The Nay Pyi Taw Declaration adopted by the 10 member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) at the end of the 24th ASEAN Summit at Nay Pyi Taw, the capital of Myanmar, on the 11th of May 2014, may turn out to be one of the regional grouping’s most significant documents.
The Declaration spells out, albeit in general terms, a unified position on the contentious issue of the territorial disputes between China, on the one hand, and various ASEAN states, on the other, pertaining to the South China Sea (SCS). It calls upon all parties involved in competing claims on the SCS to exercise self-restraint and to refrain from using force or taking action that will escalate tension. At the same time, the Declaration urges both China and ASEAN to implement effectively the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the SCS (DOC) in accordance with international law. It seeks an early conclusion of the Code of Conduct (COC) in the SCS which is what the DOC is supposed to lead to.
A unified position might not have emerged if Vietnam and the Philippines were not incensed by what they perceived as provocative Chinese behaviour in the SCS. China had moved an oil-drilling rig in early May into waters also claimed by Hanoi, off the Paracel Islands. It is alleged that Chinese vessels had then attacked Vietnamese boats. The Philippines had accused China of poaching in waters that are also claimed by the former. 11 crew members of the poaching boat were subsequently arrested by Philippine maritime authorities. Both the Vietnamese and Philippine delegations at the Nay Pyi Taw Summit lobbied hard for a united stand. It will be recalled that in the 2012 Summit held in Phnom Penh ASEAN leaders failed to come up with a consensus on the maritime issue.
It is critically important for China to understand ASEAN’s unified stand this time. ASEAN is a region that China cannot afford to antagonise. The friendship and respect of its neighbour is vital for China’s emergence as a major global player. It should never give the impression to any of the ASEAN states that it seeks to dominate and control any individual state or the region. It is partly because the Soviet Union dominated Eastern Europe, part of its neighbourhood, during the Soviet era that the states in that region and even those within the Soviet Union eventually threw off the yoke and asserted their independence.
Likewise, it is because of the United States’ relentless drive for hegemony over Latin America to the south of its border that a significant number of states in the region have revolted against US power and are now carving out their own collective path to the future. It would be in China’s own interest therefore to show greater empathy for the position of various ASEAN states in disputes over the SCS and to abide by international law.
Just as China needs to empathise with ASEAN, so should ASEAN develop a genuine bond of fraternity with its huge neighbour to the north. It is a bond that should go beyond trade, investment and tourism. Through education, culture and science, ASEAN should endeavour to add depth and breadth to its relationship with China. Malaysia which commemorates the 40th year of its diplomatic ties with China this May, and assumes the Chair of ASEAN next year, should be in the forefront of this mission.
While the ASEAN-China bond is crucial, the Nay Pyi Taw Declaration also signals an opportunity to strengthen unity and solidarity within ASEAN itself. Achieving political consensus on controversial and divisive issues facing the grouping has always been a challenge. It has now taken a small but significant step. It should build upon this minor accomplishment.
In more concrete language, ASEAN should try to develop a common policy position on its relations with China on the one hand and the US on the other. This is admittedly an arduous task given the differences in attitudes towards the two powers among ASEAN states. Nonetheless, it is imperative that we make the effort. There is no guarantee that the relationship between China and the US will not take a turn for the worse in the future. When the US feels that China’s ascendancy — not just in the economic sphere — is a direct threat to its desire for global hegemony, it may seek to confront China. This may see the ASEAN region which is vital to both China and the US in terms of the assertion of their geopolitical and geo-economic power, transformed into a cockpit of conflict. And ASEAN states may be forced to choose between the antagonists. This is why evolving a shared perspective on the role of the US and China in the region which may prevent ASEAN from being torn asunder is of paramount significance. Through sincere dialogue among not only political leaders and government officials but also between other sectors of society in ASEAN we may be able to craft a common position vis-a-vis the US and China.
This is a better path to take than to forge quasi-military alliances and security pacts with one side or the other which will only expedite the very conflict that we want to avoid.
Dr. Chandra Muzaffar is the President of the International Movement for a Just World (JUST).
Malaysia.
13 May 2014.