by Israel in Gaza. Masafer Yatta, my community, is being also razed by Israeli bulldozers. I ask one thing: for Germany, as I am in Berlin here, to respect the U.N. calls and stop sending weapons to Israel.”

Since its release in February 2024, the documentary has won numerous awards and accolades from all over the world. However, for obvious reasons it has not been screened in India. Even its entry to certain Film Festivals here, has been inexplicably cancelled. The fascist regime which rules the country today will not allow Freedom of Speech and Expression to its citizens. A film which shows the Israeli regime in poor light, is in India, a certain ‘no-no’! Even in the United States, the film has failed to find a distributor because it reveals truths that Americans should not see! When the film won the Oscar, it was natural that some Israelis were outraged, using every trick in the book to denigrate the directors of the film and the cast.

‘No Other Land’ is about divisiveness and discrimination, about demonization and denigration, about demolition and destruction! At the receiving end are the Palestinian people – the ‘other’! It is not without reason that Pope Francis has been praying every single day for them and regularly speaking to those affected in Gaza. It is a film which is a powerful manifestation of the terrible reality faced by millions all over the world. Here in India, the Kuki-zo people of Manipur and the minorities (particularly Muslims and Christians) have to face this reality daily!

As the bull-dozers, continue to go on rampage demolishing and destroying the lives and homes of the vulnerable, it is time that the fascist and dictatorial rulers of the world realise that “this land was made for you and me” and wake up to the statement by the Masafer Yatta resident “we have no other land. It is our land. That is why we suffer for it.”  Yes, there is No Other Land!

*(Fr. Cedric Prakash SJ is a human rights, reconciliation and peace activist/ writer. Contact: cedricprakash@gmail.com  )

10 March 2025

Source: countercurrents.org

By Dr. Ramzy Baroud

The conversation on settler colonialism must not be limited to academic discussion. It is a political reality, clearly demonstrated in the everyday behavior of Israel.

Israel is not merely an expansionist regime historically; it remains actively so today. Additionally, the core of Israeli political discourse, both past and present, revolves around territorial expansion.

Frequently, we succumb to the trap of blaming such language on a specific set of right-wing and extremist politicians or on a particular US administration. The truth is vastly different: the Israeli Zionist political discourse, though it may change in style, remains fundamentally unchanged throughout time.

Zionist leaders have always associated the establishment and expansion of their state with the ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians, later referred to in Zionist literature as the “transfer.”

Theodor Herzl, the founder of modern political Zionism, wrote in his diary about the ethnic cleansing of the Arab population from Palestine:

“We shall try to spirit the penniless population across the border by procuring employment for it in the transit countries, while denying it any employment in our own country… Both the process of expropriation and the removal of the poor must be carried out discreetly and circumspectly.”

It is unclear what happened to Herzl’s grand employment scheme aimed at “spiriting” the population of Palestine across the region. What we know is that the so-called “penniless population” resisted the Zionist project in numerous ways. Ultimately, the depopulation of Palestine occurred through force, culminating in the Nakba, the Catastrophe of 1948.

The discourse of the erasure of the Palestinian people has been the shared foundation among all Israeli officials and governments, though it has been expressed in different ways. It has always had a material component, manifesting in the slow but decisive takeover of Palestinian homes in the West Bank, the confiscation of farms, and the constant construction of “military zones.”

Despite Israeli claims, this “incremental genocide” is not directly linked to the nature and degree of Palestinian resistance. Jenin and Masafer Yatta illustrate this clearly.

Take, for example, the ongoing ethnic cleansing in the northern West Bank, which, according to UNRWA, is the worst since 1967. The displacement of tens of thousands of Palestinians has been justified by Israel as a military necessity due to the fierce resistance in that region, primarily Jenin, but other areas as well.

However, many parts of the West Bank, including the area of Masafer Yatta, have not been engaged in armed resistance. Yet, they have been primary targets for Israel’s colonial expansion.

In other words, Israeli colonialism is in no way linked to Palestinian resistance, action or inaction. This has remained true for decades.

Gaza is a stark example. While one of the most horrific genocides in recent history was being carried out, Israeli real estate developers, members of the Knesset (Parliament), and leaders of the illegal settlement movement were all meeting to discuss investment opportunities in a depopulated Gaza. The callous tycoons were busy promising villas on the beach for competitive prices while Palestinians starved to death, amid an ever-growing body count. Even fiction cannot be as cruel as this reality.

It is no wonder that the Americans joined in, as evidenced by equally ruthless comments made by Jared Kushner, the son-in-law of US President Donald Trump, and eventually by the President himself.

While many at the time spoke about the strangeness of US foreign policy, few mentioned that both countries are prime examples of settler colonialism. Unlike other settler colonial societies, both Israel and the US are still committed to the same project.

Trump’s desire to take over and rename the Gulf of Mexico, his ambition to occupy Greenland and claim it as American territory, and, of course, his comments about owning Gaza are all examples of settler colonial language and behavior.

The difference between Trump and previous presidents is that others used military power to expand US influence through war and hundreds of military bases worldwide without explicitly using expansionist language. Instead, they referenced the need to challenge the Soviet “red menace,” “restore democracy,” and launch a global “war on terror” as justifications for their actions. Trump, however, feels no need to mask his actions with false logic and outright lies. Brutal honesty is his brand, though in essence, he is no different than the rest.

Israel, on the other hand, rarely feels the need to explain itself to anyone. It remains a model of a ferocious, traditional colonial society that fears no accountability and has no regard for international law.

While the Israelis pushed to conquer and ethnically cleanse Gaza, they remained entrenched in southern Lebanon, insisting on remaining in five strategic areas, thus violating the ceasefire agreement with Lebanon, which was signed on November 27.

A perfect case in point was the immediate—and I mean immediate—expansion into southern Syria, the moment the Syrian regime collapsed on December 8.

As soon as the events in Syria opened up security margins, Israeli tanks rolled in, warplanes destroyed almost the entirety of the Syrian army, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu canceled the armistice agreement signed in 1974.

That expansion continued, though Syria represented no so-called security threat to Israel whatsoever. Israel is now in control of the Sheikh Mountain and Quneitra inside Syria.

The unquenchable appetite for land in Israel remains as strong as it was upon the formation of the Zionist movement and the takeover of the Palestinian homeland nearly eight decades ago.

This realization is crucial, and Arab countries, in particular, must understand this. Sacrificing Palestinians to the Israeli death machine with the flawed calculation that Israel’s ambitions are limited to Gaza and the West Bank is a fatal mistake.

Israel will not hesitate for a minute to militarily move into any Arab geographic space the moment it feels able to do so, and it will always find US support and European silence, regardless of how destructive its actions are.

Jordan, Egypt, and other Arab countries could find themselves facing the same predicament as Syria today: watching their territories being devoured while remaining powerless and without recourse.

This realization should also matter to those busy finding “solutions” to the Palestinian-Israeli “conflict,” which narrowly frame the problem to that of the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza.

Settler colonialism can never be resolved through creative solutions. A settler colonial state ceases to exist, and a settler colonial society ceases to function if territorial expansion is not a permanent state of affairs.

The only solution to this is that Israel’s settler colonialism must be challenged, curtailed, and ultimately defeated. It may be a difficult task, but it is an inescapable one.

Dr. Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle.

10 March 2025

Source: countercurrents.org

By Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor

The escalation in serious crimes across several villages and towns in the Latakia and Tartus governorates along the Syrian coast is deeply concerning, said Euro-Med Monitor in a statement.

Armed clashes have erupted between Syrian government forces and militant groups loyal to former President Bashar al-Assad’s regime, resulting in the killing and detention of hundreds of civilians. These individuals were subjected to physical and verbal abuse during their captivity, while properties and homes were indiscriminately set on fire—acts seemingly driven by vengeance.

Field reports indicate that the clashing parties carried out field executions of dozens of individuals across several areas in Latakia and Tartus, particularly in Baniyas and the villages of Al Mukhtareyah, Al Haffah, Dwaer Baabda, Beit Ana, and others. Meanwhile, Syrian government forces have carried out arbitrary arrest campaigns targeting hundreds of civilians, subjecting them to torture and ill-treatment.

Furthermore, testimonies from the ground confirm that victims included children and the elderly, revealing that the attacks indiscriminately targeted both civilians and militants alike.

Euro-Med Monitor asserts that no excuse—whether political or security—can justify these crimes. Extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests, torture, destruction of property, and spreading fear among civilians are serious violations that require a firm stance to ensure accountability, achieve justice, and prevent impunity.

Revenge is not justice; it is fuel for an endless cycle of violence that can only be broken through legal accountability, transitional justice, and reconciliation founded on truth and equality—ensuring victims’ rights and preventing future crimes.

The Syrian government must take immediate action to protect civilians, stop all violations, launch a serious and independent investigation to hold individuals and leaders accountable for the crimes, ensuring justice for the victims and those affected.

Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor is a Geneva-based independent organization with regional offices across the MENA region and Europe

10 March 2025

Source: countercurrents.org

By Hakan Özal

In Syria, the Western-backed Haiat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) regime’s massacre of Alawites has escalated, with over 1,000 people killed.

The UK-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR) reported that armed groups affiliated with the HTS regime have killed at least 745 civilians, including women and children, in the coastal region since Thursday. The brutality of the killings was demonstrated by the bodies being left in the streets as a warning.

HTS jihadist terror against Alawites and other religious minorities is not new. As the World Socialist Web Site has reported, these attacks have been systematic since it took power in Syria in December, toppling the regime of President Bashar al-Assad. In late December, the aggression of the regime forces led to mass protests.

According to BBC reports, the violence began when residents of Beit Ana village in Latakia refused to hand over a suspect to security forces on Thursday and quickly spread to other coastal cities in the northwest. Armed groups composed of former Syrian army soldiers launched coordinated attacks on government checkpoints, security convoys, and military positions. In response, the interim government forces launched a large-scale operation.

By Saturday, SOHR was already reporting that at least 745 civilians, 148 insurgents, and 125 regime soldiers had been killed during the operation. Alawite men who served in the security forces during the Assad regime were executed by the new government forces, and many Alawite villages were looted and set on fire.

Jenan Moussa, Al-Aan TV’s Middle East correspondent, shared footage on social media related to HTS militia’s attacks in the Latakia region on Friday. The videos show severe violence against individuals described by the Syrian regime as “remnants of the old regime,” with most victims wearing civilian clothes. Moussa’s footage revealed 29 men executed in the Al- Mokhtariyeh area and 11 in Al-Hafa.

The videos included sectarian insults and slogans. In one, an HTS supporter referred to the victims as “dead animals.” Another showed a man in civilian clothes and slippers being shot at close range.

SOHR is an anti-Assad organisation funded by the UK Foreign Office and other European powers. It’s director, Rami Abdulrahman, was imprisoned three times in Syria before fleeing to the UK. He stated that the widespread massacres in areas with dense Alawite populations, such as Jableh, Baniyas, and surrounding regions, are among the worst violence in the 14-year civil war. Abdulrahman emphasized, “This is not about being pro or against the former Assad regime. These are sectarian massacres that aim to expel the Alawite population from their homes.”

On Saturday, social media platforms were filled with photos and condolence messages from Syrian users regarding those killed in the coastal region. Reuters spoke to six residents who reported that thousands of Alawites and Christians fled their homes due to safety concerns since Thursday. Many, mostly women, children, and the elderly, were forced to seek refuge at the Russian military base in Hmeymim, Latakia.

Abdulrahman noted that Alawite civilians, including women and children, were “executed,” and their homes and property looted. He reported that killings, looting, and arson continued throughout the night in Baniyas and surrounding villages as of Saturday.

Aron Lund from the independent research foundation Century International told AFP, “The authority [of the new regime] is based largely on radical jihadists who consider the Alawites to be enemies of God.” Lund added, “When there is an attack, these groups then carry out raids of Alawite villages, which don’t just include armed former soldiers but also vulnerable civilians.”

The Syrian state news agency SANA cited an unnamed security official stating that many fighters went to the coastal regions to avenge attacks against security forces.

Allegations suggest that HTS-affiliated groups, the successor organisation of the al-Nusra Front—which was formerly allied with al-Qaeda—have made calls in mosques stating that “killing Alawites is obligatory.” There are videos supporting these allegations on social media.

Al Jazeera’s correspondent in Damascus, Resul Serdar, reported on Saturday afternoon that the intensity of clashes had significantly decreased, although fighting continued in the outskirts of towns. Serdar emphasized the growing “tragedy” due to increasing casualties, noting, “Hundreds of people have been killed and the majority of them are civilians.”

BBC Verify confirmed the authenticity of two videos showing a corpse being dragged through the streets in Latakia.

A Syrian activist in Latakia told BBC Newshour that the violence has instilled great fear in the Alawite community. The activist, who wished to remain anonymous, said, “They are feeling so fearful… They don’t know what to do. There is no government or state who is ready to help them, to protect them.”

Curfews were imposed in Homs, Latakia, and Tartus, where Alawites are densely populated, while the governor of Latakia announced ongoing power outages in the region.

HTS leader Abu Muhammad al-Jolani (Ahmed al-Sharaa), declared “interim president” after the regime change, defended the massacre in a video message, stating, “Remnants of the ousted regime tried to test the new Syria without understanding it, and today they are relearning Syria.” Al-Jolani stated, “Prisoners should not be humiliated or beaten, as this is against God’s command and the country’s laws,” in order to avoid putting NATO allies in a difficult position.

While the NATO powers, including Turkey, have largely remained silent on the bloody aggression of their new ally, the HTS regime, some of the statements made are an example of utter hypocrisy.

“I am deeply shocked by the numerous victims in the western regions of Syria,” Stefan Schneck, Germany’s special envoy to Syria, said on X. Michael Ohnmacht, the European Union’s envoy to Syria, retweeted Schneck’s post, adding, “I share the opinion of my German counterpart regarding the call for all parties to exercise restraint.”

The NATO powers and their pseudo-left advocates, who claim that Islamist jihadists hostile to basic democratic rights have led a “democratic revolution” in Syria, share responsibility for these massacres. They hailed the coming to power last December of the Islamists they had backed since 2011 in the war for regime change, in order to undermine Russian and Iranian influence in Syria and the broader Middle East, and rushed to cement their ties with the new regime.

10 March 2025

Source: countercurrents.org

By V.A. Mohamad Ashrof

Zionists cling to and ceaselessly trumpet the belief—reflected in global media—that Jews form a distinct ethnic group, that Israel is the fulfilment of God’s promise to Abraham, and that the Jews living in Israel today are the direct descendants of King David. A book that throws a wrench into this narrative is ‘The Invention of the Jewish People ’, published in 2009. (1)

This book sent shockwaves through Israeli academia. Shlomo Sand, a historian at Tel Aviv University, boldly challenges the very foundation of Israel’s national ideology in his hard-hitting 332-page work. An English translation of Sand’s book was published in the US and Britain in 2009. The French translation, published by Layard in 2010, was hailed as the best work in modern history and politics. The book has also been translated into Arabic, Turkish, Japanese, and Indonesian, spreading like wildfire across intellectual circles.

Born in Austria in 1946, Sand moved to Israel with his family in 1948.

Origins of Ashkenazi Jews

In the 1920s, shortly after World War I, Henry Ford, founder of the Ford Motor Company, published a four-volume work called The International Jew, (2) which argued that only a fraction of contemporary Jews was of ancient biblical Jewish heritage. Of course, Ford’s work is riddled with anti-Semitic propaganda and has been soundly discredited by scholars. In 1951, Colonel John Beatty, a US military intelligence officer, published The Iron Curtain Over America (3), a 265-page book presenting evidence that Eastern European Jews were of Khazar-Mongol descent and had no genetic connection to the Israelites.

This theory was later expanded upon in The Thirteenth Tribe (4), published in 1976 by world-renowned author Arthur Koestler (1905-1983). Koestler meticulously argued that Ashkenazi Jews were Khazars who converted to Judaism in the 8th century AD in the Caucasus region. He asserted that Ashkenazi Jews had no historical connection to the Jews of biblical tradition, and that European anti-semitism was built on a house of cards sustained by ignorance. One of Koestler’s key objectives was to demonstrate that European Jews were not the Palestinian Jews of biblical lore, thus rendering accusations of Christ-killing against Jews as baseless as a mirage in the desert. It is crucial to note that nine out of ten modern Jews belong to the Ashkenazi lineage.

The Khazars, originally from the Caucasus, later migrated westward, settling in present-day Hungary, Ukraine, Poland, Belarus, Lithuania, and Germany. The Jews of Poland, Lithuania, and Romania, who speak Yiddish, are all of Khazar origin.

Sand traces the roots of Eastern European Jewry to the Khazar Empire. (5) In 740 AD, the Khazar ruler Bulan took the plunge and converted to Judaism, with many of his subjects following suit. Jewish history recognizes the Khazar state as a Jewish state in its own right.

Sand’s Findings

Sand opens his study of Jewish nationalism with a quote from Karl Deiss: “A nation is a people who agree on a common error about their origin and who are united in common hostility towards their neighbours.” (6)

Nationalist fervour swept through Germany, giving rise to the infamous slogan “Germany for the Germans,” which marginalized Jews, Slavs, and Roma. At the same time, nationalism gained ground in Italy and Greece, where a shared language and culture formed the backbone of national identity. Sand argues that modern Jewish nationalism was reverse-engineered, influenced by German nationalism in the mid-19th century. (7) It was historian Heinrich Graetz who wove the tale of an ancient Jewish dynasty, the mass expulsion of the Jews, and their centuries-long wandering. (8) This historical fabrication was inspired by German nationalism.

Like other European national groups, Zionists painted a golden past for themselves, claiming an uninterrupted presence since antiquity. (9) Sand argues that the Nazi image of Jews as bloodsuckers was borrowed and repurposed by Zionist thinkers. When Jewish Zionist thought took root in the 1840s, the Greek concept of racial purity was at its core. He suggests that Hitler’s genocidal ideology drew inspiration from the racial theories embraced by Zionists.

Graetz coined the term ancient people for the Jews, portraying them as a lost tribe yearning for home after the destruction of Canaan. (10) Later, Moses Hess’s 1862 work Rome and Jerusalem: The Last National Question fully reflected the racial ideologies gaining traction in Europe. (11)

Since there is no historical evidence that Jews were forcibly expelled en masse, the idea of their rightful return to Israel falls apart like a house of cards, Sand observes. (12) Jewish conversion was widespread under the influence of Hellenistic culture. (13) The Septuagint, a Greek translation of the Old Testament, was produced as part of this process. The Jewish historian Josephus followed the same agenda. (14) Later, Zionism adopted the Christian narrative of Jewish exile. (15)

Sand dismantles the claim made by scholars like Martin Goodman that Jews discouraged conversion. (16) He further highlights that most ancient Jewish farmers later converted to Islam, a fact even acknowledged by Israel’s first Prime Minister, David Ben-Gurion. (17)

The Fallacy of Zionist Racism

Zionism is built on the flimsy foundation that Jews form a distinct ethnic group. In reality, Judaism has survived through a melting pot of intermarriages and conversions.

Theodor Herzl, the father of Zionism, was not religious, yet he clung to the notion that Jews were an ethnic group. Christian Zionism, too, developed its theology based on this ethnic distinction.

The Zionist movement sprang to life in the 1850s in Central and Eastern Europe, amid a tide of nationalist sentiment stretching from Vienna to Odessa. (18) Nathan Birnbaum, who coined the term Zionism, was an unabashed racist. Other early Zionist intellectuals, including Max Nordau, Martin Buber, Vladimir Jabotinsky, and Arthur Ruppin, wore their racism on their sleeves. (19)

Herzl, though secular, readily embraced the religious notion that Israel was a divine promise to the Jews through Abraham. Under this ideology, any Jew, regardless of nationality, had a golden ticket to Israeli citizenship.

But Who Is a Jew?

From Israel’s inception, the question of Jewish identity has been a legal quagmire. (20) In 1962, a Catholic priest of Jewish origin sought recognition as a Jew by nationality, but the High Court slammed the door shut on his claim. (21) The 1968 Law of Return declared that only those born to a Jewish mother, converts to Judaism, or individuals without another religious affiliation qualified as Jews. (22)

Israel, despite its lofty claims of democracy, functions as an ethnocracy, Sand argues. (23) Though he does not deny Israel’s existence, he calls for it to become an open, pluralistic, and democratic state free from the shackles of ethnic, territorial, and mythical claims.

Sand shines a light on Israel’s systemic human rights violations (24) and envisions a future where all Israeli citizens—Jewish or Arab—are treated as equals. (25) His meticulous deconstruction of Zionist myths lays bare the uncomfortable truth about Israel’s foundation and policies.

Evaluation of Shlomo Sand’s Theory

The Khazar hypothesis, which posits that Ashkenazi Jews primarily descend from the Khazars—a Turkic people who converted to Judaism in the 8th century—has been a subject of scholarly debate for decades. While Arthur Koestler’s The Thirteenth Tribe (1976) popularized this theory, it has not gained widespread acceptance in contemporary genetic research. Recent genetic studies indicate that Ashkenazi Jews possess substantial Middle Eastern ancestry, with varying degrees of European admixture. Sand’s assertion that 90% of modern Jews are descendants of the Khazars is not supported by empirical evidence. Although the historical conversion of the Khazars to Judaism is well-documented, its genetic impact on Ashkenazi Jewish populations appears to be negligible. The prevailing scholarly consensus maintains that Ashkenazi Jews trace their origins to ancient Israelite populations, with subsequent admixture from European groups over time.

One of Sand’s most significant contributions lies in his incisive deconstruction of a central tenet of Zionist historiography: the notion of an unbroken, ethnically homogeneous Jewish lineage extending from antiquity to the present. Through rigorous historical analysis, Sand demonstrates that Jewish identity has been shaped by a complex interplay of migration, conversion, and cultural transformation over centuries, rather than by a singular, uninterrupted ethnic continuity. By challenging the nationalist narratives that underpin Zionism, Sand invites readers to critically examine the constructed nature of modern national identities, including that of the Jewish people. His work underscores the fluidity and dynamism of identity formation, offering a counterpoint to essentialist interpretations of Jewish history.

Sand accurately situates the emergence of Jewish nationalism (Zionism) within the broader context of 19th-century European nationalist movements. He highlights the contributions of key figures such as Heinrich Graetz and Moses Hess, who played pivotal roles in shaping modern Jewish historiography and Zionist ideology. Sand argues that Jewish communities expanded significantly through conversion, particularly during the Hellenistic and Roman periods. While there is historical evidence to support the spread of Judaism in the ancient Mediterranean world, conversion was not the sole driver of Jewish demographic growth. Both genetic and historical research suggest a continuity between ancient Israelite populations and modern Jewish communities, alongside evidence of conversions throughout history. Thus, while Sand’s emphasis on conversion as a factor in Jewish history is valid, it represents only one dimension of a more complex demographic and cultural trajectory.

Sand advocates for the transformation of Israel into a pluralistic, democratic state that guarantees equal rights to all citizens, irrespective of ethnicity or religion. This vision aligns with liberal democratic principles and reflects a commitment to inclusivity and equality. However, its realization faces significant political and ideological challenges within the Israeli context. Sand also critiques discriminatory practices in Israel, particularly those affecting Palestinian citizens and other non-Jewish minorities. Issues such as unequal access to resources, restrictions on land ownership, and the implications of the Law of Return have been extensively documented. Israel’s definition as a Jewish state has sparked tension between its Jewish and non-Jewish citizens. Critics claim this framework perpetuates systemic inequalities, while supporters argue it preserves Jewish identity and ensures Jewish population security. Sand’s critique encourages discussion of these competing views, highlighting the tension between national identity and democratic values.

A key strength of Sand’s work is his clear distinction between anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism. While anti-Zionism pertains to criticism of Israeli policies or the Zionist political project, anti-Semitism involves prejudice or discrimination against Jews as a people. This distinction is crucial and is widely recognized in both scholarly and political discourse. By emphasizing this differentiation, Sand contributes to a more precise and informed discussion of contemporary debates surrounding Israel, Zionism, and Jewish identity.

In conclusion, Shlomo Sand’s work offers a provocative and thought-provoking critique of traditional narratives of Jewish history and identity. While some of his claims, such as the Khazar hypothesis, are not supported by current genetic evidence, his broader arguments about the constructed nature of national identities and the historical fluidity of Jewish communities are compelling. His call for a pluralistic and democratic Israel, alongside his critique of systemic inequalities, raises important questions about the future of Israeli society. Ultimately, Sand’s work challenges readers to reconsider entrenched historical narratives and to engage critically with the complexities of identity, nationalism, and democracy.

Bibliography

1) Shlomo Sand, The Invention of the Jewish People, (Tr: Yael Lotan), Verso: New York, 2009

2) Henry Ford, The International Jew, Dearborn Publishing Co: Michigan, 1920-1922

3). John Owen Beaty, Iron Curtain Over America, Wilkinson Pub co: Dallas, 1951

4) Arthur Koestler, The Thirteenth Tribe: The Khazar Empire and Its Heritage, Random House: New York, 1976

5) Shlomo Sand, Op. cit, p. 239-249

6) Shlomo Sand, Op. cit, p.1

7) Shlomo Sand, Op. cit, p.11

8) Shlomo Sand, Op. cit, p.62

9) Shlomo Sand, Op. cit, p.73-77

10) Moses Hess, Rome and Jerusalem: The Last Nationalist Questions, 1862 (Bloch Publishing Co: New York, 1918)

11) Shlomo Sand, Op. cit, p.78-81

12) Shlomo Sand, Op. cit, p.134-136

13) Shlomo Sand, Op. cit, p.150-154

14) Shlomo Sand, Op. cit, p.161-166

15) Shlomo Sand, Op. cit, p.255

16) Shlomo Sand, Op. cit, p.250.

17) Shlomo Sand, Op. cit, p.186

18) Shlomo Sand, Op. cit, p.250-252

19) Shlomo Sand, Op. cit, p.256-265

20) Shlomo Sand, Op. cit, p.286-288

21) Shlomo Sand, Op. cit, p.288-289

22) Shlomo Sand, Op. cit, p.289-290

23) Shlomo Sand, Op. cit, p.307

24) Shlomo Sand, Op. cit, p.304

25) Shlomo Sand, Op. cit, p.309-312

V.A. Mohamad Ashrof is an independent Indian scholar specializing in Islamic humanism.

8 March 2025

Source: countercurrents.org

By Dr Suresh Khairnar

International Women’s Day is celebrated today. But have women really been liberated?

I myself am from the great Maharashtra of Jyotiba Phule and Dr. Baba Saheb Ambedkar. I was born in the so-called 96 clan Maratha community. 70 years ago our family was a joint family in which my father and his three brothers and one of the two sisters got married and lived in her in-laws’ house. My other aunt’s husband left home after marriage and became a sadhu. His whereabouts were never known. Because of this, my elder aunt, who was the eldest, lived with us. She was childless. In this way, apart from the five women in our house, including my father and his three brothers and their children, we had a family of 25-30 people. I am 72 years old since I was born. (25-12-1953) I have never seen the women of our house coming or going in front of men during the day. I have never seen my parents talking to each other. And the five women used to eat whatever was left after all the men and children had eaten. I have never seen that if there was less food for them, they cooked it again and ate it. That is why I have seen all the women of our house physically weak and underweight! In Hinduism, women have been given the status of Annapurna Devi! But all the Annapurna Devis of our house were victims of malnutrition.

We worry about the rights of Muslim women. But I have seen the phenomenon of darkness under the lamp. My village is also included in the history of Satyashodhak Samaj. And with my own eyes, I have never seen the women of the houses of the so-called Satyashodhak leaders moving around in the village during the day. Although this was 70 years ago.

Since we are talking about love jihad, I remembered that there was a Maratha farmer family in our village. Perhaps that gentleman had married a woman of Sunhar caste, so he kept a sonarin (mistress). And a Maratha professor had married a madam named Kulkarni, so he kept a baamniin (mistress). This word was used by the people of the Satya Shodhak village named Malpur.

I have seen in my own house that the women of the house eat only after the men eat first. How do women become victims of malnutrition? This is one of its classic examples. It is my opinion that women suffering from anemia should not be measured by economic issues. This includes women from affluent families as well. On the contrary, people living below the poverty line, all, that is, both men and women, are victims of malnutrition. Because in terms of food and drink, both eat the same food. On the contrary, among the so-called affluent people, women are fed from birth, in their lactation, that they are girls, this feeling is given at every step. For this, the book named ‘Second Sex’ by Simone de Beauvoir is very good and has been written by looking at everything from biology to social, economic, cultural aspects. Every man and woman doing public work needs to read it. And the name is also very appropriate – ‘Second Sex’.

In the early eighties, I started visiting Bihar because of the JP movement. And after visiting the homes of our socialist, Gandhi-Vinoba followers friends there, I saw that food, tea, snacks, everything was being served regularly, but the hands that made them were not visible. Even today, more than fifty years have passed. And we have not met the life partners of some of our friends.

However, the pair of Bihar movement leader Jayaprakash Narayan and his wife Prabhavatiji is similar to Mahatma Gandhi-Kasturba, seen in Bihar’s public life. But if we leave this exception, the condition of women in all the states of Bihar-North India is not very different even today. A socialist leader had once occupied the seat of the country’s Prime Minister for some time. And Mrinal Tai Gore and some women had got the opportunity to visit his ancestral house. Mrinal Tai Gore told me that I was feeling the lack of women in the meeting room except for some outside women, so I took advantage of being a woman and went inside. And deliberately met the women of the house. And from the conversation, it was found that some of them were MA and some were graduates. But they were forbidden to come to the meeting. And you must also be remembering that during his tenure as Prime Minister, his wife was never seen in any public life. Although he was also considered the son of Acharya Narendra Dev of North India and Jayaprakash Narayan ji.

During 1990-91, while working on the aftermath of the Bhagalpur riots, our team had to frequently visit Muslim localities. Because the Muslims had suffered the most destruction. We saw some eyes of women gathering from the windows of the houses to watch us very closely, but we never saw those women as they were veiled. But there was no dearth of hospitality there either. But the hands that cooked the food were not visible.

So once Manisha Banerjee, Vani Sinha, Shamli Khastgir and Veena Aalase, who were among the women who often visited us from Calcutta and Shantiniketan, told me that in a Muslim dominated village named Rajpur, an exclusive meeting of women only was being organized on the roof of someone’s house in the evening. And the responsibility of addressing that meeting was given to me. After climbing the roof, I saw that except Manisha, Banidi, Shyamlidi and Veenaadi, all the other women were wearing burqa. But as soon as I started my address, I saw that almost all the faces covered with burqa were open. I myself felt embarrassed seeing this sight. And later, till it got dark, our meeting continued in a very beautiful and pleasant atmosphere.

Similarly, fifteen years ago, I had gone to Aligarh Muslim University for the ‘Maulana Azad Memorial Speech’. The main speech was delivered by Kennedy Hall. I saw that all the students were sitting in the lower hall and the female students were sitting in the upper gallery. When I looked up, I could see only burqas in the balcony. I had an extra day, so I expressed my desire to see the university. A professor was put on special duty to host me. And after breakfast, he took me around in the university car. He also took me to the tomb of Sir Syed Ahmed Sahib. And when I was returning from there on foot, an elderly gentleman wearing a sherwani came and greeted me very politely and said, “I am the head of the department of Islamic studies, and I am very impressed with your speech yesterday. If you are not busy right now, can you come to our department for a chat for some time?” So I said, “Today I am just having fun in the university. So let me come to your department for some time.” And that’s how I got along with him, and when I stepped into his department, the very small hall was full of students sitting in burqas. And the head said that “Yesterday you told how Muslims of the whole world are being targeted in a planned manner in the name of political Islam. And this is the reason that these girls of our department, who are talking a lot about you after listening to your speech from the gallery yesterday, as soon as I saw you going to the grave of late Sir Syed sahab, I gave you the trouble of taking the trouble of walking here.” I said “It is not a trouble, you have done me a favour. Because for the last 20 years I have been working on the Hindu-Muslim issue after the Bhagalpur riots and in that I especially focus more on women. Because women have to bear the wounds of any riot and war more. And I saw that in the hall here also all the girls had lifted their burqas over their faces. And a very serious debate went on with all the girls for at least more than two hours. Whereas when my host professor sahab told me that during the teaching It is time for your lunch with the staff and to interact with them. Then somewhere the conversation with those girls was going on continuously. All the girls were MA and some of them said that we have to do research later also. That is why they had also taken my email and phone number.

Half of the world’s population is women. But the condition of women is still very unequal, to a greater or lesser extent. And the worst situation is in those parts of the world where the feudal system still prevails. The condition of women there is even worse.

In which the condition of women is still very pitiable in almost all the countries of North India and South-West Asia. The writings of Tehmina Durrani of Pakistan, Taslima Nasreen of Bangladesh and Shirin Abad of Iran show that even today women are treated as slaves.

And in the so-called western culture, as a commodity, the song “Tu cheez badi hai mast mast” is a reflection of the same mentality. Because she is a ‘cheez’ means an object. Which is used. And that is why there is a competition to display their bodies. Who is displayed the most and with how much vulgarity in advertising and fashion shows? Whether it is an advertisement of a man’s underwear or his shaving blade. In that, there is always a woman with minimal clothes.

And the sex trade is its product, it has turned into an industry. I remember (in 1993-94) I got a chance to attend a conference on Human Rights (Huron) in Nepal’s capital Kathmandu. And it was inaugurated by the then Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala. And I also got a chance to speak. So in my speech, other speakers were only talking about the excesses of the monarchy, police, and army. So when my turn came I said that “You have made all the speakers before me aware of the numerous reprehensible acts of oppression, atrocities and exploitation being done by the government and the royal family. But I have come from India, and I am from Calcutta. And I am from Maharashtra. I have noticed one thing since my childhood, that from the towns of India to the big cities like Calcutta, Mumbai, Delhi, I have seen 50% of the girls from Nepal in the brothels. And I have not seen anyone even close to Huron thinking about this subject, so it seems a very serious matter to me. And now the Rana regime has ended. And democracy has begun. So I expect from the Honorable Prime Minister that now special efforts should be made to stop the trade of all these women.

So immediately after my speech, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala again came on the mike and announced by taking my name that “I assure Dr. Suresh Khairnar that I will try, especially from my government’s side, to end this practice!” And with an invitation for dinner, Nepal Women’s Organization said that Dr. Suresh, you are the first person we have seen speaking on women’s issues, so we have specially invited you to speak in our organization and after that you have to come for dinner.

Similarly, I have seen women working in every field in Kashmir and Palestine. And they never seemed any less or behind men. During our journey, we have seen women from the Kurdish-dominated triangle of Iraq, Iran and Turkey, which is also called Total Kurdish Area. And we have seen women wearing jeans and T-shirts and fighting, riding vehicles and horses. And we have seen them working in every field of life. And these days they are also taking on the ISIS army. Earlier, these Kurdish women had defeated and pushed back the army of Abu Bakr Baghdadi. So, when I sent them an email of felicitation, they immediately wrote that will you just sit there and do felicitation? Come with us. So I wrote in reply that I have crossed 60.

Dr Suresh Khairnar is Ex. President of Rashtra Sewa Dal

8 March 2025

Source: countercurrents.org

By Quds News Network

Gaza (Quds News Network)- As the world honors Women’s Day, Palestinian women in Gaza endure unimaginable suffering. Israel’s ongoing genocide and humanitarian crises have turned this day of celebration into a reminder of loss and pain for over one million women.

According to Salama Maarouf, head of the Government Media Office in Gaza, thousands of Palestinian women have been killed in Israel’s genocide. He called on the international community to acknowledge the atrocities committed against women by Israel.

The Israeli genocide in Gaza has taken a devastating toll on women. More than 12,316 have been killed, while 13,901 have lost their husbands. Around 17,000 mothers have lost their children, and 50,000 pregnant women have given birth in inhumane conditions. At least 162,000 women suffer from infectious diseases, and 2,000 have lost limbs, forcing them to live with permanent disabilities. Many women also were kidnapped and tortured by the Israeli military, enduring harsh conditions in Israeli detention centers.

Thousands of displaced women in Gaza live in makeshift tents and overcrowded schools. They lack basic necessities like food, water, and medical care as Israel continues to block the entry of humanitarian aid.

International human rights organizations, including Human Rights Watch, have reported that 70% of those killed in Gaza were women and children. The Israeli genocide has also forced two million people, half of them women, to flee their homes.

The United Nations Special Rapporteur on violence against women, Reem Alsalem, told Anadolu Agency that women in Gaza face “inhumane and degrading treatment.” She expressed her “deep concern” over their plight. Alsalem highlighted the hardships faced by women and girls, including Israeli violence, relentless attacks, and blockade. She noted that many field workers “struggle to find words to describe the suffering in Gaza,” calling it “a real hell.”

Alsalem stated that women in Gaza are losing their husbands and that “every hour, two mothers are killed, leaving countless children orphaned.” She condemned the deliberate starvation of people in Gaza and the obstruction of humanitarian aid.

Pregnant women are forced to end their pregnancies under bombardment and without access to healthcare. Many are giving birth without anesthesia or proper medical support in an environment where much of the medical sector has been destroyed. Alsalem also criticized the hateful rhetoric used by Israelis to “justify the killing of Palestinian women.”

She referred to a recent UN report that detailed the suffering of Palestinian civilians, particularly women and children. The report verified accounts of extrajudicial executions of Palestinian women and their children, arbitrary detentions, forced disappearances, and transfers to detention centers in the West Bank and Israel. Healthcare workers, human rights defenders, and children have also been detained in Israeli facilities. Alsalem revealed that at least one child was taken to Israel, calling it a war crime and an act of genocide under the Genocide Convention.

She stated that around 200 women and girls were among 3,000 Palestinians detained in Gaza between October 7 and December 31, 2024. In the West Bank, 147 women and 245 children were among 3,700 detained Palestinians. The report expressed deep concern over the inhumane treatment of Palestinian women and girls, who have faced beatings, bullying, medical neglect, lack of adequate food, and denial of legal representation.

Women in Gaza also face “threats of sexual violence and rape.” Alsalem cited “horrific” reports of Palestinian women being stripped and photographed in humiliating positions, particularly during interrogations. She stated that some women were forced to remove their hijabs during detention and were searched by male officers. Israeli soldiers reportedly shared and circulated these images online, violating the laws of war.

Earlier this month, the United Nations Population Fund expressed “horror” at reports of Palestinian women and girls in Gaza being beaten, detained, humiliated, raped, or executed by Israeli officers. The agency stressed that “women and girls are not targets.”

8 March 2025

Source: countercurrents.org

By Jeffrey D. Sachs

There should be little doubt about how a lasting peace can be established in Ukraine. In April 2022, Russia and Ukraine were on the verge of signing a peace agreement in Istanbul, with the Turkish Government acting as mediator. The U.S. and U.K. talked Ukraine out of signing the agreement, and hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians have since died or been seriously injured. Yet the framework of the Istanbul Process still provides the basis of peace today.

The draft peace agreement (dated April 15, 2022) and the Istanbul Communique (dated March 29, 2022) on which it was based, offered a sensible and straightforward way to end the conflict. It’s true that three years after Ukraine broke off the negotiations, during which time Ukraine has incurred major losses, Ukraine will eventually cede more territory than it would have in April 2022 — yet it will gain the essentials: sovereignty, international security arrangements, and peace.

In the 2022 negotiations, the agreed issues were Ukraine’s permanent neutrality and international security guarantees for Ukraine. The final disposition of the contested territories was to be decided over time, based on negotiations between the parties, during which both sides committed to refrain from using force to change boundaries. Given the current realities, Ukraine will cede Crimea and parts of southern and eastern Ukraine, reflecting the battlefield outcomes of the past three years.

Such an agreement can be signed almost immediately and in fact is likely to be signed in the coming months. As the U.S. is no longer going to underwrite the war, in which Ukraine would suffer yet more casualties, destruction, and loss of territory, Zelensky is recognizing that it’s time to negotiate. In his address to Congress, President Donald Trump quoted Zelensky as saying “Ukraine is ready to come to the negotiating table as soon as possible to bring lasting peace closer.”

The pending issues in April 2022 involved the specifics of security guarantees for Ukraine and the revised boundaries of Ukraine and Russia. The main issue regarding the guarantees involved the role of Russia as a co-guarantor of the agreement. Ukraine insisted that the Western co-guarantors should be able to act with or without Russia’s assent, so as not to give Russia a veto over the Ukraine’s security. Russia sought to avoid a situation where Ukraine and its Western co-guarantors would manipulate the agreement to justify renewed force against Russia. Both sides have a point.

The best resolution, in my view, is to put the security guarantees under the authority of the UN Security Council. This means that the U.S., China, Russia, U.K., and France would all be co-guarantors, together with the rest of the UN Security Council. This would subject the security guarantees to global scrutiny. Yes, Russia could veto a subsequent UN Security Council resolution regarding Ukraine, but it would then face China’s opprobrium and the world’s if Russia were to act arbitrarily in defiance of the will of the rest of the UN.

Regarding the final disposition of borders, some background is very important. Before the violent overthrow of Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych in February 2022, Russia did not make any territorial demands vis-à-vis Ukraine. Yanukovych favored neutrality for Ukraine, opposed NATO membership, and peacefully negotiated with Russia a 20-year lease for Russia’s naval base in Sevastopol, Crimea, home of Russia’s Black Sea Fleet since 1783. After Yanukovych was toppled and replaced by a U.S.-backed, pro-NATO government, Russia moved quickly to retake Crimea, to prevent the naval base from falling into NATO hands. During 2014 to 2021, Russia did not push for annexing any other Ukrainian territory. Russia called for the political autonomy of the ethnic Russian regions of eastern Ukraine (Donetsk and Luhansk) that broke away from Kyiv immediately after Yanukovych was toppled.

The Minsk II agreement was to implement autonomy. The Minsk framework was inspired in part by the autonomy of the ethnic Germany region of South Tyrol in Italy. German Chancellor Angela Merkel knew the South Tyrol experience and viewed it as a precedent for similar autonomy in the Donbas. Unfortunately, Ukraine strongly resisted autonomy for the Donbas, and the U.S. backed Ukraine in rejecting autonomy. Germany and France, which ostensibly were guarantors of Minsk II, stood by silently as the agreement was thrown aside by Ukraine and the United States.

Following six years in which Minsk II was not implemented, during which the U.S.-armed Ukrainian military continued to shell the Donbas in an attempt to subdue and recover the breakaway provinces, Russia recognized Donetsk and Luhansk as independent states on February 21, 2022. The status of Donetsk and Luhansk in the Istanbul process was still to be finalized. Perhaps a return to Minsk II and its actual implementation by Ukraine (recognizing the autonomy of the two regions in the Ukrainian constitution) could have been ultimately agreed. When Ukraine walked away from the negotiating table, alas, the issue was moot. A few months later, on September 30, 2022, Russia annexed the two oblasts as well as two others, Kherson and Zaporizhzhia.

The sad lesson is this. Ukraine’s loss of territory would have been averted entirely but for the violent coup that toppled Yanukovych and brought in a U.S.-backed regime intent on NATO membership. The loss of territory in eastern Ukraine could have been averted had the U.S. pushed Ukraine to implement the UN Security Council-backed Minsk II agreement. The loss of territory in eastern Ukraine could probably have been averted as late as April 2022 in the Istanbul Process, but the U.S. blocked the peace agreement. Now, after 11 years of war since the overthrow of Yanukovych, and as a result of Ukraine’s losses on the battlefield, Ukraine will cede Crimea and other territories of eastern and southern Ukraine in the coming negotiations.

Europe has other interests that it should be negotiating with Russia, notably security for the Baltic States and for European-Russian security arrangements more generally. The Baltic States feel very vulnerable to Russia, understandably so given their history, but they are also gravely and unnecessarily adding to their vulnerability by a stream of repressive measures taken against their ethnic Russian citizenry, including measures to repress the use of the Russian language and measures to cut their citizens’ ties with the Russian Orthodox Church. Baltic state leaders are also provocatively engaging in remarkable Russophobic rhetoric. Ethnic Russians are about 25% of the population of both Estonia and Latvia, and around 5% in Lithuania. Security for the Baltic States should be achieved through security-enhancing measures taken on both sides, including the respect for minority rights of the ethnic Russian populations, and by refraining from vitriolic rhetoric.

The time has arrived for diplomacy that brings collective security to Europe, Ukraine, and Russia. Europe should open direct talks with Russia and should urge Russia and Ukraine to sign a peace agreement based on the March 29 Istanbul Communique and the April 15, 2022 draft peace agreement. Peace in Ukraine should by followed by the creation of a new system of collective security for all of Europe, stretching from Britain to the Urals, and indeed beyond.

Jeffrey D. Sachs is a University Professor and Director of the Center for Sustainable Development at Columbia University, where he directed The Earth Institute from 2002 until 2016. He is also President of the UN Sustainable Development Solutions Network and a commissioner of the UN Broadband Commission for Development.

7 March 2025

Source: countercurrents.org

By Dr. Ramzy Baroud

International law is fighting for relevance. The outcome of this fight is likely to change the entire global political dynamics, which were shaped by World War II and sustained through the selective interpretation of the law by dominant countries.

In principle, international law should have always been relevant, if not paramount, in governing the relationships between all countries, large and small, to resolve conflicts before they turn into outright wars. It should also have worked to prevent a return to an era of exploitation that allowed Western colonialism to practically enslave the global south for hundreds of years.

Unfortunately, international law, which was in theory supposed to reflect global consensus, was hardly dedicated to peace or genuinely invested in the decolonization of the South.

From the invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan to the war on Libya and numerous other examples, past and present, the UN was often used as a platform for the strong to impose their will on the weak. And whenever smaller countries collectively fought back, as the UN General Assembly often does, those with veto power, military, and economic leverage used their advantage to coerce the rest based on the maxim, “might makes right.”

It should therefore hardly be a surprise to see many intellectuals and politicians in the global south arguing that, aside from paying lip service to peace, human rights, and justice, international law has always been irrelevant.

This irrelevance was put on full display through 15 months of a relentless Israeli genocidal war on Gaza that killed and wounded over 160,000 people, a number that, according to several credible medical journals and studies, is expected to dramatically rise.

Yet, when the International Court of Justice (ICJ) opened an investigation of plausible genocide in Gaza on January 26, followed by a decisive ruling on July 19 regarding the illegality of the Israeli occupation of Palestine, the international system began showing a pulse, however faint. The International Criminal Court’s (ICC) arrest warrants were another proof that West-centered legal institutions are capable of change.

The angry American response to all of this was predictable. Washington has been fighting against international accountability for many years. The US Congress under the George W. Bush administration, as early as 2002, passed a law that shielded US soldiers “against criminal prosecution” by the ICC to which the US is not a party.

The so-called Hague Invasion Act authorized the use of military force to rescue American citizens or military personnel detained by the ICC.

Naturally, many of Washington’s measures to pressure, threaten, or punish international institutions have been linked to shielding Israel under various guises.

The global outcry and demands for accountability following Israel’s genocide in Gaza, however, have once again put Western governments on the defensive. For the first time, Israel was facing the kind of scrutiny that rendered it, in many respects, a pariah state.

Instead of reconsidering their approach to Israel, and refraining from feeding the war machine, many Western governments lashed out at civil society, for merely advocating the enforcement of international law. Those targeted included UN-affiliated human rights defenders.

On February 18, German police descended on the Junge Welt venue in Berlin as if they were about to apprehend a notorious criminal. They surrounded the building in full gear, sparking a bizarre drama that should have never taken place in a country that perceives itself as democratic.

The reason behind the security mobilization was none other than Francesca Albanese, an Italian lawyer, an outspoken critic of the Israeli genocide in Gaza, and the current United Nations Special Rapporteur on the occupied Palestinian territories.

If it were not for the UN’s intervention, Albanese could have been arrested simply for demanding that Israel must be held accountable for its crimes against Palestinians.

Germany, however, is not the exception. Other Western powers, lead amongst them the US, are actively taking part in this moral crisis. Washington has taken serious and troubling steps, not just to protect Israel, and itself, from accountability to international law, but to punish the very international institutions, its judges, and officials for daring to question Israel’s behavior.

Indeed, on February 13, the US sanctioned the ICC’s chief prosecutor due to his stance on Israel.

After some hesitance, Karim Khan has done what no other ICC prosecutor had done before: issuing, on November 21, arrest warrants for two Israeli leaders, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and then-Defense Minister Yoav Gallant. They are currently wanted for “crimes against humanity and war crimes”.

The moral crisis deepens when the judges become the accused, as Khan found himself at the receiving end of endless Western media attacks and abuse, in addition to US sanctions.

As disturbing as all of this is, there is a silver lining, specifically an opportunity for the international legal and political system to be fixed based on new standards, justice that applies to all, and accountability that is expected from all.

Those who continue to support Israel have practically disowned international law altogether. The consequences of their decisions are dire. But for the rest of humanity, the Gaza war can be that very opportunity to reconstruct a more equitable world, one that is not molded by the militarily powerful, but by the need to stop senseless killings of innocent children.

Dr. Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle.

7 March 2025

Source: countercurrents.org

By Mujeeb Rahman Kinalur

The Ludhiana Jama Masjid, a historic mosque in Punjab, India, holds a special place in the country’s freedom struggle. Built in 1670 by Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb’s governor, Nawab Bahadur Khan, this mosque has stood witness to the tumultuous journey of the Muslim community in Ludhiana.

During my visit to the mosque, I had the privilege of meeting Muhammad Usman Rahman Ludh Yanvi, the current Shahi Imam of Punjab. Despite his youthful age of 44, he exudes a sense of wisdom and authority, honed by his strong political influence and academic credentials as the first Shahi Imam to hold a PhD.

As we sat down to talk, I asked him, “Imam Sahib, can you tell me more about your family’s history and their role in India’s freedom struggle?”

He smiled, “My great-grandfather, Maulana Habibur Rahman Ludhianvi, was a renowned freedom fighter and scholar. He was a close associate of nationalist leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru, Lala Lajpat Rai, and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. Together, they fought against British colonial rule, advocating for a united and independent India.”

The Imam continued, “My great-grandfather was also a prolific writer and orator. He penned several books on Islamic theology, philosophy, and politics, and was a vocal critic of British colonialism. His speeches and writings inspired a generation of Indians to join the freedom struggle.”

I was intrigued by his story and asked, “Can you tell me more about your great-grandfather’s involvement in the freedom movement?”

The Imam’s eyes lit up with pride, “Maulana Habibur Rahman Ludhianvi was a key figure in the Non-Cooperation Movement and the Quit India Movement. He was arrested several times by the British authorities for his activism, but he never wavered in his commitment to the cause of Indian independence.”

I sensed a deep sense of admiration in the Imam’s voice and asked, “How did your family cope with the partition of India and Pakistan?”

The Imam’s expression turned somber, “The partition was a devastating blow to our family. We were torn apart, with some members migrating to Pakistan while others stayed behind in India. It was a painful separation, one that still resonates with us today.”

As I prepared to leave, I asked him, “What message would you like to convey to the people of India and Pakistan, especially in the context of partition?”

The Imam’s voice was filled with conviction, “Our forefathers fought for a united India, but narrow political interests divided us in the name of religion. I want to tell people that we must look beyond our differences and work towards a more inclusive and harmonious future.”

As I left the mosque, I felt a profound appreciation for the rich history of the Ludhiana Jama Masjid and the enduring legacy of Maulana Habibur Rahman Ludhianvi’s family. The mosque’s ancient walls, bearing witness to centuries of struggle and triumph, stood as a testament to the power of faith, resilience, and the human spirit.

Mujeeb Rahman Kinalur is an author and cultural critic based in Calicut, Kerala.

7 March 2025

Source: countercurrents.org