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By M K Bhadrakumar

India found itself in an uncomfortable situation like a cat on a hot roof at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation event in Tianjin, China, with the Western media hyping up its unlikely role in a troika with Russia and China to chariot the world order toward a brave new era of multipolarity. 

The plain truth is, the real obsession of the Western media was to vilify the US President Donald Trump for having “lost” India by caricaturing a three-way Moscow-Delhi-Beijing partnership as an attempt to conspire against the United States. The target was Trump’s insecure ego, and the intention was to call out his punitive trade tariffs that caused mayhem in the US-Indian relationship. Prime Minister Narendra Modi savoured momentarily in Tianjin the role of a key player at the high table, which plays well before his domestic audience of hardcore nationalists, but a confrontation with the US was the last thing on his mind.

In Tianjin, Modi took a hour-long limo ride in Putin’s custom-made armoured vehicle that created a misperception that the two strongmen were up to something really sinister and big. The extravagant display of “Russia collusion” Modi could have done without. 

To be fair to Putin, he later made ample amends (after Modi returned to Delhi) to make sure Trump was not put out. In front of camera, when asked about an acerbic aside by Trump in a Truth Social post on September 3 wondering whether Putin was “conspiring against the United States of America,” Putin gave this extraordinary explanation: 

“The President of the United States has a sense of humour. It is clear, and everyone is well aware of it. I get along very well with him. We are on a first name basis.

“I can tell you and I hope he will hear me, too: as strange as it may appear, but during these four days, during the most diverse talks in informal and formal settings, no one has ever expressed any negative judgment about the current US administration.

“Second, all of my dialogue partners without exception – I want to emphasise this – all of them were supportive of the meeting in Anchorage. Every single one of them. And all of them expressed hope that the position of President Trump and the position of Russia and other participants in the negotiations will put an end to the armed conflict. I am saying this in all seriousness without irony. 

“Since I am saying this publicly, the whole world will see it and hear it, and this is the best guarantee that I am telling the truth. Why? Because the people whom I have spoken with for four days will hear it, and they will definitely say, “Yes, this is true.” I would have never said this if it were not so, because then I would have put myself in an awkward position in front of my friends, allies and strategic partners. Everything was exactly the way I said it.” 

Modi has something to learn from Putin. But instead, no sooner than Modi returned to Delhi, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar had lined up the most hawkish anti-Russia gang of European politicians to consort with in an ostentatious display of distancing from the Russia-India-China troika. 

In the entire collective West, there is no country today to beat Germany in its hostility toward Russia. All the pent-up hatred toward Russia for inflicting the crushing defeat on Nazi Germany that has been lying dormant for decades in the German subconscious mind has welled up in the most recent years. 

The German Chancellor Friedrich Merz recently said Putin “might be one of the worst war criminals of our era. That is now plain to see. We must be clear on how to deal with war criminals. There is no room for leniency.” 

Merz whose family was associated with Hitler’s Nazi party, has been repeatedly flagging that a war between Germany and Russia is inevitable. He is threatening to hand over long-range Taurus missiles to Ukrainian military to hit deep inside Russia. 

But all this anti-Russian record of Germany didn’t deter Jaishankar from inviting Merz’s foreign minister Johann Wadephul to come to India on a 3-day visit on Monday. Wadephul promptly seized the opportunity to rubbish both Russia and China. He was particularly harsh on China during his joint press conference with Jaishankar. 

Wadephul said in Jaishankar’s presence, “We agree with India and many other countries that we need to defend the international rules-based order, and that we also have to defend it against China. At least that is our clear analysis… But we also see China as a systemic rival. We don’t want that rivalry. We increasingly note that the number of areas is increasing where China has chosen this approach.” 

Wadephul flouted protocol norms and violated diplomatic decorum by making such harsh remarks from Indian soil so soon after Modi and Xi decided to stop viewing each other as adversaries and instead work in partnership. But the curious part was Jaishankar didn’t seem to mind and Modi indeed received the outspoken German diplomat. 

The sequence of events suggest that Delhi is in panic that Modi went overboard in Tianjin. Trump’s close aide Peter Navarro actually used a crude metaphor that Modi “got into bed” with Putin and Xi in Tianjin. Apparently, the poisoned arrow went home. 

Meanwhile, Trump continues to pile pressure on Modi to terminate oil trade with Russia and has threatened that a third and fourth tranche of secondary level tariffs could be expected. He is also putting pressure on the European Union to move in tandem to bring India down on its knees. 

Possibly, Wadephul carried some terse message from Brussels. At any rate, after receiving Wadephul, Modi made a joint 3-way call with the President of the European Council Antonio Costa and President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen on Sep 4 Thursday to emphasise his government’s neutrality in the Ukraine conflict. 

Jaishankar himself called his Ukrainian counterpart Andrii Sybih also to discuss “our bilateral cooperation as well as the Ukraine conflict.” 

Dumping the “Tianjin spirit” so soon is a huge loss of face for India. But the blowback from the West unnerves the government. The point is, the future is still being written. The Global South whose mantle of leadership India claims is also watching. Governments in Asia, Europe and elsewhere still have choices to make, and those will be shaped by India’s actions as much as China’s. 

Why is India’s diplomacy so clumsy-footed? In medical parlance, such clumsiness and foot drop could actually be a nerve condition. So it could be in the practice of strategic autonomy where nerves of steel are required. Modi government freely interprets national interests to suit the exigencies of politics. And it takes ambivalent attitudes without conviction or due deliberation that are unsustainable over a period of time. 

The Indian policymakers do not seem to have the foggiest idea where exactly the country’s long-term interests lie at the present  juncture when  an epochal transition is under way in the world order, as five centuries of western hegemony are drawing to a close. The great lesson of history for us is that resolve brings peace and order, and vacillation invites chaos and conflict.

Former Ambassador M K Bhadrakumar, who played key role in beginning India’s systemic dealings in Afghanistan in 1994, and in handling Mujahideen.

21 September 2025

Source: countercurrents.org

By T Navin

Recently, demonstrations were witnessed in both Australia and the United Kingdom targeting Indian immigrants. In Australia, a coordinated “March for Australia” protest took place on 31 August 2025 across Sydney, Melbourne, and Brisbane. While the rallies were presented as a stand against “mass immigration,” flyers and social media posts explicitly singled out Indians, with one claiming, “More Indians in five years than Greeks and Italians in 100.” Members of the Indian Australian community reported feeling targeted by the fast-growing anti-immigrant groups, sharing experiences of abusive comments and a heightened sense of insecurity in workplaces and public spaces. Protesters argued that the rapid influx of Indians was driving up housing prices, overwhelming hospitals and schools, and straining public transport. They claimed that Indian professionals were accepting lower wages and thereby displacing local workers, while accusing the federal government of favouring corporate interests by “importing workers” to suppress wages. Beyond economic complaints, many marchers warned of an erosion of “traditional Australian values,” framing Indian immigration as a cultural threat.

Similarly, on 7 September 2025, the United Kingdom witnessed massive anti-immigration demonstrations under the banner “Unite the Kingdom”, led by far-right groups. Though framed as a broader protest against immigration, many participants targeted people of South Asian descent—particularly Indians—some of whom were reportedly chased through the streets. Demonstrators made inflammatory statements about boycotting Indian snacks such as onion bhajis and warned that Indian culture had become too deeply woven into British life. Protesters claimed immigrants were taking scarce housing, welfare benefits, and jobs, while online posts accused South Asian communities of failing to integrate. Some even suggested that unchecked immigration would irreversibly change the character of British cities and erode “British culture.”

While such protests capture headlines and emotions, they are not supported by evidence. A substantial body of research from economists, historians, and novelists paints a different picture—one in which migration is not a threat but a source of resilience, innovation, and justice. In Good Economics for Hard Times, Nobel laureates Abhijit Banerjee and Esther Duflo dismantle the myth that migrants depress wages or steal jobs. “The idea that migrants take jobs away from natives is not supported by the data,” they write, citing rigorous studies across multiple countries that show immigrants often fill labour shortages, drive economic growth, and bring dynamism to ageing societies. Isabel Wilkerson’s The Warmth of Other Suns chronicles the Great Migration of African Americans within the United States, illustrating how internal migrants were met with suspicion despite their contributions—a reminder that resentment toward upwardly mobile minorities is a recurring theme in history. Mohsin Hamid’s novel Exit West explores the emotional and existential dimensions of migration, portraying migrants not as invaders but as fellow humans seeking survival and dignity.

Other scholars reinforce this perspective. Steven Gold’s Immigration and the American Dream highlights how immigrants frequently become entrepreneurs, job creators, and cultural bridges. Indian immigrants in the UK and Australia exemplify this reality by running businesses, working in healthcare, and contributing to technology and academia. The Age of Migration by Stephen Castles, Hein de Haas, and Mark J. Miller frames migration as a structural feature of globalization—not a temporary crisis but a permanent and necessary part of modern economies. Anti-Indian demonstrations, the authors argue, misdirect public anger toward individuals while ignoring the systemic economic forces driving global mobility. Suketu Mehta’s This Land Is Our Land: An Immigrant’s Manifesto adds a moral dimension, describing migration as a form of justice and historical reckoning: “They are here because you were there,” he writes, arguing that resistance to migrants from former colonies overlooks the lingering consequences of colonial exploitation.

Indian immigrants themselves present strong arguments to counter these protests. They emphasize their economic contribution, noting that Indians fill critical skill gaps in healthcare, engineering, IT, education, and other sectors where domestic labour cannot meet demand. Far from being a burden, Indians pay taxes, start businesses, and create jobs—often contributing more to economic growth than they draw in social benefits. Many establish small enterprises, from restaurants and grocery stores to tech start-ups, that stimulate local economies. Their migration is based on merit and regulation, not circumvention of the law. Indian migration to Australia and the UK is heavily skills- and education-based, with applicants meeting strict visa criteria. Community leaders stress that Indians are not “taking jobs” illegally but coming through government-designed systems that actively recruit talent. They also highlight demographic realities: both Australia and the UK have ageing populations, and Indian migrants help balance demographics, sustain pension systems, and maintain essential services.

Beyond economics, Indian communities point to their record of social integration and cultural contribution. They participate in civic life, respect law and order, and enrich the cultural landscape with food, festivals, music, and art—ironically illustrated by UK protesters buying Indian snacks during the rallies against immigration. Indian representatives frame the targeting of their community as a violation of human dignity and anti-racist principles, arguing that singling out one ethnic group fuels hate crimes and undermines democratic values of equality and inclusion. Finally, they stress the two-way relationship migration strengthens. Large Indian student and professional communities deepen trade, education, and technological partnerships, benefiting both India and host nations. Personal narratives of long working hours, self-funded education, and responsible citizenship further reinforce the reality that Indian immigrants are contributors, not takers, in their adopted societies.

The recent protests in Australia and the UK may be loud, but they rest on fear rather than fact. Economic research, historical experience, and lived realities all show that Indian immigrants strengthen rather than weaken their host countries. They fill vital skill gaps, support ageing societies, create businesses, and enrich culture—outcomes that benefit everyone. As scholars like Banerjee, Wilkerson, Hamid, Gold, Castles, and Mehta remind us, migration is not a crisis but a cornerstone of modern economies and human progress. The challenge lies not in stopping migration but in nurturing understanding and inclusion, ensuring that fear does not override the shared benefits of a more interconnected world.

T Navin is an independent writer 

21 September 2025

Source: countercurrents.org

By Prof. Junaid S. Ahmad

The decline of American hegemony has elites celebrating “new alliances.” But a NATO of the East is no liberation — it’s just another racket for the ruling class.

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Saudi royals, Pakistan’s military, and India’s rulers all use insecurity as theater. Their alliances protect elites, not the people — and replicate the very empire they denounce.

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Gaza is burning. Children are being buried beneath rubble, hospitals are starved of fuel, and the world watches in horror as one of the most grotesque spectacles of militarism in our time unfolds. And what are the region’s so-called leaders doing in response? Are they building ties to stop the slaughter, to end occupation, to insist that the future of their peoples be one of peace and dignity? No. Saudi princes are signing new defense pacts. Pakistan’s generals are salivating over the prestige of protecting Riyadh. India’s rulers are fretting about their oil flows and plotting new hedges with Washington and Moscow. While Gaza bleeds, the ruling classes of South Asia and the Gulf are cashing in, as though war were not tragedy but opportunity.

What we are witnessing is not a sober recalibration of alliances for the sake of stability. It is an arms bazaar dressed up as geopolitics, a grotesque theater of insecurity in which monarchs, kleptocrats, and demagogues strut across the stage proclaiming themselves protectors while the real project is simpler: entrenching their power, guarding their palaces, and deepening the militarization that immiserates their own people.

The Saudi–Pakistan Pact: A Marriage of Insecurity

The recent defense treaty between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan has been treated in mainstream commentary as a pragmatic step in the shifting sands of global power. But there is nothing pragmatic — much less noble — about one of the world’s most repressive monarchies formalizing its long-cultivated ties with one of the world’s most bloated military establishments. This pact is not about safeguarding people; it is about safeguarding regimes.

Saudi Arabia, long dependent on U.S. protection, is hedging its bets. Pakistan, perpetually in crisis but always armed to the teeth, is only too eager to provide. The symbolism is clear: Riyadh and Islamabad are making their relationship public, with Pakistan stepping forward as the new shield of the kingdom. What this really means is that Saudi oil wealth and Pakistani military might are fusing in a pact that offers their citizens nothing but more militarization.

It is worth remembering that these ties are not new. Saudi Arabia bankrolled Pakistan’s nuclear program decades ago, on the implicit understanding that, if needed, the weapons could be shared. The cozy bond between the House of Saud and the generals is as old as the Cold War, when both countries served as loyal subcontractors for Washington’s empire — funneling arms and money to Afghan mujahideen in the 1980s while their own societies were hollowed out by authoritarianism and austerity. Today’s defense pact is simply the latest iteration of a partnership that has always prioritized regime security over human security.

America’s Fingerprints

Of course, none of this makes sense without reckoning with the elephant in the room: the United States. For nearly eighty years, Washington has been the guarantor of Gulf monarchies. The famous 1945 meeting between Roosevelt and Ibn Saud inaugurated a simple bargain: the U.S. would protect the House of Saud, and the House of Saud would keep the oil flowing. Every bullet fired, every dissident jailed, every bomb dropped on Yemen carries American fingerprints.

Even Pakistan’s role as Saudi Arabia’s hired gun is a legacy of U.S. designs. During the Cold War, Washington encouraged Islamabad to cultivate its role as a regional military power, a counterweight to India, and a convenient proxy in Afghanistan. The Pakistani generals learned their lesson well: military dependency on Washington could always be leveraged into domestic political dominance at home. The result is the garrison state we see today, where the army is both kingmaker and king.

The irony is rich: after decades of relying on U.S. patronage, Riyadh and Islamabad now posture as independent actors striking a new alliance. In truth, they are merely replicating the American model. They are not rejecting U.S. hegemony; they are mimicking it. An “Eastern NATO” in which Pakistan plays enforcer for Saudi Arabia, with China lurking as supplier and Russia nodding along in approval, is no alternative to Western imperialism. It is its mirror image.

India’s Calculus: Oil, Rivalry, and Opportunism

If Pakistan is eager to play bodyguard for Riyadh, India is equally eager to wring geopolitical advantage from the shifting balance. New Delhi’s rulers — who never miss a chance to wrap themselves in the mantle of anti-colonialism while deepening ties with Washington — see Saudi Arabia’s tilt toward Islamabad as a threat. Their nightmare scenario is one in which Gulf oil, upon which India is heavily dependent, becomes entangled in the India–Pakistan rivalry.

India’s likely response is twofold: lean harder on Russia for oil and arms, and cultivate Washington as a hedge. The irony is that while Prime Minister Modi talks endlessly of sovereignty, India remains locked in a game of dependency: dependent on Gulf energy, dependent on Russian weapons, dependent on American markets and diplomatic cover. The “world’s largest democracy” has become adept at hedging, but hedging is not liberation. It is simply another word for opportunism.

Multipolarity Without Justice

This is the great illusion of the current moment: that a so-called multipolar order will inherently be more just than American unipolarity. It will not. When Saudi princes, Pakistani generals, and Indian demagogues talk of multipolarity, they are not envisioning a world of peace, equality, or democracy. They are envisioning a world in which they, too, can act with impunity — buying weapons from China instead of the U.S., striking oil deals with Russia instead of Europe, but always keeping their people in chains.

The tragedy is that this is being sold as progress. Commentators celebrate Saudi Arabia’s diversification as though breaking free from Washington’s orbit were itself emancipatory. But diversification of arms dealers is not liberation. A kingdom armed by Beijing instead of Washington is still a kingdom. A Pakistan serving as Riyadh’s praetorian guard is still a garrison state. An India balancing Moscow and Washington while brutalizing Kashmiris is still a carceral democracy. Multipolarity without justice is simply more poles for the same circus tent of empire.

Militarism as Addiction

The rulers of these states are addicts. Saudi royals are addicted to foreign arms to protect their gilded palaces. Pakistani generals are addicted to their status as defenders of the nation, which conveniently doubles as defenders of their own privileges. Indian rulers are addicted to the performance of strength, forever seeking new allies to shore up their domestic authoritarianism. And the United States — the great pusher in this global narcotics ring — keeps the supply flowing, even as new dealers like China and Russia muscle in on the territory.

Like any addict, these rulers will sacrifice everything for their next hit. Social welfare, public health, workers’ rights, democratic freedoms — all are thrown into the furnace of militarization. The result is grotesque: vast arsenals alongside starving populations, nuclear weapons alongside collapsing healthcare systems, lavish palaces alongside slums without electricity.

The Road Not Taken

But what if the response to Gaza, to U.S. decline, to global insecurity, were different? What if instead of diversifying arms suppliers, these states diversified solidarity? What if instead of building new military alliances, they built new social alliances — binding themselves not by contracts for weapons but by commitments to justice, healthcare, education, and peace?

This is not naïve idealism. It is the only realistic alternative to endless war. Imagine a Saudi Arabia that used its oil wealth not to import missiles but to fund schools from Sana’a to Gaza. Imagine a Pakistan whose generals traded their uniforms for civilian governance and poured their budget into clean water rather than nuclear arsenals. Imagine an India that measured its strength not in warships but in its ability to eradicate poverty. Such a vision is dismissed as utopian, yet the real utopia is the belief that more weapons will bring peace.

The Deadly Joke

The bitter humor of it all is that while rulers congratulate themselves on clever hedges and multipolar maneuvering, their people are not fooled. Everyone knows the new Saudi–Pakistan pact is not about protecting the average Saudi or Pakistani. Everyone knows India’s frantic balancing act is not about securing the average Indian family’s fuel supply. These are games played by elites whose primary fear is not invasion from abroad but uprising from below.

The rulers fear their own people more than they fear each other. That is why they cling to weapons, to alliances, to defense treaties written in the blood of innocents. Militarism is not a shield against foreign enemies; it is a cudgel against domestic democracy.

Conclusion: Not Another NATO

The lesson of NATO has been clear for decades: militarized alliances entrench hegemony, fuel wars, and serve ruling classes. The response to NATO’s decline should not be an “Eastern NATO” or a “NATO of the Global South.” It should be something radically different: cooperation without militarism, alliances without domination, relationships rooted in peace and social justice rather than guns and oil.

Gaza today is the most searing reminder of what militarism produces: rubble, corpses, trauma. For Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and India to respond to this moment with new defense pacts and strategic hedges is not just cynical; it is obscene. If they truly wish to break free from the West’s suffocating grip, they must do more than swap weapons dealers. They must reject militarism itself.

Until then, the princes, generals, and demagogues will keep cashing in — and their people, like Gaza today, will keep bleeding.

Prof. Junaid S. Ahmad teaches Law, Religion, and Global Politics and is the Director of the Center for the Study of Islam and Decolonization (CSID), Islamabad, Pakistan.

21 September 2025

Source: countercurrents.org

By Habib Siddiqui

In October 1973, Arab oil producers led by Saudi Arabia imposed an oil embargo on the United States and other nations backing Israel during the Yom Kippur War. That bold move triggered a global energy crisis and helped bring about a ceasefire. It was a rare moment of Arab assertiveness on the world stage.

Fast forward to today: Israel’s relentless bombardment of Gaza has killed more than 65,000 people—mostly women and children—according to humanitarian sources. A recent UN commission has even accused Israel of committing genocide. Yet, the Arab response has been largely symbolic. Statements of condemnation, calls for restraint, and summits filled with rhetoric have replaced meaningful action. The contrast with 1973 could not be starker.

Since that pivotal year, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries—Saudi Arabia, UAE, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, and Oman—have spent close to half a trillion dollars on Western weapons. According to estimates from the SIPRI Arms Transfers Database:

• Saudi Arabia: $150–200+ billion
• UAE: $50–80+ billion
• Qatar: $30–50+ billion
• Kuwait: $20–30+ billion
• Bahrain & Oman: $10–20+ billion (combined)

Yet, despite this massive investment, not a single GCC country has fired a weapon at Israel since 1973. The only direct military involvement by a Gulf state was a small Saudi contingent in the 1948 Arab-Israeli War—before the GCC even existed.

Meanwhile, Israel has not hesitated to strike targets in GCC countries. In September 2025, Israeli warplanes bombed a location in Doha, Qatar, targeting Hamas leaders and killing several Qatari citizens. This brazen act exposed the vulnerability of even the most well-armed Arab states and the hollowness of their strategic alliances.

So why do GCC countries continue to spend billions on weapons they never use against the region’s most aggressive actor? The answer lies in the geopolitical narrative shaped by Western powers. The USA and its allies have long portrayed Iran, Iraq, and other Shi’a-majority nations as the primary threats to Gulf stability. Western arms sales are marketed not just as tools of defense but as symbols of prestige and political alignment.

Citizens are rarely told that these contracts often include restrictions on how and where the weapons can be used—especially against Israel. Using Western-supplied arms against Israel would likely trigger sanctions, loss of military support, and diplomatic fallout. GCC leaders are reminded of Iran’s fate since the fall of the Shah in 1979—a cautionary tale of defiance punished by isolation.

Even more troubling is the lack of protection these alliances offer. The United States, which maintains military bases across the Gulf, did not warn Qatari leaders about the impending Israeli strike in Doha. The so-called safety net proved worthless. The U.S. response was muted, and no action was taken against Israel. The message was clear: when Israel attacks, even America’s closest Arab allies are left exposed.

President Joe Biden has openly called Israel a “God-send” for the United States. He once remarked that if Israel didn’t exist, America would have to invent it. President Donald Trump is even more unabashed in his support for Israel. His daughter Ivanka converted to Judaism, and his son-in-law Jared Kushner—a deeply connected Orthodox Jewish real estate mogul—played a central role in shaping Trump’s Middle East policy. Trump’s designation of Qatar as a Major Non-NATO Ally in 2022 did little to shield it from Israeli aggression. Qatari officials were informed of the airstrike only ten minutes after it occurred.

So what good are trillions of dollars in weapons if GCC countries won’t defend their own sovereignty, let alone protect Palestinians from Israeli aggression? Qatar didn’t retaliate. Instead, it convened a summit in Doha to discuss the attack.

The result? A familiar spectacle of unity and impotence.

Leaders from the Arab League and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), joined by representatives from Indonesia to Senegal, gathered in Doha to express solidarity. The summit concluded with a strongly worded communique condemning Israel and reaffirming support for Qatar. But beyond the rhetoric, there were no sanctions, no diplomatic breaks, no economic pressure—just words.

It was a stark reminder that 0 + 0 + 0 + … + 0 still equals 0.

At the summit, Gulf leaders called on the United States to rein in Israel. Jasem Mohamed al-Budaiwi, Secretary General of the GCC, urged Washington to use its “leverage and influence” to stop Israeli aggression. But such appeals are increasingly disconnected from reality. Trump’s recent comment—“it’s up to Israel what it does in Gaza”—underscored the futility of expecting restraint from Washington.

Hours after the summit ended, Israeli forces launched a new ground offensive in Gaza City, undeterred by regional condemnation.

When will Arab leaders learn that they cannot rely on a fox to guard a henhouse? Appeasing and paying protection money to those who enable mass murder is not diplomacy—it’s complicity.

The Doha summit laid bare the limits of Arab diplomacy. Despite their oil wealth, modern infrastructure, and global investments, Gulf states have failed to convert economic power into political leverage. This impotence is not just a failure of strategy—it reflects a deeper structural weakness. Without the will or ability to challenge U.S. policy or impose costs on Israel, Arab states are left issuing statements that carry little weight.

As the humanitarian crisis in Gaza deepens and international outrage grows, the Arab world faces a moment of reckoning. Will it continue to rely on symbolic gestures and appeals to Western powers? Or will it rediscover the assertiveness it once wielded in 1973?

For now, the answer seems clear. The communique from Doha may have expressed solidarity—but it did nothing to stop the bombs from falling.

Habib Siddiqui is a peace and human rights activist.

21 September 2025

Source: countercurrents.org

By Dr Marwan Asmar

The current Israeli military onslaught on Gaza is so fierce that hundreds of thousands of Palestinian have already left the downtrodden city. It is a ramshackle place that is once again becoming a ghost town of debris as once-plush residential towers are now beaten down by Israeli bombs with the stench of gun-powder and sick human flesh that lies hidden below the rubble.

Israel’s latest attempt to invade Gaza City started on 16 September, 2025 and since then it has been bombing the once-dazzling urban conurbation from the air, land, and sea, causing widespread destruction and significant civilian casualties, whilst creating yet another mad wave of displacement to the south of the Strip.

Figures of forced displacement are not precise but the city a, conglomerate of 1.3 million people, has been reduced by much less. The Israeli army likes to boost of its handiwork. After the first week of ariel bombardment, it said 40 percent of the population has left, and today it says that 450,000 people have gone. The Gaza Media Office puts the number at only 270,000.

Despite the Israeli leaflets dropped from the air telling people to leave Palestinian sources still say that around 900,000 are staying put. Many say they are not going anywhere because of the limited space down in the south, and the fact it costs $3000 dollars to get down there, something which they don’t have.

One put it bluntly and callously, accepting fate as it comes. “Since, we are going to die anyway through Israeli bombs, it’s better to die here,” he added. The acceptance of fate however may be related to the fact that some of the people may have moved up to 20 times since the war started on Gaza soon after 7 October, 2023.  

Last Thursday, World Health Organization (WHO) chief Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus said that the Israeli assault, currently centred on Gaza City, is “driving new waves of displacement, forcing traumatised families into an ever-shrinking area unfit for human dignity”.

“The injured and people with disabilities cannot move to safety, which puts their lives in grave danger,” Tedros said. “We call for an immediate end to these inhumane conditions. “We call for an immediate end to these inhumane conditions. We call for a ceasefire.”

Case stories of thick swarves of displaced people speak of hellish conditions as they can be seen on the Al Rasheed Road connecting the north of the Gaza Strip to its southern side. If people can afford they can use transport but many, including whole families of men, women and children  are moving on foot, hungry, with no water and many collapsing on the road as some have been moving for hours on end. For night rest, they make do with resting their limbs, again with no food on the sides of the road.

The social media have been rife with stories about forcibly displaced Palestinians on the road. Many of them say they don’t know where they are going, although the end of the road is to Al Mowasi, an area to the southwest of Khan Younis and which the Israeli has designated as a “safe” place but which it keeps bombing from the air whenever it feels like it.

One elderly man called Abu Nader Siam, walks slowly holding a cane in his right hand with his wife, Zakia Siam, at his left.  He is exhausted as reported in the UN News.

“I come from the Tal al-Hawa neighborhood in Gaza City. They [Israelis] have left no house or neighbourhood except to bomb it,” he said. “The shelling continues, and they have dropped leaflets ordering us to evacuate. We walked for six hours because we couldn’t find a car or any transportation.”

Zakia Siam spoke about their non-stop journey after the shelling reduced their house to rubble. “We went to the Shujaiya neighbourhood, and then we were displaced to the Sha’af neighbourhood in Gaza City before it was bombed,” his wife said. 

“Afterwards, we went to the seashore west of Gaza City and my husband and I stayed there for two nights without a tent. We sat on the sidewalk next to the tents and hid next to one of them, then continued walking.”

Another civilian, Mrs. Um Shadi al-Ashkar, carried a bag of belongings as she headed for southern Gaza.  “There is death, shelling, bombing and destruction of houses (in Gaza City),” she said.

“Even if they had dropped leaflets, if there had been no shelling, no one would have left Gaza City, they would have stayed in their homes. But there is death and devastation.”

The fight for Gaza city is in full-swing. The Israeli army knows what its up against, adding it could take months, or even up to a year to completely take over the city from Palestinian resistance groups. Meanwhile, they know the city is a Hamas stronghold which they can’t railroad through their tanks. That is why for the time being they put the ground invasion on hold and bombing the city from the air and sea.

Dr Marwan Asmar is a writer from Amman, Jordan and blogs at crossfirearabia.com

21 September 2025

Source: countercurrents.org

By Quds News Network

Gaza (QNN)- The last remaining lifelines for civilians in Gaza City, including shelters and aid crossings, are collapsing as Israel intensifies its assault, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) has warned, amid plans to occupy the city and forcibly displace more than one million residents.

In five days, 11 UNRWA shelters housing 11,000 people were hit by Israel, OCHA said. More than one million people have been displaced since Israel broke the March ceasefire, including 200,000 in the last month and 56,000 since Sunday alone, OCHA added.

Aid agencies are delivering wheat flour, food parcels, and nearly 560,000 meals daily, but OCHA confirmed that Israel of “systematically blocking” efforts, citing Israel’s closure of the Zikim crossing in northen Gaza and bans on certain food items.

“Opportunities to support starving people are being systematically blocked. Every week, new restrictions are imposed,” the agency said.

The World Health Organization (WHO) also warned that Gaza’s hospitals are on the “brink of collapse”.

On Thursday, WHO chief Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus said that the Israeli assault, currently centred on Gaza City, is “driving new waves of displacement, forcing traumatised families into an ever-shrinking area unfit for human dignity”.

“The injured and people with disabilities cannot move to safety, which puts their lives in grave danger,” Tedros said. “We call for an immediate end to these inhumane conditions. We call for a ceasefire.”

According to reports, only two hospitals in the enclave’s largest city, al-Shifa and al-Ahli, remain partially functional.

What Is Happening in Gaza City?

Hundreds of Palestinians are being forcibly displaced each day by Israel’s ongoing, indiscriminate bombing of Gaza City, which is killing dozens of civilians daily.

Families are fleeing south, following Israeli threats to head to the so-called ‘safe zone’ of al-Mawasi, an area that is overcrowded and has been repeatedly targeted by Israeli forces.

According to local sources on the ground, Gaza City is being systematically emptied, building by building, family by family.

Sources added that Israeli forces have intensified their attacks on Gaza City, destroying dozens of residential buildings and shelters.

Gaza’s Government Media Office said on Sunday Israel has carried out “systematic bombing of towers, residential buildings, schools and civilian institutions with the aim of extermination and forced displacement” as its offensive on Gaza City continues.

“While it claims to be targeting the resistance, the field realities prove beyond doubt that the occupation deliberately and according to a clear methodology bombs schools, mosques, hospitals and medical centres, destroys towers and residential buildings, destroys displaced persons’ tents, and targets the headquarters of various institutions including international institutions working in the humanitarian field,” it said in a statement.

Civil Defense spokesperson Mahmoud Basal said, “What is falling on Gaza is not just missiles, but barrels of fire and destructive volcanic lava that burn the land and everything on it.”

This comes amid Israeli plans to occupy Gaza City and ethnically cleansing the northern city of its residents by forcibly displacing them.

Heavy bombardment pounded the city, and forces began moving in from the outskirts after weeks of deadly strikes.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu confirmed the launch of “a powerful operation in Gaza” that began on Tuesday, dubbed Gideon’s Chariots 2.

The deadly assault on Gaza City was met with celebration in Israel, as Defense Minister Israel Katz said that “Gaza [City] is burning.”

The offensive began the same day that independent experts commissioned by the United Nations Human Rights Council confirmed that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza.

“Cataclysmic”

The United Nations said the offensive has forced hundreds of Palestinians south, deepening an already catastrophic humanitarian crisis.

Olga Cherevko, spokesperson for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, said that conditions are “nothing short of cataclysmic”.

“There is a constant stream of people making their way from the north, with many walking the 22km [14 miles] to the al-Mawasi ‘humanitarian zone’ – as labelled by Israel – on foot,” she said.

“The hygiene conditions are so dire that, of course, they lead to a massive spread of diseases, skin rashes and all sorts of public health crises.”

Rooted to Their Land

Despite repeated Israeli forced displacement threats and relentless bombardment, Gaza’s Government Media Office confirmed on Tuesday that more than one million Palestinians in the north of the enclave remain “rooted” to their land.

The Office said out of 1.3 million people in Gaza City and towns to its north, about 190,000 have fled to the south while 15,000 returned to the north due to the dire conditions in the areas that the Israeli military had designated as “safe zones”.

The local authorities noted that Israel has been regularly attacking Rafah and al-Mawasi near Khan Younis, where it told people to flee.

“These areas completely lack the basic necessities of life, with no hospitals, no infrastructure, and no essential services such as water, food, shelter, electricity or education, making living there almost impossible,” the Office said in a statement.

This area amounts to no more than 12 percent of the total area of the Gaza Strip, it added, noting Israeli occupation is “trying to forcibly confine over 1.7 million people within this limited space, as part of a broader plan to establish what are effectively ‘concentration camps.’”

“This is part of a systematic policy of forced displacement aimed at emptying northern Gaza and Gaza City of their residents, a clear war crime and a crime against humanity, in blatant violation of international law and international humanitarian law.”

19 September 2025

Source: countercurrents.org

By Stephen Prager

Israel’s airstrikes on a media complex in Yemen last week resulted in the largest single attack on journalists the world has seen in 16 years, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists.

In a report released Friday, the group said that 31 journalists from two government-run newspapers based in Sana’a were killed in the strikes on September 10, along with four others, including one child.

Nasser Al-Khadri, editor-in-chief of the newspaper 26 September, called the attack on his newsroom an “unprecedented massacre of journalists.”

“It is a brutal and unjustified attack that targeted innocent people whose only crime was working in the media field, armed with nothing but their pens and words,” Al-Khadri told the CPJ.

According to CPJ, it was the second-largest attack on the press they’ve ever recorded, and the worst since 2009, when 32 journalists were massacred as part of a political ambush in the Philippines.

The Israeli government has often defended its attacks on civilian infrastructure by claiming that it houses militants. But in these strikes, the IDF’s media desk acknowledged that it was targeting what it referred to as the “Public Relations Department” for the Houthis, also known as Ansar-Allah.

Shortly after Israel’s genocidal war in Gaza began in 2023, the militant group, which controls large parts of Yemen, began to launch drone and missile strikes against shipping vessels in the Red Sea and directly against Israel in what they have described as an effort to support Palestinians under fire. They have said they will stop these attacks when Israel reaches an agreement with Hamas to end the war in Gaza.

Israel has repeatedly bombed Yemen in recent weeks, including launching a strike on its main airport and large amounts of civilian infrastructure. On the same day it bombed the media complex, it also hit residential areas in Sana’a as well as a medical facility.

In a post on X, the official account for the Israel Defense Forces justified striking the newspapers by saying that they are “responsible for distributing and disseminating propaganda messages in the media, including speeches by Houthi leader Abdul-Malik and statements from spokesman Yahya Saree.” For this reason, Israel described the journalists as “military targets.”

But the CPJ says that “as civilians, journalists are protected under international law, including those working for state-run or armed group-affiliated outlets, unless they take direct part in hostilities.”

Niku Jafarnia, a Bahrain and Yemen researcher for Human Rights Watch, explained in more detail on Monday:

Radio and television facilities are civilian objects and cannot be targeted. They are legitimate targets only if they are used in a way that makes an “effective contribution to military action.” However, civilian broadcasting facilities are not rendered legitimate military targets simply because they are pro-Houthi or anti-Israel, or report on the laws of war violations by one side or the other, as this does not directly contribute to military operations.

Al-Khadri said that Israel’s strikes hit his newsroom around 4:45 pm, right when staff were finishing up the publication of the weekly paper.

Mohammed al-Basha, a Yemen analyst, noted that “Since it is a weekly publication, not a daily one, staff were gathered at the publishing house to prepare for distribution, significantly increasing the number of people present in the compound.”

The CPJ classified the 31 journalists killed in the strike as having been “murdered” by Israel, meaning that they were deliberately targeted specifically for their work. Over the past decade, the group says, 1 in 6 of the world’s murdered journalists have been killed by Israel.

While estimates from different groups vary, Israel’s war in Gaza is considered by far the deadliest conflict in the world for journalists, with more killed than any other conflict in the world combined. In August, the CPJ reported that 192 journalists, nearly all Palestinians, have been killed since October 7, 2023, while other groups put the death toll even higher.

In attacks last month that drew similar worldwide condemnation, Israel conducted what was described as a “double tap” strike on Khan Younis’ Nasser Hospital aimed at killing first responders who arrived after the first strike. Twenty people were killed in total, including rescue workers and at least five journalists.

Not long before, Israel carried out the targeted assassination of Al Jazeera correspondent Anas al-Sharif and five other journalists, claiming without evidence that they were part of “a Hamas terrorist cell.”

“Since October 7, 2023, Israel has emerged as a regional killer of journalists, with repeated incidents in Gaza, Lebanon, Iran, and now Yemen confirming Israel’s longstanding pattern of labeling journalists as terrorists or propagandists to justify their killings,” said CPJ regional program leaderSara Qudah.

“Israel’s September 10 strikes on two newspaper offices in Yemen marks an alarming escalation, extending Israel’s war on journalism far beyond the genocide in Gaza,” Qudah said. “This latest killing spree is not only a grave violation of international law, but also a terrifying warning to journalists across the region: no place is safe.”

Stephen Prager is a staff writer for Common Dreams.

20 September 2025

Source: countercurrents.org

By Dr. Ramzy Baroud 

In several influential European countries, solidarity with Gaza and the Palestinian people is finally translating into action. Though such action may seem belated to the tens of thousands of lives lost in the genocide-stricken Strip, it is, nonetheless, critical for the future of the Palestinian cause. 

The political shift underway in Europe is a development of strategic importance. This is not because Europe’s voice carries a higher value on the scale of global solidarity, but because of the central role the continent has historically played in the inception of Israel, as well as the sustained political and financial support for its settler-colonial project.

For decades, this support has provided a political and economic shield, allowing Israel to operate outside the bounds of international law. As Europe forms a core part of the Western political, legal, and economic landscape, any fundamental shift in perception here, coupled with the deeply embedded solidarity in the Global South, could finally serve as the catalysts needed to isolate Israel on the international stage—a critical prerequisite for badly needed accountability.

Though Ireland has historically served as a model of sensible and ethical politics on Palestine, other examples cannot be overlooked. They include Sweden, Norway, Belgium, and Slovenia. These countries’ positions, especially since the start of the Israeli genocide in Gaza, have been largely shaped by the degree of popular protests and civil society mobilization. Their actions, though varied, signal a growing chasm between European public opinion and the traditional pro-Israel policies of many governments.

Spain, however, represents a critical and comprehensive case. The change underway in Madrid is a near-ideal model because it is built on three interconnected pillars: a vibrant and well-organized, civil-society-based solidarity; a fundamental change in official political discourse and, most importantly, meaningful, quantifiable action.  

On June 6, 2024, Spain made a bold and historic move by formally deciding to join South Africa’s case at the International Court of Justice, accusing Israel of committing genocide against the Palestinian people. That step, though moral and logical, was particularly significant when compared to the positions of other major European powers. Germany, for instance, has labored to defend Israel against such an accusation, while Britain, through its Foreign Minister David Lammy, argued that the UK was not yet convinced Israel’s actions constituted genocide.

Spain’s current position was not entirely a surprise. It was a culmination of a shifting political attitude that had been building for some time. In November 2023, then-Minister for Social Rights, Ione Belarra, openly accused Israel of “planned genocide” in a powerful speech. This public declaration marked a significant shift in official discourse, moving beyond polite diplomatic platitudes to a language of moral clarity.

This new discourse ultimately led to Madrid’s recognition of Palestine as a state, a joint declaration that included Ireland and Norway. The decision not only added to the growing list of nations recognizing Palestinian statehood but also opened the stage for yet more similar recognitions. While some countries are using their position on a Palestinian state as a distracting tactic from their failure to take any punitive action, Spain’s actions appear to be on a different political wavelength. Indeed, on September 8, Spain declared a set of new sanctions against Israel, including a ban on weapons sales and a prohibition on military ships carrying equipment from using Spanish ports.

For many in Spain, even these steps are seen as too paltry and insignificant in the face of a war that has wiped out more than 20,000 children. The Spanish people are right to expect more meaningful steps from their government, and their demands are rooted in a history specific to Spain’s collective experience.

In 1974, Spain joined many countries in the Global South in voting in favor of UN General Assembly Resolutions 3236 and 3237, which recognized Palestinian self-determination. A few years later, Prime Minister Adolfo Suarez made a historic gesture by receiving PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat in Madrid. These initial gestures of support continued for a time. However, following the Madrid Talks, Spain slowly rebranded itself as a neutral intermediary, eventually repeating the same European rhetoric about Israel’s “right to defend itself” and the like.

Spain’s ability to maintain this position was made possible, in part, by the fact that the Palestinian Authority was far more concerned about maintaining its status as the official representative of the Palestinian people — and the international funds and legitimacy that came with it — than with holding Israel accountable to international law. Then, it seemed impractical for civil society to try to hold its government to higher standards than those demanded by the Palestinian leadership itself.

The Israeli genocide in Gaza, however, shattered that dynamic. The unceasing Israeli extermination campaign in Gaza, and the Palestinian resistance in the Strip, rendered the PA virtually irrelevant on the global stage and recentered Gaza as the true representative of the Palestinian collective experience and the full extent of Israel’s criminal actions.

This meant that the Spanish people themselves became partly in charge of their government’s position on Palestine. In September 2024, over 200 trade unions and NGOs called for a 24-hour general strike, raising the ceiling of their demands to the complete severance of all political, economic, and military ties with Israel. Every step taken by Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez’s government since has been a direct response to, and an attempt to satisfy, these demands.

What is taking place in Spain is true grassroots solidarity, unburdened by doublespeak or political bravado. It is a genuine civil society action centered on a shared historical experience and struggle against state-sponsored violence and fascism. While every nation has a unique story, the Spanish experience is proving to be a model worthy of study, emulation, and certainly of deep respect.

Dr. Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. 

19 September 2025

Source: countercurrents.org

By Claudia Aranda

20 Sep 2025 – Francesca Albanese, UN Special Rapporteur for the Occupied Palestinian Territories, has issued one of the most severe and painful denunciations in recent years: the real number of deaths in Gaza exceeds 680,000, more than ten times the officially reported figure. Of those victims, roughly half would be children and 75% women and minors. These figures are staggering, yet they represent a cruel truth that demands to be heard and fully understood.

How can one explain this abyssal gap between official figures and what appears to be reality? The answer is simple and devastating: Gaza is almost entirely destroyed. More than 66% of its infrastructure lies in ruins, and in Gaza City, that destruction reaches 70–75%. Homes, buildings, hospitals, schools, roads—the essential service network has been shattered by bombings that reduced entire neighborhoods to rubble. With the strip hermetically sealed, with no access for international observers or technically trained and calm rescue teams to remove remains, a physical count of corpses is impossible.

Thus, the figure of 65,000 dead that circulates officially corresponds only to those recovered and registered in hospitals or morgues. What is missing—what truly hurts—are those left beneath the rubble, bodies the world has not yet been able to count or even bury with dignity. And when comparing that figure with the 1.5 million internally displaced persons out of the 2.2 million who inhabited Gaza at the start of the siege, whose movement can be tracked, the conclusion is chilling: we are missing 680,000 souls.

Violence has struck mercilessly even those who work to save lives and tell the story. Albanese details that 1,581 health workers, 346 UN employees—mainly from UNRWA—and 252 journalists attempting to document the tragedy have died in Gaza, a record figure in any conflict. These numbers reveal a systematic campaign not only of civilian extermination but also of silencing and erasing those able to bear witness.

Despite all this, the international community has failed to act with the urgency needed to stop the tragedy. Albanese highlights three countries that, far from condemning or suspending support, continue backing Israel, particularly with weapons: the United States, the United Kingdom, and Germany. These states not only maintain military trade but also enable the constant replenishment of the arsenal used to carry out this genocide.

In addition, the rapporteur warns that more than 10,000 Palestinians are being arbitrarily detained under inhumane conditions, subjected to torture and starvation, and that 75 prisoners have died in Israeli custody over the past 710 days. The level of dehumanization is total: deaths in the West Bank also continue to rise, alongside forced expulsions and the advance of Israeli annexations, which further exacerbate the Palestinian crisis regionally.

It is impossible to imagine that these people have simply fled; Gaza is sealed off like a concentration and extermination camp, where the population has no safe routes and no possible escape. Children, women, and men, all trapped under a genocide that cannot be concealed and yet is systematically denied by its perpetrators and their international allies.

Not even the most horrific natural disasters, such as the Southeast Asian tsunami, exemplify this scale of mass human destruction under constant exclusion, blockade, and oppression. Comparing the numbers with that natural tragedy provides clarity: in both cases, victims disappeared under rubble or waters made it impossible to physically count each victim, yet the demographic devastation remains glaring.

With 710 days of accumulated horror, and those more than 1,500 humanitarian workers dead—let me underline this point—the 252 journalists killed while trying to recount the catastrophe, and the thousands of prisoners tortured or killed in detention, Francesca Albanese stresses that this is a story that can no longer be ignored or minimized.

As an editorialist, I dare to say there is no possible neutrality in the face of this human catastrophe. We are missing 680,000 souls, and their names must be spoken, their lives honored with justice, not with an imposed silence. The international community bears the urgent responsibility to act not merely with words but with decisive measures to stop this genocide and repair, insofar as possible, the damage inflicted.

Today, Gaza speaks to us not only with numbers and statistics, but with the absence of its dead—mothers, children, the elderly who still have no rest. And it is that call for memory and justice that must echo in every corner of the world.

22 September 2025

Source: transcend.org

By UN News

16 Sep 2025 – Senior independent rights investigators appointed by the UN Human Rights Council alleged today that Israel’s actions in Gaza constitute genocide, a charge flatly rejected by Tel Aviv.

In a new report published against the backdrop of intensifying Israeli military operations in Gaza City, the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Jerusalem, and Israel, urged Israel and all countries to fulfil their obligations under international law “to end the genocide” and punish those responsible.

“The Commission finds that Israel is responsible for the commission of genocide in Gaza,” insisted Navi Pillay, Chair of the Commission. “It is clear that there is an intent to destroy the Palestinians in Gaza through acts that meet the criteria set forth in the Genocide Convention.”

Israel’s Ambassador to the UN in Geneva, Danny Meron, dismissed the Commission’s “cherry-picked” findings outright, maintaining that the 70-plus page report “promotes a narrative serving Hamas and its supporters in attempting to delegitimize and demonize the state of Israel. The report falsely accuses Israel of genocidal intent, an allegation it cannot substantiate.”

At a press conference in Geneva, the Commission of Inquiry’s members Ms. Pillay and Chris Sidoti – who are not UN staff but instead appointed by the Human Rights Council’s 47 Member States – explained that their investigations into the war in Gaza beginning with Hamas-led terror attacks in Israel on 7 October 2023 had led to the conclusion that Israeli authorities and security forces “committed four of the five genocidal acts defined by the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide”.

These acts are:

• killing,
• causing serious bodily or mental harm,
• deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about the destruction of the Palestinians, and
• imposing measures intended to prevent births.

[https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=COPqRteUaDI]

Ms. Pillay maintained that responsibility for the atrocity crimes “lies with Israeli authorities at the highest echelons”, amid “explicit statements” denigrating Palestinians by Israeli civilian and military authorities.

The Commission also analysed conduct of Israeli authorities and the Israeli security forces in Gaza, “including imposing starvation and inhumane conditions of life for Palestinians in Gaza…genocidal intent was the only reasonable inference that could be concluded from the nature of their operations”, the panel said.

Methodical examination

The Commission’s assertion follows its review of Israeli military operations in Gaza, “including killing and seriously harming unprecedented numbers of Palestinians” and the imposition of a “total siege, including blocking humanitarian aid leading to starvation”, it said.

According to the UN aid coordination wing, OCHA, nearly one million people remain in Gaza City, famine has been confirmed there, and residents face daily bombardment and “compromised access to means of survival after the Israeli military placed the entire city under a displacement order”.

For its latest report, the panel also examined what it called the “systematic destruction” of healthcare and education in Gaza and “systematic” acts of sexual and gender-based violence against Palestinians.

Justice call

In addition, the Commission of Inquiry reviewed the alleged “direct targeting” of children and Israel’s “disregarding [of] the orders of the International Court of Justice, which issued an order in March 2024 that Israel should take ‘all necessary and effective measures to ensure…the unhindered provision at scale by all concerned of urgently needed basic services and humanitarian assistance to Palestinians throughout Gaza’”.

“The international community cannot stay silent on the genocidal campaign launched by Israel against the Palestinian people in Gaza,” said Ms. Pillay.

“When clear signs and evidence of genocide emerge, the absence of action to stop it amounts to complicity,” she added.

“All States are under a legal obligation to use all means that are reasonably available to them to stop the genocide in Gaza.”

Qatari dimension

In a related development on Tuesday, the Human Rights Council shuffled its schedule to make way for an urgent debate on last week’s Israeli strike on Hamas’s political leadership in Qatar.

The strike targeted a neighbourhood of the Qatari capital, Doha, reportedly killing six people including five members of Hamas and prompting widespread condemnation including from the Security Council and Secretary-General.

In a statement, António Guterres spoke out against what he called a “flagrant violation” of Qatari sovereignty and territorial integrity.

And at a Security Council meeting called in response to the strike, the UN’s political affairs chief told ambassadors the attack in violation of Qatar’s sovereignty was a serious threat to regional peace and security. It also undermined international mediation efforts to end the war in Gaza and return the hostages, said Rosemary DiCarlo.

22 September 2025

Source: transcend.org