Just International

Terror in Britain: What Did the Prime Minister Know?

By John Pilger

The unsayable in Britain’s general election campaign is this. The causes of the Manchester atrocity, in which 22 mostly young people were murdered by a jihadist, are being suppressed to protect the secrets of British foreign policy.

Critical questions – such as why the security service MI5 maintained terrorist “assets” in Manchester and why the government did not warn the public of the threat in their midst – remain unanswered, deflected by the promise of an internal “review”.

The alleged suicide bomber, Salman Abedi, was part of an extremist group, the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group, that thrived in Manchester and was cultivated and used by MI5 for more than 20 years.

The LIFG is proscribed by Britain as a terrorist organisation which seeks a “hardline Islamic state” in Libya and “is part of the wider global Islamist extremist movement, as inspired by al-Qaida”.

The “smoking gun” is that when Theresa May was Home Secretary, LIFG jihadists were allowed to travel unhindered across Europe and encouraged to engage in “battle”: first to remove Mu’ammar Gadaffi in Libya, then to join al-Qaida affiliated groups in Syria.

Last year, the FBI reportedly placed Abedi on a “terrorist watch list” and warned MI5 that his group was looking for a “political target” in Britain. Why wasn’t he apprehended and the network around him prevented from planning and executing the atrocity on 22 May?

These questions arise because of an FBI leak that demolished the “lone wolf” spin in the wake of the 22 May attack – thus, the panicky, uncharacteristic outrage directed at Washington from London and Donald Trump’s apology.

The Manchester atrocity lifts the rock of British foreign policy to reveal its Faustian alliance with extreme Islam, especially the sect known as Wahhabism or Salafism, whose principal custodian and banker is the oil kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Britain’s biggest weapons customer.

This imperial marriage reaches back to the Second World War and the early days of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. The aim of British policy was to stop pan-Arabism: Arab states developing a modern secularism, asserting their independence from the imperial west and controlling their resources.  The creation of a rapacious Israel was meant to expedite this. Pan-Arabism has since been crushed; the goal now is division and conquest.

In 2011, according to Middle East Eye, the LIFG in Manchester were known as the “Manchester boys”.  Implacably opposed to Mu’ammar Gadaffi, they were considered high risk and a number were under Home Office control orders – house arrest – when anti-Gadaffi demonstrations broke out in Libya, a country forged from myriad tribal enmities.

Suddenly the control orders were lifted. “I was allowed to go, no questions asked,” said one LIFG member. MI5 returned their passports and counter-terrorism police at Heathrow airport were told to let them board their flights.

The overthrow of Gaddafi, who controlled Africa’s largest oil reserves, had been long been planned in Washington and London. According to French intelligence, the LIFG made several assassination attempts on Gadaffi in the 1990s – bank-rolled by British intelligence.  In March 2011, France, Britain and the US seized the opportunity of a “humanitarian intervention” and attacked Libya. They were joined by Nato under cover of a UN resolution to “protect civilians”.

Last September, a House of Commons Foreign Affairs Select Committee inquiry concluded that then Prime Minister David Cameron had taken the country to war against Gaddafi on a series of “erroneous assumptions” and that the attack “had led to the rise of Islamic State in North Africa”. The Commons committee quoted what it called Barack Obama’s “pithy” description of Cameron’s role in Libya as a “shit show”.

In fact, Obama was a leading actor in the “shit show”, urged on by his warmongering Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, and a media accusing Gaddafi of planning “genocide” against his own people. “We knew… that if we waited one more day,” said Obama, “Benghazi, a city the size of Charlotte, could suffer a massacre that would have reverberated across the region and stained the conscience of the world.”

The massacre story was fabricated by Salafist militias facing defeat by Libyan government forces. They told Reuters there would be “a real bloodbath, a massacre like we saw in Rwanda”. The Commons committee reported, “The proposition that Mu’ammarGaddafi would have ordered the massacre of civilians in Benghazi was not supported by the available evidence”.

Britain, France and the United States effectively destroyed Libya as a modern state. According to its own records, Nato launched 9,700 “strike sorties”, of which more than a third hit civilian targets. They included fragmentation bombs and missiles with uranium warheads. The cities of Misurata and Sirte were carpet-bombed. Unicef, the UN children’s organisation, reported a high proportion of the children killed “were under the age of ten”.

More than “giving rise” to Islamic State — ISIS had already taken root in the ruins of Iraq following the Blair and Bush invasion in 2003 — these ultimate medievalists now had all of north Africa as a base. The attack also triggered a stampede of refugees fleeing to Europe.

Cameron was celebrated in Tripoli as a “liberator”, or imagined he was. The crowds cheering him included those  secretly supplied and trained by Britain’s SAS and inspired by Islamic State, such as the “Manchester boys”.

To the Americans and British, Gadaffi’s true crime was his iconoclastic independence and his plan to abandon the petrodollar, a pillar of American imperial power. He had audaciously planned to underwrite a common African currency backed by gold, establish an all-Africa bank and promote economic union among poor countries with prized resources. Whether or not this would have happened, the very notion was intolerable to the US as it prepared to “enter” Africa and bribe African governments with military “partnerships”.

The fallen dictator fled for his life. A Royal Air Force plane spotted his convoy, and in the rubble of Sirte, he was sodomised with a knife by a fanatic described in the news as “a rebel”.

Having plundered Libya’s $30 billion arsenal, the “rebels” advanced south, terrorising towns and villages. Crossing into sub-Saharan Mali, they destroyed that country’s fragile stability. The ever-eager French sent planes and troops to their former colony “to fight al-Qaida”, or the menace they had helped create.

On 14 October, 2011, President Obama announced he was sending special forces troops to Uganda to join the civil war there. In the next few months, US combat troops were sent to South Sudan, Congo and the Central African Republic. With Libya secured, an American invasion of the African continent was under way, largely unreported.

In London, one of the world’s biggest arms fairs was staged by the British government.  The buzz in the stands was the “demonstration effect in Libya”. The London Chamber of Commerce and Industry held a preview entitled “Middle East: A vast market for UK defence and security companies”. The host was the Royal Bank of Scotland, a major investor in cluster bombs, which were used extensively against civilian targets in Libya. The blurb for the bank’s arms party lauded the “unprecedented opportunities for UK defence and security companies.”

Last month, Prime Minister Theresa May was in Saudi Arabia, selling more of the £3 billion worth of British arms which the Saudis have used against Yemen. Based in control rooms in Riyadh, British military advisers assist the Saudi bombing raids, which have killed more than 10,000 civilians. There are now clear signs of famine. A Yemeni child dies every 10 minutes from preventable disease, says Unicef.

The Manchester atrocity on 22 May was the product of such unrelenting state violence in faraway places, much of it British sponsored. The lives and names of the victims are almost never known to us.

This truth struggles to be heard, just as it struggled to be heard when the London Underground was bombed on July 7, 2005. Occasionally, a member of the public would break the silence, such as the east Londoner who walked in front of a CNN camera crew and reporter in mid-platitude. “Iraq!” he said. “We invaded Iraq. What did we expect? Go on, say it.”

At a large media gathering I attended, many of the important guests uttered “Iraq” and “Blair” as a kind of catharsis for that which they dared not say professionally and publicly.

Yet, before he invaded Iraq, Blair was warned by the Joint Intelligence Committee that “the threat from al-Qaida will increase at the onset of any military action against Iraq … The worldwide threat from other Islamist terrorist groups and individuals will increase significantly”.

Just as Blair brought home to Britain the violence of his and George W Bush’s blood-soaked “shit show”, so David Cameron, supported by Theresa May, compounded his crime in Libya and its horrific aftermath, including those killed and maimed in Manchester Arena on 22 May.

The spin is back, not surprisingly. Salman Abedi acted alone. He was a petty criminal, no more. The extensive network revealed last week by the American leak has vanished.  But the questions have not.

Why was Abedi able to travel freely through Europe to Libya and back to Manchester only days before he committed his terrible crime? Was Theresa May told by MI5 that the FBI had tracked him as part of an Islamic cell planning to attack a “political target” in Britain?

In the current election campaign, the Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn has made a guarded reference to a “war on terror that has failed”. As he knows, it was never a war on terror but a war of conquest and subjugation. Palestine. Afghanistan. Iraq. Libya. Syria. Iran is said to be next.  Before there is another Manchester, who will have the courage to say that?

John Pilger can be reached through his website: www.johnpilger.com

31 May 2017

ISLAMIC TERRORISM: OUR ALLY FOR 38 YEARS

By Andrew Cheetham

Dear Diary, I can’t show this letter to the innocent people of America and the world, so it’s just between you and me. Imagine the shock and the outrage if I say that we have to embrace Islamic terrorism! The average person doesn’t understand what’s at stake and how sometimes the elites need to rely on “controlled chaos” for the greater good.

Islamic terrorists are wonderful instruments for proxy wars – they cost very little but fight fearlessly. They are a global resource that can be brought into any local conflict. They are also expendable – we use them when convenient and kill them when inconvenient.

If this shocks the conscience of people, it just means they haven’t been paying keen attention. Consider the following examples:

  • Thomas Friedman of The New York Times wrote that we shouldn’t attack ISIS in Syria 1; and we should even consider arming ISIS to overthrow Assad 2
  • John Kerry admitted, “U.S. tried to use ISIS to force Assad into negotiations.” 3
  • Israeli military chief explained, “Israel prefers ISIS to Assad” 4
  • Israeli defense minister recounted, “ISIS never intentionally attacks us; and when it happened once, ISIS apologized immediately.” 5 Hello!
  • Hillary Clinton wrote, “Saudi Arabia and Qatar fund and arm ISIS.” 6
  • Joe Biden, Gen. Martin Dempsey, Gen. Wesley Clark all have stated that US allies in the Middle East arm and fund Al Qaeda and ISIS. 7, 8, 9
  • Several State Department cables have clearly laid out how Saudi Arabia is the #1 source of funding for terrorism around the world – not just in the Middle East. 10

Ever wonder why we never go to war against or impose sanctions on these sponsors of terrorism? Heck we don’t even condemn them!

What goes through a reader’s mind when they see an article titled “Accepting Al Qaeda” 11 that is published by Council on Foreign Relations – the think tank behind US foreign policy? Or when Hillary Clinton’s chief foreign policy advisor wrote to her, “Al Qaeda is on our side”? 12

I can give many more such examples, but let’s hop on the time machine for a moment.

Afghanistan, 1979 – 1989. We used the Mujahideen to defeat the Soviet Union. Was that not a good thing? Remember how the media and Hollywood glorified those Afghan fighters in the 1980’s? The Afghan rebels even got to visit the White House.

There are two critical factors that are often forgotten in the Mujahideen story: foreign fighters from all over the world and fundamentalist Islam.

In the 1980’s, more than 35,000 so-called Arab Afghans came from all over the world to fight the Russians 13; and we wouldn’t have been able to motivate them to do so without appealing to the concept of Islam, Caliphate or jihad. “Fight for Allah” is far more effective than “Fight for Country X.” Fighters motivated by religion are also extremely useful in the battlefield since they are not afraid of death. This mindset is essential for the use of suicide bombers without whom many battles and wars would not have been won.

We also learned from Saudi Arabia that indoctrination is essential to create good soldiers. So the CIA came up with clever textbooks for Afghan kids that introduced them to concepts of jihad, weapons and hatred for Russians. 14

(Since then, Saudi Arabia has spent billions of dollars on Islamic schools – Madrassas – all over the world. These schools act as breeding grounds for future activists, extremists and fighters. Saudis also print textbooks that are used all over the world. Kids learn loving messages such as “Kill Shiites, Christians and Jews.” 15 Saudi mosques and preachers all over the world also continue spreading extremist messages.)

When the Afghan war was about to be won, it dawned on us that the Mujahideen project was a brilliant playbook that could be replicated in other parts of the world.

That’s when Al Qaeda was formed. And it was perfect timing.

You see, Halliburton had just discovered huge oil reserves near the Caspian Sea, but the countries around that region were all pro-Russia even after the fall of the USSR. 16

Without the knowledge of the American public, the Mujahideen were very active all throughout the 1990’s in Bosnia, Kosovo, Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, Dagestan, Chechnya etc. 17 These fighters were used for three major purposes:

  • throw out pro-Russia dictators
  • install pro-West leaders who would help us build oil/gas pipelines and agree to host US military bases, and
  • disrupt Russian pipelines and other interests

Azerbaijan was an easy one and we got our man in 1993. Georgia took a long time, but George Soros and his color revolution finally installed our guy in 2005. Within a year, we had a 1000-mile pipeline that linked Azerbaijan (Caspian Sea), Georgia and Turkey!

Chechnya was a partial success. They were struggling for independence from Russia and thus gladly welcomed the Mujahideen who also had plenty of Saudi money and US weapons. Within a short time, the non-violent and mystical Sufism of Chechnya was taken over by Saudi Wahhabism.

Al Qaeda started blowing up Russian pipelines. Russia invaded Chechnya in 1994, lost the war, and withdrew. It was fun to watch the news those days. But then Putin became the Prime Minister three years later, waged a ruthless war against the jihadists, won decisively and installed his own strongman in Chechnya 18. Even Sufism has seen a major revival lately and Chechens have now started rejecting Wahhabism and jihadism. 19

Al Qaeda was extremely helpful in Bosnia, Albania, Macedonia and Kosovo. In the late 1990’s, we used trumped-up charges and NATO bombing to get rid of the pro-Russia guy in Serbia.

Away from the heart of Eurasia, Islamic extremism and terrorism play major roles in Africa, Middle East and Asia to catalyze geopolitical transformations.

In Libya, Syria, Yemen and Somalia, we depend on Muslim Brotherhood, Al Qaeda and Salafists (those who follow extreme, fundamentalist Sunni Islam).

In Libya, we leveraged the Al Qaeda affiliate called Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG) 20. We released its leader (Belhadj) from the CIA prison, dressed him up in a nice suit, arranged a photo-op with John McCain, and he became the freedom fighter who fought Gaddafi, the brutal

In Syria, tens of thousands of Al Qaeda fighters were flown in from all over the world to topple Assad 21. If it were not for Putin’s evil interventions, we would now have a Qatar pipeline through Syria, and Israel would be drilling oil in Golan Heights 22. A tragic situation indeed.

In Africa, Nigeria is a strategic country with 170 million people and a land rich in oil and natural resources. That’s where Boko Haram – African ISIS – comes into play. It has been extremely successful in every way. Also, thanks to Boko Haram, half of Nigeria is under Sharia Law, which is a great tool to control people.

In Asia, we need to prevail upon Thailand, Indonesia and the Philippines. Without them, we lose much of Asia to China. Sharia Law and Salafism are gaining momentum in Indonesia, which is a positive sign. 23

Philippines’ crazy leader, Duterte, has been too friendly with Russia and China 24. He will lose his popularity and get replaced if the ISIS affiliate – Abu Sayyaf – causes enough problems. If he fights back against ISIS, we will cry “human rights” and “Islamophobia” at the UN and impose sanctions.

Thailand has also been foolishly moving into the Russia-China sphere of influence 25. Well, this peaceful, Buddhist country has been facing Sunni/Salafist extremism in the south. Thai leaders must realize that the entire tourism industry is very vulnerable – a few bombings and attacks by jihadists can have serious effects.

Finally, let’s look at Europe. There has been a lot of problems with mass immigration – terrorism, crimes etc. However, every crisis is an opportunity. Some call it the Problem-Reaction-Solution.

Terrorism is the problem. Fear is the reaction. Government is the solution.

Terrorism and crime give us the chance to militarize the police in EU, create an “NSA” for entire Europe, and even an EU army. The financial burden caused by refugees also allows us to impose austerity and cut wasteful welfare spending. Mass immigration will also result in a more homogeneous European society. Twenty years from now, there won’t be much difference between France and Germany. This means much easier management of EU.

Moving forward, the biggest economic challenge for us will be China. However, it has an Achilles heel – the western province of Xinjiang that is predominantly made up of Muslims. With help from Turkey, we have already created in Xinjiang an Islamist movement that is calling for secession 26. China’s One Belt One Road is very dependent on freight trains safely traveling through that region on their way to Europe. Our future Mujahideen in Xinjiang will come in handy if China starts to misbehave.

It took us about 60 years to unify North and South America to a great degree under a common financial, corporate, economic and military system. (Venezuela is the odd man out, but we’re working on it). It may take another sixty years to unify Europe, Russia and China. Then we will have global governance and the ultimate New World Order. No borders and no walls. One World. In bringing that to fruition, we have many arrows in our quiver – trade, financial/military aid, coups, color revolutions, sanctions, wars etc. – but Islamic terrorism and fundamentalism will continue playing indispensable roles, and that’s why we must accept them and embrace them.

30 May 2017

Derelict economy could sink ‘Titanic’ Israel, experts warn

By Raoul Wootliff

Last summer, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu held a number of intimate briefings with Israeli media outlets in an attempt to counter the negative image of him that he believed they were falsely propagating.

Laying out his vision for the country, the successes of governments that he had led, and the challenges facing the Jewish state in the coming years, Netanyahu painted a picture of Israel as a rising global superpower. The narrative according to which he was a frantic grandstander, obsessed with his own political survival and neglecting the needs of the country, was a distorted fiction, he sought to demonstrate.

Last month, at the Prime Minister’s Office’s traditional Passover toast, Netanyahu articulated directly to the public what he appeared to be trying to convey in those briefings.

“I’ll tell you what I see in the media,” Netanyahu said. “It does not reflect what the public feels. It is an industry of despair. Where they see unemployment, I see full employment. Where they see an economy in ruin, I see a flourishing economy. Where they see traffic jams, I see junctions, trains and bridges. Where they see a crumbling state nearing collapse, I see Israel as a rising global power.”

Rather than the stunning political triumphs that he often points to, or the growth in Israeli settlements he sometimes touts to Hebrew-speaking audiences, above all, he told reporters last year, it was the strong economy that topped the bill of proud achievements proving his success in transforming Israel into a force to be reckoned with.

According to the prime minister, economic might is the most important factor in building a strong country, because without it Israel will be unable to fund its military and defend itself from myriad existential threats. Diplomatic might, he said, while also necessary for the country’s success, is only a consequence of a strong economy and military and can essentially be bought by exporting Israel’s technological and military know-how.

Naturally, academic assessments of Israel’s economic prospects agree with the prime minister that a strong economy is a prerequisite for a strong military. But two new reports looking at both the immediate and long-term strength of Israel’s economy suggest that, while recent years have seen several positive economic signs in a number of areas, Israel faces “worrisome trends” that could ultimately have disastrous effects on its growing population.

According to the “Picture of the Nation 2017” report released Sunday by the Taub Center for Social Policy Studies in Israel, Israel has the highest lack of disposable income of all OECD countries and, with an aging population and rising costs across the board, its “current sources of economic growth are not sustainable.”

A separate report, released earlier this month by the Shoresh Institution for Socioeconomic Research, which looks at economic trends over the entire 69-year history of the country, says that far from guaranteeing Israel as a military and therefore a world power, the economy shows deep-seated and long-term shortcomings that threaten to weaken the army and constitute an “existential threat” to the country’s future.

“The writing is on the wall. One nation-shaking crisis – emanating from the security and/or economic spheres – could spark a process from which there will be no turning back,” the Shoresh Institution report warns apocalyptically. “Israel has reached a critical juncture. Decisions that it makes today will literally determine the existence of the country in a few decades.”

According to Prof. Dan Ben-David, founder and chair of the Shoresh Institution and co-author of the report, if Netanyahu “continues to ignore the future” the country could be facing a catastrophe of massive proportions.

“The past year has seen a decline in unemployment and a large rise in GDP,” reports the annual Picture of the Nation, but “unfortunately, it appears that this positive trend will not continue and new sources of growth must be found.”

While Gross Domestic Product, often seen as a bellwether of economic strength, has grown in the last year by four percent, the Taub Center describes the figure as an “outlier and not a trend.”

Suggesting that the cause for growth came only from a single massive investment by Intel into its Kiryat Gat plant, and a rise in car imports due to an expected change in taxation, “taking a long-term view, growth in the Israeli economy has been disappointing,” the report says. In fact, the previous year saw a further downward trend in labor productivity, following five years of slowing rates.

In addition, whereas Israel ranks near the middle of the OECD pack in terms of GDP (22nd out of 34) and market income poverty rate (24th), it is in last place for disposable income poverty — the amount of money each individual has after paying taxes and regular living costs.

And that results in a startling statistic: Among developed countries, Israel has the highest percentage of its population living below the poverty line.

‘Upheaval’

Titled “Israel’s primary socioeconomic challenges and policy areas requiring core treatment,” the Shoresh Institution report was released in conjunction with this month’s 40th anniversary of the 1977 electoral “upheaval” that propelled the Likud party into the leadership for the first time in Israel’s history.

The Labor Party and its precursors, Mapai and the Alignment, ruled Israel for the country’s first 29 years, never once losing an election. It was only in 1977, when Menachem Begin’s Likud first defeated Shimon Peres’s Alignment, that the left lost its hegemony over Israeli political life.

Taking the long view, Ben-David and co-author Prof. Ayal Kimhi analyzed economic trends since 1948, and particularly during the past four decades, in order to understand the socioeconomic challenges facing Israel today and in the years ahead.

Commissioned, but not paid for, by the government’s National Economic Council, the report was prepared ahead of a detailed policy brief that the advisory body is putting together for the government. While initially intended to be an internal document, Ben-David said he and Kimhi felt it was “something that should not stay just with the government” and decided to release the findings to the public.

“We think that the public needs to be aware of our major challenges going ahead so that we can do something about it while we have the opportunity,” he told The Times of Israel. “We do have an opportunity but we need to get our act together.”

By providing historical context and international benchmarks that compare Israel to other developed countries, the report attempts to debunk the perception that the Israeli economy is doing well. Like the Taub report, it makes a point of noting signs of strength in the short term, such as growth, particularly when compared with the global economic downturn in recent years. But this optimistic analysis, the authors claim, fails to take into account deeply problematic long-term trends.

The key yardsticks to measuring the strength of Israel’s economy, they say, and the areas in it which it falls far behind other developed countries, are productivity, inequality and poverty rates.

Following the creation of the State of Israel in 1948, Israel’s productivity grew at a faster pace than America’s, almost completely eliminating its gap with the US by the 1970s. But since then, it has moved from closing gaps with the US into a steady backslide.

In terms of GDP, Israel has also been falling further and further behind the G7 average since the mid-1970s, with a more than threefold increase having developed in the gap between them. This, the report says, “reflects steadily widening disparity between what an employed person living in Israel can attain and what that person could attain in the countries that are pulling away from Israel.”

But Israel has not only fallen behind the world’s leading economies. Its labor productivity is now below that of nearly all OECD countries. In 2015, GDP per hour worked in the US hit $68, two-thirds more than the $41 in Israel.

“It’s hard to see how these trajectories can continue to pull apart from one another for several more decades without causing the exodus of educated and skilled people from Israel to reach a magnitude that may become irreversible,” the Shoresh report says.

“Productivity is really what underlies Israel’s, and other countries’, standard of living,” Ben-David said. “In our case, productivity is low and it’s been falling further and further behind the leading countries. It’s been occurring for decades and it’s a very steady and very problematic process.”

And that’s why Israel’s standard of living, normally referred to as income inequality, is increasingly becoming one of the worst in the developed world.

Income inequality is second only to the United States, but the country’s poverty levels are higher than every other developed country and nearly double the OECD average.

According to Ben-David, this is due to a “fundamentally problematic change in the country’s national priorities” beginning in the 1970s.

“National priorities moved from focusing on the general good to focusing on the demands of sectoral groups,” he said, adding that the problems have become more acute in the past decade.

In the early years, “this was a country that did not have a shekel, or a lira, to its name. It was collecting people from around the world with only the clothes on their backs and growing at a phenomenal pace in terms of population. And yet it built universities,” Ben-David said. “We were rationing food in the ’50s, but we were building hospitals. Even though the population was growing exponentially, the number of faculties in research universities was growing even faster. We had seven major research universities by 1970. We haven’t built one since.”

‘You can’t forgo half a society’

Ben-David insisted that the report’s findings must not be relegated to another stale debate about social policy.

If Israel’s educational and economic policies don’t change, its future may be in peril. “You can’t forgo half of society and say, ‘The rest will support everything,’” he said.

Yes, Israel as the startup nation is booming, producing cutting edge high-tech and bio-tech. But that is just one Israel, Ben-David said; there is another Israel that is receiving neither the tools nor the conditions to work in a modern economy. “That other Israel is huge, and it is like a huge weight on our shoulders, pulling everything down.”

Both the Taub Center and the Shoresh Institution describe an education system producing a generation of low-achieving students, low productivity in an Israeli work hour, woefully inadequate transportation infrastructures, a housing market that discourages investment, and substantial inequalities in state healthcare coverage.

For two decades, Israeli schoolchildren have consistently ranked behind other industrialized Western economies in terms of academic achievement.

In the state and state-religious schools systems, which together encompass over 50% of Israel’s elementary school students, academic achievement measured by international standardized tests does not match what is considered “first world” education.

“Children who receive third-world educations will only be capable of sustaining a third-world economy. But a third-world economy will not be able to maintain the first-world army that Israel needs in order to survive in the most dangerous region on the face of the earth,” Ben-David said.

Physical infrastructures, too, have been neglected. Israel’s roads are among the most crowded in the industrialized world, even though car ownership is lower. Since the 1970s Israel has tripled the congestion on the roads.

Healthcare standards have also dropped.

While the Taub Center report says that the overall health of the population in Israel is slightly better than in other leading European countries, it notes that with an aging population, that advantage is “likely to recede… and the state must take appropriate measures in time to deal with these expected demographic changes.”

The Shoresh Institution report is more bleak.

The number of hospital beds per capita in Israel has been falling dramatically since the late 1970s and it is now near the bottom of the OECD, it says. Likewise, Israel has one of the lowest numbers of nurses per capita, and that number, too, is dropping. Those low standards, the report says, have contributed to a doubling of the mortality rate from infectious and parasitic diseases, while the average OECD rate has remained stable over the same period.

“Hospital conditions in Israel do not befit those of a developed nation,” the report says.

Iceberg ahead, unless we change course

But it may not be too late to recover.

“Israel has not yet passed the point of no return,” the Shoresh Institute report says. However, “in light of the rapid pace of current demographic changes, there is just a small window of opportunity remaining for making decisions that are already very difficult to reach today.”

According to Ben-David, the current projections predict one of two “existential” crises: Either Israel’s economy will simply not be able to fund or provide the necessary skills for the military might that Netanyahu says its existence depends upon, or, the younger generation, seeing better opportunities and living standards elsewhere, will leave the country.

“If you continue to put pressure on them, they have a choice — they don’t have to stay here. Right now I think the choice of most is to stay here, but yes, that could change,” he said.

The Prime Minister’s Office and the government’s National Economic Council declined to comment on either report and the findings they present.

Asked if he saw any hope, given the economic policies of recent governments, Ben-David said, “We are all in the same boat. But it’s called the Titanic. And, right now, there is an iceberg ahead. It depends on whether we can change course in time.”

Raoul Wootliff is The Times of Israel Knesset correspondent.

28 May 2017

Two Sides Of The Palestinian Coin: Hunger Strike/Gaza

By Richard Falk

The Palestinian hunger strike protesting Israeli prison conditions was suspended on May 27th after 40 days, at a time when many of the 1000 or so strikers were experiencing serious deteriorations of health, most were by then hospitalized, and the holy period of Ramadan about to commence creating continuity between the daytime fasting of the faithful and the prior desperate protest of the strikers. What was perhaps most notable about this extraordinary gesture of a mass prolonged hunger strike was that it was treated as hardly worthy of notice by the world media or even by the United Nations, which ironically is regularly attacked by diplomats and the media in the West for being overly preoccupied with Israeli wrongdoing.

It needs appreciating that recourse to a collective hunger strike is a most demanding form of political resistance, invariably provoked by prolonged outrage, requiring courage and a willingness to endure hardship by participants, as well subjecting their will to as harsh a test as life offers. To continue foregoing food for 40 days is a life-threatening and heroic, a commitment never lightly undertaken.

With Bobby Sands as their leader ten IRA imprisoned hunger strikers starved themselves unto their death in 1981. The world watched in rapt attention as this extraordinary spectacle of self-inflicted death unfolded day by day. Without openly acknowledging what was happening before their eyes, hardened political leaders in London silently took notice of the moral challenge they confronted, shifting tactics abruptly, and began working toward a political compromise for Northern Ireland in a manner that would have been unthinkable without the strike.

The Palestinians can harbor no such hopes, at least in the near term. Israel deliberately clouds the moral and political embedded challenges by releasing videotapes supposedly showing ‘snacks’ secretly being eaten by the strike leader, Marwan Barghouti. This fact that this accusation was vigorously denied by his immediate family and lawyer is occasionally noted in the world media, but only as a detail that does not diminish the impact of discrediting the authenticity of the strike. Whether true or not, Israel succeeded in shifting attention away from the strike and avoids doing anything significant to improve prison conditions, much less take steps to end the severe abuses of the Palestinian people over the course of an incredible period of 70 years with no end in sight. Prison authorities immediately resorted to punitive measures to torment those prisoners who were on strike. Such a response underscores ‘democratic’ Israel’s refusal to treat with respect nonviolent forms of resistance by the Palestinian people.

At this same time as the prison drama was unfolding, Gaza was experiencing a deepening of its prolonged crisis that has been cruelly manipulated by Israel to keep the civilian population of almost two million on the brink of starvation and in constant fear of military onslaught. Supposedly the caloric intake for subsistence has been used as a benchmark by Israeli authorities for restricting the flow of food to Gaza. And since that seems insufficient to impose the level of draconian control sought by Israel, three massive military attacks and countless incursions since the end of 2008 have inflicted heavy casualties on the civilian population of Gaza and caused much devastation, a cumulative catastrophe for this utterly vulnerable, impoverished, captive population. In such a context, the fact that Hamas has retaliated with what weaponry it possessed, even if indiscriminate, is to be expected even if not in accord with international humanitarian law.

A leading intellectual resident of Gaza, Haider Eid, has recently written a poignant dispatch from the front lines of continuous flagrant Israelu criminality, “On Gaza and the horror of the siege,” [http://mondoweiss.net/2017/gaza-horror-siege/;, May 25, 2017]. Eid ends his essay with these disturbing lines:

“We fully understand that the deliberate withholding of food or the means to grow food in whatever form is yet another strategy of Israel’s occupation, colonization, and apartheid in Palestine, and, therefore, should be viewed as an abnormality, even a pogrom!

But what we in Gaza cannot fathom is: Why it is allowed to happen?”

At the start of Ramadan, Haider Eid appeals to the world to stand up against what he calls ‘incremental genocide’ “ by heeding the BDS call made by Palestinian Civil Society.”

It is significant that Eid’s appeal is to civil society rather than to the Palestinian Authority entrusted with representing the Palestinian people on the global stage or for a revival of ‘the peace process’ that went on for twenty years within the Oslo Framework or to the UN that accepted responsibility after Britain gave up its Palestine mandate at the end of World War II. These conventional modes of conflict resolution have all failed, while steadily worsening the situation of the Palestinian people and nurturing the ambition of the Zionist movement to reach its goal of territorial expansion.

Beyond this, Eid notes that the authority of BDS is a result of an authoritative Palestinian call to which the peoples of the world are implored to respond. This shift away from intergovernmental empowerment from above to a reliance on empowerment by a victimized people and their authentic representatives embodies Palestinian hopes for a more humane future, and for an eventual realization of long denied rights.

It is appropriate to merge in our moral imagination the ordeals of the prisoners in Israeli jails with that of the people of Gaza without forgetting the encompassing fundamental reality—the Palestinian people as a whole, regardless of their specific circumstances, are being victimized by an Israeli structure of domination and discrimination in a form that constitutes apartheid and different forms of captivity.

It seems that the hunger strike failed to induce Israel to satisfy many of the demands of the strikers for improved conditions. What it did achieve was to remind Palestinians and the world of the leadership gifts of Marwan Barghouti, and it awakened the Palestinian population to the moral and political imperative of sustaining and manifesting resistance as an alternative to despair, passivity, and submission. Israelis and some of their most ardent supporters speak openly of declaring victory for themselves, defeat for the Palestinians. Regardless of our religious or ethnic identity we who live outside the circle of Israeli oppression should be doing our utmost to prevent any outcome that prolongs Palestinian unjust suffering or accepts it as inevitable.

What is unspeakable must become undoable.

Richard Falk is an international law and international relations scholar who taught at Princeton University for forty years. Since 2002 he has lived in Santa Barbara, California, and taught at the local campus of the University of California in Global and International Studies and since 2005 chaired the Board of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation. For six years (2008-2014) he acted as UN Special Rapporteur for Occupied Palestine

29 May 2017

How Israeli Moves In Jerusalem Are Scotching Trump’s ‘Ultimate Deal’

By Jonathan Cook

Nazareth: A decision by Donald Trump this Thursday could prove fateful for the immediate future of Jerusalem, the wider Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the region.

He must decide whether to renew a presidential waiver, signed by his predecessor, Barack Obama, that expires on June 1. The six-month waiver delays implementing a law passed by Congress in 1995 that requires the US to recognise occupied Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and relocate its embassy there from Tel Aviv.

It is a law every president for the past 22 years has baulked at. It would pre-empt the Oslo accords and negate Washington’s assumed role as “honest broker”. Carrying out Congress’s wish would deny the Palestinians East Jerusalem, the only credible capital of a future Palestinian state.

But equally significantly, the law would recognise Israel’s efforts to claim sovereignty over the Old City’s holy places, especially the incendiary site of Al Aqsa mosque. That could provoke a conflagration both locally, among Palestinians, and more generally in the Middle East.

Trump’s key advisers are reported to be bitterly divided. Some, such as secretary of state Rex Tillerson, warn that, if the president fails to approve the deferral, his claims to be crafting the “ultimate deal” to bring peace to the region will be doomed from the outset.

Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his allies, including in the US Congress, are doing their best to pressure Trump in the opposite direction.

On Sunday, Netanyahu staged a provocative stunt, holding his weekly cabinet meeting in a tunnel under Al Aqsa mosque compound to announce measures to bring millions more Jewish visitors to the occupied Old City, including a new cable car to the edge of the mosque.

It was Netanyahu’s decision to open the Western Wall Tunnel in 1996, when he first became prime minister, that brought the Oslo process into almost terminal crisis at an early stage. Three days of clashes killed more than 100 Palestinians and 17 Israeli soldiers.

Next Tuesday, meanwhile, the US Congress and Israel’s parliament in Jerusalem are due to celebrate the 50th anniversary of Israel’s illegal occupation of the city in a ceremony conducted via video link.

The Jerusalem Post reported on Monday that either Trump or vice-president Mike Pence are due to participate, in what could be interpreted as the first tacit recognition by the White House of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital.

That would be a continuation of Trump’s break with official US policy towards Jerusalem during his visit to the region last week. He became the first sitting president to visit the Jewish prayer plaza at the Western Wall, below Al Aqsa. It was unclear whether his advisers had explained that where he stood had been a Palestinian neighbourhood 50 years ago, before it was ethnically cleansed.

Trump stuffed a note into the wall, in what observers hoped was a plea for divine help in solving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

But the Western Wall visit was more probably an effort to placate his core supporters. Christian evangelicals paid for dozens of billboards across Jerusalem reminding Trump that he won the election only because of their votes – and that they expect the US embassy to be moved to Jerusalem.

The day after Trump’s departure, Netanyahu exploited the president’s attendance at the wall to further damage prospects for peacemaking. He made a provocative speech to mark “Jerusalem Day”, Israel’s annual show of strength in East Jerusalem.

He claimed that Trump had disproved the “lies” promoted by the United Nations cultural body, Unesco, when it voted this month to re-state that Jerusalem is occupied.

In truth, it was Netanyahu who indulged in gross mendacity, claiming that East Jerusalem had been “desolate” and “neglected” before its occupation. Israel had “redeemed” the city, he said, while Al Aqsa mosque would “always remain under Israeli sovereignty”.

His supporters tried to give that claim concrete expression by staging the largest-ever march through the Old City on Jerusalem Day. Palestinians were forced into hiding or fled early as police allowed 60,000 Jewish ultra-nationalists to besiege the heart of East Jerusalem.

In a sign of the power balance in Israel, a small group of 50 left-wing Jews – many from the US – linked arms to try to block the march at the Old City’s entrance. Footage showed police brutally arresting them, grabbing them in chokeholds and breaking one woman’s arm.

Jerusalem is the most intractable of the final-status issues set out in the Oslo process. Those expecting miracles of Trump are going to be disappointed. His commitment to pressuring Netanyahu is weak, while the Israeli prime minister’s commitment to making concessions is non-existent.

Whether Trump signs the waiver or not on Thursday, all indications are that the US president – faced with domestic pressures and an intransigent Israeli government – is going nowhere with his “ultimate deal”.

The only real question to be decided on Thursday is whether Trump prefers to take the fast or protracted route to failure.

A version of this article first appeared in the National, Abu Dhabi.

Jonathan Cook won the Martha Gellhorn Special Prize for Journalism. His latest books are “Israel and the Clash of Civilisations: Iraq, Iran and the Plan to Remake the Middle East” (Pluto Press) and “Disappearing Palestine: Israel’s Experiments in Human Despair” (Zed Books).

30 May 2017

India’s Beef Ban: Pinarayi Vijayan Must Stand Up To Lead

By Binu Mathew

The new rule notified under the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (PCA) Act of 1960 banning cattle trade across India is clear encroachment of states’ rights. It will end federalism and will be a death knell for farmers. It is a virtual beef ban across India and also will destroy the livelihood of millions of farmers.

The states have to come up with new strategies to protect their rights enshrined by the constitution. It is time for state Chief Ministers affected by the rule to come together and protect their rights. The best man to take the lead in this matter is Kerala Chief Minister, Pinarayi Vijayan who has been very vocal and critical of the central government’s new rules. He has written to all Chief Ministers asking them to write to Prime Minister Narendra Modi to revoke the new rule. Just shooting off letters to a dictatorial Prime Minister won’t be enough. It’ not the time for prayers but for asserting the rights of the states.

In 1996 Jyoti Basu had a ‘golden opportunity’ to become the Prime Minister of India. His own party’s politburo vetoed it. Jyoti Basu had to rue later in life it as a ‘historical blunder’. Now another golden opportunity present itself to Pinarayi Vijayan, Chief Minister of Kerala to take the leadership in building a coalition in protecting federalism against the incursion and intrusion of the central government into the food plates and livelihoods of majority of India’s citizens.

He must urgently call:

1. A meeting of Chief Ministers of South Indian states to ensure the smooth transfer of cattle, meat, and meat products across these states, It is a life or death matter for millions of farmers meat and meat traders of these states.

2. A meeting of all Chief Ministers of India who oppose the intrusion of Central Government into the authority of the state listed under the constitution.

This is a historical juncture in the history of India. It’s time India must ask itself if it must continue to exist as a federal state or ‘cow down’ to the designs and manoeuvrings of the fascist Sangh Parivar. It is time some one must stand up right now and ask the right questions. Pinarayi Vijayan is the right candidate to do it. If he misses this ‘Golden Opportunity’, he’ll have to rue later in life like Jyoti Basu. Morever, he’ll have to regret that he let down India in this historical juncture.

India stands at a crossroads. It’s time to choose the path. One way leads to a fascist ‘Cowistan’, the other way leads to a federalist state which the builders of modern India envisioned. It’s time to choose.

Binu Mathew is the editor of www.countercurrents.org. He can be reached at editor@countercurrents.org

30 May 2017

How academia uses poverty, oppression, and pain for intellectual masturbation

By Clelia O. Rodríguez

The politics of decolonization are not the same as the act of decolonizing. How rapidly phrases like “decolonize the mind/heart” or simply “decolonize” are being consumed in academic spaces is worrisome. My grandfather was a decolonizer. He is dead now, and if he was alive he would probably scratch his head if these academics explained  the concept to him.

I am concerned about how the term is beginning to evoke a practice of getting rid of colonial practices by those operating fully under those practices. Decolonization sounds and means different things to me, a woman of color, than to a white person. And why does this matter? Why does my skin itch when I hear the term in academic white spaces where POC remain tokens? Why does my throat become a prison of words that cannot be digested into complete sentences? Is it because in these “decolonizing” practices we are being colonized once again?

I am not granted the same humanity as a white scholar or as someone who acts like one. The performance of those granted this humanity who claim to be creating space for people of color needs to be challenged. They promote Affirmative action, for instance, in laughable ways. During hiring practices, we’re demanded to specify if we’re “aliens” or not. Does a white person experience the nasty bitterness that comes when POC sees that word? Or the other derogatory terminology I am forced to endure while continuing in the race to become America’s Next Top Academic? And these same white colleagues who do not know these experiences graciously line up to present at conferences about decolonizing methodology to show their allyship with POC.

The effects of networking are another one of the ways decolonizing in this field of Humanities shows itself to be a farce. As far as I understand history, Christopher Columbus was really great at networking. He tangled people like me in chains, making us believe that it was all in the name of knitting a web to connect us all under the spell of kumbaya.

Academic spaces are not precisely adorned by safety, nor are they where freedom of speech is truly welcome. Not all of us have the luxury to speak freely without getting penalized by being called radicals, too emotional, angry or even not scholarly enough. In true decolonization work, one burns down bridges at the risk of not getting hired. Stating that we are in the field of decolonizing studies is not enough. It is no surprise that even those engaged in decolonizing methods replicate and polish the master’s tools, because we are implicated in colonialism in this corporatized environment.

I want to know what it is you little kids are doing here—that is to say, Why have you traveled to our Mapuche land? What have you come for? To ask us questions? To make us into an object of study? I want to you go home and I want you to address these concerns that I have carried in my heart for a long time.

Such was the response of Mapuche leader Ñana Raquel to a group of Human Rights students from the United States visiting the Curarrehue, Araucanía Region, Chile in April 2015. Her anger motivated me to reflect upon how to re-think, question, undo, and re-read perspectives of how I am experiencing the Humanities and how I am politicizing my ongoing shifts in my rhyzomatic system. Do we do that when we engage in research? Ñana Raquel’s questions, righteous anger, and reaction forced me to reconsider multiple perspectives on what really defines a territory, something my grandfather carefully taught me when I learned how to read ants and bees.

As politicized thinkers, we must reflect on these experiences if we are to engage in bigger discussions about solidarity, resistance and territories in the Humanities. How do we engage in work as scholars in the service of northern canons, and, in so doing, can we really admit what took us there? Many of us, operating in homogeneous academic spaces (with some hints of liberal tendencies), conform when that question is bluntly asked.

As someone who was herself observed and studied under the microscopes by ‘gringos’ in the 1980s, when pedagogues came to ask us what life was like in a war zone in El Salvador, Raquel’s questions especially resonate with me. Both of us have been dispossessed and situated in North American canons that serve particular research agendas. In this sense, we share similar experiences of being ‘read’ according to certain historical criteria.

Raquel’s voice was impassioned. On that day, we had congregated in the Ruka of Riholi. Facing center and in a circle, we were paying attention to the silence of the elders. Raquel taught us a priceless lesson.  After questioning the processes used to realize research projects in Nepal and Jordan, Raquel’s passionate demand introduced a final punch. She showed us that while we may have the outward face of political consciousness, we continued to use an academic discipline to study ‘exotic’ behaviors and, in so doing, were in fact undermining, denigrating and denying lessons of what constitutes cultural exchange from their perspective.

From these interactions in the field emerge questions that go to the heart of the matter: How do we deal with issues of social compromise in the Humanities? In unlearning? In many cases, academic circles resemble circuses rather than centres of higher learning, wherein a culture of competition based on external pressures to do well motivates the relationship between teacher and student.

One of the tragic consequences of a traditional system of higher education is working with colleagues who claim to have expertise on the topic of social activism, but who have never experienced any form of intervention. I am referring here to those academics who have made careers out of the pain of others by consuming knowledge obtained in marginalized communities. This same practice of “speaking about which you know little (or nothing)” is transmitted, whether acknowledged or not, to the students who we, as teachers and mentors, are preparing to undertake research studies about decolonizing.

Linda Smith speaks about the disdain she has for the word “research,” seeing it as one of the dirtiest words in the English language. I couldn’t agree more with her. When we sit down each semester to write a guide to “unlearning’,” or rather a syllabus, we must reflect upon how we can include content that will help to transmit a pre-defined discipline in the Humanities with current social realities. How can we create a space where a student can freely speak his/her mind without fear of receiving a bad grade?

Today, anything and everything is allowed if a postcolonial/decolonizing seal of approval accompanies it, even if it is devoid of any political urgency. These tendencies appear to be ornamental at best, and we must challenge the basis of those attempts. We can’t keep criticizing the neoliberal system while continuing to retain superficial visions of solidarity without striving for a more in-depth understanding. These are acts for which we pat ourselves on the back, but in the end just open up space for future consumers of prestige.

The corridors of the hallways in the institution where I currently work embodies this faux-solidarity in posters about conferences, colloquiums, and trips in the Global South or about the Global South that cost an arm and a leg. As long as you have money to pay for your airfare, hotel, meals and transportation, you too could add two lines in the CV and speak about the new social movement and their radical strategies to dismantle the system. You too can participate in academic dialogues about poverty and labor rights as you pass by an undocumented cleaner who will make your bed while you go to the main conference room to talk about her struggles.

We must do a better job at unpacking the intellectual masturbation we get out of poverty, horror, oppression, and pain–the essentials that stimulate us to have the orgasm. The “release” comes in the forms of discussions, proposing questions, writing grant proposals, etc. Then we move onto other forms of entertainment. Neoliberalism has turned everything into a product or experience. We must scrutinize the logic of power that is behind our syllabi, and our research work. We must listen to the silences, that which is not written, and pay attention to the internal dynamics of communities and how we label their experiences if we are truly committed to the work of decolonizing.

Clelia O. Rodríguez is an educator, born and raised in El Salvador, Central America.

6 April 2017

Victory, Towards Liberation: Salute to the Palestinian Prisoners and the Struggle for Freedom

By http://samidoun.net

On the occasion of the victory of the Strike of Freedom and Dignity, the valiant battle of Palestinian hunger strikers in Israeli jails, confronting the occupier with their bodies and their lives, we salute the Palestinian prisoners on achieving their victory, not only for themselves and their families, but for the entire Palestinian people and global movement for justice and liberation. We salute and congratulate the prisoners on their victory after 40 days of sacrifice, steadfastness and endless struggle. We also salute and congratulate all those who contributed to this victory, throughout Palestine, in the refugee camps, in Palestinian communities everywhere and among strugglers around the world for justice and liberation. We simultaneously take this moment as an inspiration to continue and elevate our action and organizing for freedom – for all Palestinian prisoners and for the land and people of Palestine.

On 17 April, Palestinian Prisoners’ Day, 1500 Palestinian prisoners out of nearly 6500 imprisoned in Israeli jails launched their strike for a series of demands. These demands were straightforward, focusing on the restoration of family visits, the right to education, access to media and health care. Among the accomplishments of the strike is the restoration of the second monthly family visit, cancelled last year by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) under the pretext of budget cuts, despite pledges from at least August 2016 to cover the costs of the second monthly visit for Palestinian prisoners.

It is appalling that it should take a 40-day mass hunger strike of Palestinian prisoners to restore family visits taken away by an international agency that should be motivated by the rights and well-being of the prisoners. Far from a neutral bystander, the ICRC was in fact a party to this strike and a participant in the confiscation of the rights of Palestinian prisoners. This raises once again sharp questions about what really provoked the cut in family visits for Palestinian prisoners and the level of Israeli involvement in what was claimed at the time to be a mere financial decision, despite Palestinian pledges to cover costs.

While further information about the agreement has not yet been released, news indicates that further achievements of the strike also center on the issue of family visits, including access to more relatives including grandparents and grandchildren; improved communication, especially between imprisoned children and women and their families, and the installation of public telephones; easing security prohibitions and the frequent bans on family visit imposed by the Israeli prison administration. Al-Mayadeen TV reported further aspects of the agreement:

  • periodic entry of private external physicians to examine ill prisoners
  • allowing visits from family members of the “second class,” including grandparents and grandchildren
  • increasing the amount prisoners may have in their canteen (prison store, where nearly all necessities of life must be purchased from and Israeli corporation) accounts
  • adding 3 satellite channels to the prisoners’ TV access
  • transferring the Ramla prison hospital to the old section which includes several rooms and a recreation area
  • installation of a public telephone for women prisoners, child prisoners and ill prisoners to communicate on a daily basis with their family members
  • family visits to be increased to 60 minutes from 45 minutes
  • photographs with parents once annually
  • increasing the quantities of meat, vegetables and fruits for prisoners
  • allowing the introduction of clothing such as trousers and bags
  • providing each prisoner with 1 liter olive oil, 1 kilo coffee, 1/2 kilo baklava and 1/2 kilo za’atar.

The leaders participating in the strike included Fateh leader Marwan Barghouthi, Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine General Secretary Ahmad Sa’adat, fellow PFLP leaders Kamil Abu Hanish and Ahed Abu Ghoulmeh, longest-serving Palestinian prisoners Karim Younes and Nael Barghouthi, Hamas leaders Abbas Sayyed and Hasan Salameh, Islamic Jihad leaders Zaid Bseiso and Anas Jaradat, DFLP leader Wajdi Jawdat, former long-term strikers Mohammed al-Qeeq and Samer Issawi, and hundreds more of the imprisoned leadership of the Palestinian people.

Throughout the strike, the prisoners faced harsh repression. They were denied legal visits, family visits, beset by repressive raids, their belongings confiscated – even the salt that they relied on with water to preserve their life and health. Through it all, their steadfastness was an example of commitment and dedication to carry through their struggle. They were not alone in their steadfastness. The mothers and the families of the prisoners filled the tents of solidarity and support in every city, town, village and refugee camp in Palestine. Many prisoners’ mothers launched their own hunger strikes; they struggled, suffered, resisted and led alongside their children. Martyrs fell on the streets of Palestine as they protested and struggled for the liberation of their beloved prisoners at the hands of the occupation forces.

The Palestinian prisoners made clear through the Strike of Dignity and Freedom the power of Palestinian unity. The imprisoned leadership of all Palestinian trends stood together to confront the occupier, while that unity was felt in struggle, on the streets and inside prison walls – and the effects of that unity have been felt in the achievement of the prisoners’ victory.

The hunger strikers demanded that the Israeli occupation speak with their chosen leadership and defeated all attempts to circumvent the prisoners’ direction, leadership and choices. More than that, however, they demonstrated once again that the true, respected leadership of the Palestinian national liberation movement itself is found in the Palestinian prisoners’ movement. The Palestinian prisoners’ movement is at the core of the liberation struggle of the Palestinian people as a whole; far from a side issue of the movement, it represents the Palestinian people and their resistance.

Fundamentally, the Palestinian prisoners’ movement is and remains a voice and a power of resistance that continues to confront the occupier on a daily basis. This strike was not only about family visits, medical care and basic human rights; fundamentally, it was an assertion of Palestinian resistance, rejection of the occupier, and power to struggle, not only for specific demands, but for freedom, return and liberation.

The strike came as U.S. President Donald Trump visited the region, in cahoots with the Zionist movement, the Israeli state and the most reactionary Arab regimes in order to peddle weaponry, death and a so-called “grand bargain” designed to liquidate the Palestinian people’s struggle after 100 years of colonization, 70 years of Nakba and 50 years of intensified occupation. From within Israeli prisons, the strikers’ power and its reflection and resonance on Palestinian, Arab and international streets came to confront any and all such attempts to destroy Palestinian rights and push an apartheid “solution” of endless colonization. It made clear where the Palestinian people stand – with the prisoners, with the resistance and their imprisoned leadership, and not with reactionary Arab regimes or even the Palestinian Authority, which continued its security coordination with the occupation even as the prisoners, their families and their movement demanded that it come to an end.

Throughout Palestine, in the refugee camps in Lebanon, Jordan and Syria, everywhere around the world in exile and diaspora, it was clear that the Palestinian people were side by side with the prisoners’ movement in this strike. The prisoners’ struggle helped to build and energize Palestinian community organizing internationally to support the strike and demand freedom for the prisoners.

Samidoun Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network salutes all of the Palestinian community organizers, international political parties, global labor organizations, Palestine solidarity movements, women’s organizations, and strugglers for justice who organized hundreds of events in cities in every continent of the world, demonstrating again and again, developing creative protest mechanisms, taking the #SaltWaterChallenge, organizing one-day hunger strikes and building strength to support the Palestinian prisoners’ struggle. Historically the Palestinian prisoners have always emphasized the importance of international solidarity and support for their struggle for liberation. Every one of these groups and individuals who have taken action around the world has a part in this collective struggle and collective victory.

Through their struggle, the Palestinian prisoners have escalated and developed growing support for the Palestinian struggle – in the labor movement, where major union confederations in Canada and Uruguay joined social movements in Brazil issuing resolutions in support of the strike, and even among parliamentarians, as the Portuguese parliament, the Pan-African Parliament, many Members of European Parliament, Argentine and Chilean parliamentarians, Galician and Andalucian parliamentarians, and even Canadian NDP leadership candidate Niki Ashton and US Congressperson Danny Davis – supported the prisoners.

Perhaps most movingly, the power of internationalist solidarity between liberation struggles was vividly illustrated in the solidarity of Irish Republican, Filipino and Turkish and Kurdish political prisoners and the hunger strike of Arab Communist struggler for Palestine, Georges Ibrahim Abdallah, along with Basque and Arab comrades, in French prison in solidarity with the Palestinian prisoners’ strike, as well as the solidarity expressed from U.S. prisons. Palestinian prisoners celebrated the news of Puerto Rican struggler Oscar Lopez Rivera’s release from U.S. colonial prisons and rejoiced in the scene of his homecoming alongside former Palestinian prisoner and community leader Rasmea Odeh.

The Palestinian prisoners’ movement and their struggle also further empowered and inspired campaigns for boycott, divestment and sanctions – from the establishment of HP-free zones in labor unions and community institutions to the inspiration of local boycott campaigns and initiatives, focusing on G4S, HP, academic and cultural boycott and the full boycott adopted by the LO labor union in Norway. The power and clarity of the prisoners’ resistance must encourage all of us to center the demands and struggle of the prisoners in building the global campaign for boycott, divestment and sanctions.

On this occasion of the prisoners’ victory, we know that there is a long struggle to come, for liberation for the prisoners and liberation for Palestine. We urge all of the Palestinian communities, supporters of Palestine and social justice organizers who took to the streets, drank salt water, engaged in hunger strikes, expressed their solidarity and organized across borders and walls to celebrate the victory of the prisoners with events and actions on 4-6 June, in Celebrations of Dignity and Victory.

In these celebrations, we will recognize the power of the Palestinian people to defeat the occupier and the colonizer, honor the prisoners and their steadfastness, and emphasize the ongoing struggle. These celebrations are an occasion to escalate our demands for Palestinian freedom – for the liberation of Palestinian prisoners, the Palestinian people, and the entire land of Palestine.

27 May 2017

The US Lost Track of a Billion Dollars Worth of Weapons in Iraq—Again

By Bryan Schatz

In June 2014, Iraqi forces dropped their weapons, shed their uniforms, and abandoned their posts as ISIS militants stormed into and captured Mosul. More than a year later, the United States began funneling $1.6 billion worth of new weaponry and other support to the beleaguered Iraqi army. The arsenal included tens of thousands of assault rifles, hundreds of armored vehicles, hundreds of mortar rounds, nearly 200 sniper rifles, and other gear.

What happened to much of it is now a mystery. According to a government audit obtained by Amnesty International, the US Army admits that it failed to accurately track this recent infusion of arms and other military supplies.

The now-declassified Department of Defense audit, obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request, reveals that efforts to keep track of weapons being sent to Iraq have been plagued by sloppy, fragmented, and inaccurate record keeping. The audit concluded that the Army unit in charge of transferring materiel to the Iraqi government “could not provide complete data for the quantity and dollar value of equipment on hand”—including large items such as vehicles.

This is not a new development. “If you do look back at previous audits, almost word for word, you get the same recommendations about the fact that they can’t centralize records, they’ve got records spread across different spreadsheets, it’s very difficult for them to locate weapons as they pass down the chain,” says Patrick Wilcken, Amnesty International’s arms control and human rights researcher. He notes that some Iraqi supply records are hand-written paper receipts.

The problem predates the current conflict by more than a decade. In 2007, the Government Accountability Office found that the United States could not account for nearly 30 percent of the weapons it had distributed in Iraq since 2004—about 200,000 guns. The situation does not appear to have improved much since then. In 2015, the Pentagon’s inspector general reported that the Iraqi army relies on “a manual, paper-based system for tracking supplies and equipment.” Even US and Iraqi personnel supervising arms depots did not know where specific weapons were supposed to be. Last year, Commander Elissa Smith, a Defense Department spokeswoman, told Mother Jones, “The bottom line is that the US military does not have a means to track equipment that has been taken from the government of Iraq by” ISIS.

The most recent audit notes that the Army couldn’t even tell whether certain equipment was in Kuwait or Iraq. It also claims that once military gear is transferred to the Iraqis, “it is no longer U.S. Government property” and the Pentagon “is relieved of responsibility to account for the equipment.” The Pentagon’s Golden Sentry program, however, requires that military supplies sent to foreign governments must be checked after delivery to ensure they are being used properly.

US-manufactured and supplied weapons in Iraq have made their way into the hands of ISIS fighters as well as paramilitary militias such as the Iranian-backed Popular Mobilization Units that have carried out summary executions, torture, and disappearances. Some of those militias have officially been incorporated into the Iraqi military. “This has been a constant feature of the Middle East and arms transfers,” Wilcken says. “Weapons go in, and maybe they serve their purpose for a short time, and then they come back to bite the suppliers. In Iraq, the weapons are not just spreading out into armed groups operating in Iraq but filtering back into the Syrian conflict as well.”

“There is a critical security situation in Iraq,” says Wilcken. Yet he says that funneling weapons into the country without effective monitoring fuels arms proliferation as well as human rights violations throughout the region. “If the [the United States is] investing billions of dollars in equipment, training, and assistance to the Iraqi army but not spending a little extra to ensure that this can lead to a long-term sustainable security solution, then that’s a distortion of their investments. They should be doubling down on securing arms supplies and checking that they’re not being handed out to serial violators.”

Bryan Schatz is a reporter at Mother Jones. Reach him at bschatz@motherjones.com

24 May 2017

Twenty-Seven Hours: Donald Trump in Israel

By Dr Binoy Kampmark

It was time to do the Zionist boogie within a mere period of 27 hours, and anyone wishing to see two muggers of history enjoying each other’s company found themselves peering at Donald Trump of the United States, and Israel’s Benjamin Netanyahu, nearly arm in arm on the recent tilt in US policy.  “We understand each other,” effused the Israeli leader, “and so much of the things that we wish to accomplish for both our countries.”

Not that Washington had been that savage in reneging on its general policy on Israel during the Obama years. Israel was still deemed firm bosom pal and supposed beacon of democracy in a sea of Arab savagery. One could hardly count the various gestures on the part of the Obama administration, notably those taken in the second term, as firm, sharp turns.

True, the Obama administration had veered at points, paying lip service to international law and the questioned status of the Israeli settlements.  There had been a registered abstention in the UN Security Council.  But effectualness was nowhere to be seen.

Notwithstanding that, the actions of the administration even as Trump was readying to move into the White House provoked Netanyahu, who was also in a habit of turning on the issue of whether the two-state solution ever had legs.

Any Trump promise comes with hazards, the most notable of which is flipping rapid change.  It soon became clear, even within the short time the president was going to spend in Israel, that dangerous, even scandalous excitement was looming.

The issue about whether Trump had disclosed classified material to Russian delegates on Israeli intelligence capabilities reared its curious head, and was beaten down.  “Just so you understand, I have never mentioned the word or the name Israel.”[1]

Nothing about Trump is ever lofty.  The philosophy of the gut and instinct prevail, a situation that is bound to provoke controversy.  The supremely vulgar Israeli MP Oren Hazan, being a bird of such a feather, ploughed through in a successful effort to take a “selfie” with Trump.  Not even Netanyahu could stop him.

Nor should he have.  Hazan had been accused in a televised report in 2015 of pimping and drug taking, a situation which led to his suspension as deputy speaker of the Knesset.  In December that same year, he was suspended for one month from any parliamentary activity after unwarranted behaviour towards a colleague with a disability.  Such a fine resume would sail well in Trumpland.

The gut philosophy is certainly baffling seasoned operatives on the ground.  Having expressed, in warm terms, his desire that the Israeli capital move from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, doubts have crept in.  An unnamed senior White House official told Bloomberg that, “We don’t think it would be wise to do it at this time.”[2]  There would be no provocations at a time “when everyone’s playing real nice.”

Nathan Thrall, senior analyst at the International Crisis Group, suggests that “both Israeli and Palestinian leaders – including Netanyahu – are made very nervous by Trump.”[3]  The baby risks being thrown with the bath water, and the diplomats and various politicians find themselves at odds with the status quo which emphasised paralysis over effort.  The only thing to do is utter niceties and sweet words – for the moment.

Worried that the ground might be shifting before the spectre of the “ultimate deal” on peace, former Likud member Moshe Feiglin fears that the Trump-Netanyahu association would spell doom for Israel, fuming at his prime minister for pushing “Israel’s strategic situation into the depths of an abyss that we have never known.”[4]  Such dabbling with Trump would thrill the progressives.  “Only Likud can fulfil the dreams of the most radical left.”

On this reality show in the Holy Land, the Trump display reduces history to show and spectacle, usually within the shortest of bursts.  This all came to a delightful head in the visit to Yad Vashem, where heads of state are scrutinised for their obeisance to the Holocaust credo.  What words of grave import would Trump come up with?  In all likelihood, it would have to be in less than 140 characters.

As a Presidential candidate, Barack Obama visited the memorial in 2008, and got on the horse of history to survey the world. The words in the guest book were lengthy, contemplating this “powerful reminder of man’s potential for great evil, but also our capacity to rise up from tragedy and remake our world.”

In his 2013 speech at the memorial, now as president, Obama spoke of how “our sons and daughters are not born to hate, they are taught to hate.  So let us fill their young hearts with the same understanding and compassion that we hope others have for them.”

Trump, in contrast, delivered a more trimmed version, still sneaking in the necessary punch of horror: “Millions of wonderful and beautiful lives, men, women and children were extinguished as part of a systematic attempt to eliminate the Jewish people.”  Netanyahu’s response almost broke the solemnity with unintended satire, thanking the US president for a speech “that in so few words said so much.”

In the guest book of Israel’s national Holocaust memorial were penned words seemingly screaming in their self-referential, adolescent awe: “IT IS A GREAT HONOR TO BE HERE WITH ALL OF MY FRIENDS – SO AMAZING & WILL NEVER FORGET!”

As Amir Tibon would conclude at the end, the first visit to Israel as the president of the United States saw Trump offer a diet to the Israeli people irresistible though unhealthy.  “It consisted almost entirely of sugar and sweets, with very little ‘protein’ in the form of actual substance.”[5]

Dr. Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge.  He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne.  Email: bkampmark@gmail.com

[1] http://edition.cnn.com/2017/05/22/politics/trump-israel-russia-intelligence/

[2] https://www.bloomberg.com/politics/articles/2017-05-17/trump-said-to-rule-out-moving-israel-embassy-to-jerusalem

[3] https://www.vice.com/en_au/article/trumps-constant-embarrassing-gaffes-in-israel-wont-hurt-him

[4] https://www.facebook.com/JewishLeadership/posts/10154967988673058

[5] http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/1.791207

24 May 2017