Just International

Renewable Energy After COP21: Nine Issues For Climate Leaders To Think About On The Journey Home

By Richard Heinberg

COP21 in Paris is over. Now it’s back to the hard work of fighting for, and implementing, the energy transition.

We all know that the transition away from fossil fuels is key to maintaining a livable planet. Several organizations have formulated proposals for transitioning to 100 percent renewable energy; some of those proposals focus on the national level, some the state level, while a few look at the global challenge. David Fridley (staff scientist of the energy analysis program at Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory) and I have been working for the past few months to analyze and assess many of those proposals, and to dig deeper into energy transition issues—particularly how our use of energy will need to adapt in a ~100 percent renewable future. We have a book in the works, titled Our Renewable Future, that examines the adjustments society will have to make in the transition to new energy sources. We started this project with some general understanding of the likely constraints and opportunities in this transition; nevertheless, researching and writing Our Renewable Future has been a journey of discovery. Along the way, we identified not only technical issues requiring more attention, but also important implications for advocacy and policy. What follows is a short summary—tailored mostly to the United States—of what we’ve learned, along with some recommendations.

1. We really need a plan; no, lots of them

Germany has arguably accomplished more toward the transition than any other nation largely because it has a plan—the Energiewende. This plan targets a 60 percent reduction in all fossil fuel use (not just in the electricity sector) by 2050, achieving a 50 percent cut in overall energy use through efficiency in power generation (fossil fueled power plants entail huge losses), buildings, and transport. It’s not a perfect plan, in that it really should aim higher than 60 percent. But it’s better than nothing, and the effort is off to a good start. Although the United States has a stated goal of generating 20 percent of its electricity from renewable sources by 2030, it does not have an equivalent official plan. Without it, we are at a significant disadvantage.

What would a plan do? It would identify the low-hanging fruit, show how resources need to be allocated, and identify needed policies. We would of course need to revise the plan frequently as we gained practical experience (as Germany is doing).

What follows are some components of a possible plan, based on work already done by many researchers in the United States and elsewhere; far more detail (with timelines, cost schedules, and policies) would be required for a fleshed-out version. It groups tasks into levels of difficulty; work would need to commence right away on tasks at all levels of difficulty, but for planning purposes it’s useful to know what can be achieved relatively quickly and cheaply, and what will take long, expensive, sustained effort.

Level One: The “easy” stuff

Nearly everyone agrees that the easiest way to kick-start the transition would be to replace coal with solar and wind power for electricity generation. That would require building lots of panels and turbines while regulating coal out of existence. Distributed generation and storage (rooftop solar panels with home- or business-scale battery packs) will help. Replacing natural gas will be harder, because gas-fired “peaking” plants are often used to buffer the intermittency of industrial-scale wind and solar inputs to the grid (see Level Two).

Electricity accounts for less than a quarter of all final energy used in the U.S. What about the rest of the energy we depend on? Since solar, wind, hydro, and geothermal produce electricity, it makes sense to electrify as much of our energy usage as we can. For example, we could heat and cool most buildings with electric air-source heat pumps (replacing natural gas- or oil-fueled furnaces). We could also begin switching out all our gas cooking stoves with electric stoves.

Transportation represents a large swath of energy consumption, and personal automobiles account for most of that. We could reduce oil consumption substantially if we all drove electric cars (replacing 250 million gasoline-fueled automobiles will take time and money, but will eventually result in energy and financial savings). But promoting walking, bicycling, and public transit will take much less time and investment, and be far more sustainable in the long-term.

Buildings will require substantial retrofitting for energy efficiency (this will again take time and investment, but will offer still more opportunities for savings). Building codes should be strengthened to require net-zero energy or near-net-zero-energy performance for new construction. More energy-efficient appliances will also help.

The food system is a big energy consumer, with fossil fuels used in the manufacturing of fertilizers, in food processing, and transportation. We could reduce a lot of that fuel consumption by increasing the market share of organic, local foods. While we’re at it, we could begin sequestering enormous amounts of atmospheric carbon in topsoil by promoting farming practices that build soil rather than deplete it.

If we got a good start in all these areas, we could achieve at least a 40 percent reduction in carbon emissions in ten to twenty years.

Level Two: The harder stuff

Solar and wind technologies have a drawback: they provide energy intermittently. When they become dominant within our overall energy mix, we will have to accommodate that intermittency in various ways. We’ll need substantial amounts of grid-level energy storage as well as a major grid overhaul to get the electricity sector to 80 percent renewables (thereby replacing natural gas in electricity generation). We’ll also need to start timing our energy usage to better coincide with the availability of sunlight and wind energy. That in itself will present both technological and behavioral hurdles.

Electric cars aside, the transport sector will require longer-term and sometimes more expensive substitutions. We could reduce our need for cars (which require a lot of energy for their manufacture and de-commissioning) by densifying our cities and suburbs and reorienting them to public transit, bicycling, and walking. We could electrify all motorized human transport by building more electrified public transit and intercity passenger rail links. Heavy trucks could run on fuel cells, but it would be better to minimize trucking by expanding freight rail. Transport by ship could employ modern fsails to increase fuel efficiency (this is already being done on a tiny scale), but re-localization or de-globalization of manufacturing would be a necessary co-strategy to reduce the need for shipping.

Much of the manufacturing sector already runs on electricity, but there are exceptions—and some of these will offer significant challenges.

Many raw materials for manufacturing processes either are fossil fuels (feedstocks for plastics and other petrochemical-based materials including lubricants, paints, dyes, pharmaceuticals, etc.) or currently require fossil fuels for mining and/or transformation (e.g., most metals). Considerable effort will be needed to replace fossil fuel-based materials and to recycle non-renewable materials more completely, significantly reducing the need for mining.

If we did all these things, while also building far, far more solar panels and wind turbines, we could achieve roughly an 80 percent reduction in emissions compared to our current level.

Level Three: The really hard stuff

Doing away with the last 20 percent of our current fossil fuel consumption is going to take still more time, research, and investment—as well as much more behavioral adaptation. Just one example: we currently use enormous amounts of cement for all kinds of construction activities. Cement making requires high heat, which could theoretically be supplied by sunlight, electricity, or hydrogen—but that will entail a nearly complete redesign of the process.

While with Level One we began a shift in food systems by promoting local organic food, driving carbon emissions down further will require finishing that job by making all food production organic, and requiring all agriculture to sequester carbon through building topsoil. Eliminating all fossil fuels in food systems will also entail a substantial re-design of those systems to minimize processing, packaging, and transport.

The communications sector—which uses mining and high heat processes for the production of phones, computers, servers, wires, photo-optic cables, cell towers, and more—presents some really knotty problems. The only good long-term solution in this sector is to make devices that are built to last a very long time and then to repair them and fully recycle and re-manufacture them when absolutely needed. The Internet could be maintained via the kinds of low-tech, asynchronous networks now being pioneered in poor nations, using relatively little power.

Back in the transport sector: we’ve already made shipping more efficient with sails in Level Two, but doing away with petroleum altogether will require costly substitutes (fuel cells or biofuels). One way or another, global trade will have to shrink. There is no good drop-in substitute for aviation fuels; we may have to write off aviation as anything but a specialty transport mode. Planes running on hydrogen or biofuels are an expensive possibility, as are dirigibles filled with (non-renewable) helium, any of which could help us maintain vestiges of air travel. Paving and repairing roads without oil-based asphalt is possible, but will require an almost complete redesign of processes and equipment.

The good news is that if we do all these things, we can get to beyond zero carbon emissions; that is, with sequestration of carbon in soils and forests, we could actually reduce atmospheric carbon with each passing year.

Plans will look different in each country, so each country (and each state) needs one.

2. It’s not all about solar and wind

These two energy resources have been the subjects of most of the discussion surrounding the renewable energy transition. Prices are falling, rates of installation are high, and there is a large potential for further growth. But, with a small number of exceptions, hydropower continues to serve as the largest source of renewable electricity.

The inherent intermittency of wind and solar power will pose increasing challenges as percentage levels of penetration into overall energy markets increase. Other renewable energy sources—hydropower, geothermal, and biomass—can more readily supply controllable baseload power, but they have much less opportunity for growth.

Hopes for high levels of wind and solar are therefore largely driven by the assumption that industrial societies can and should maintain very high levels of energy use. If energy usage in the United States could be scaled back significantly (70 to 90 percent) then a reliable all-renewable energy regime becomes much easier to envision and cheaper to engineer—but the system would need to look very different. Solar and wind would serve as significant sources of electricity and with usage timed to its availability, but hydro, geothermal, and some biomass (when environmentally appropriate) would serve as baseload power.

3. We must begin pre-adapting to less energy

It is unclear how much energy will be available to society at the end of the transition: there are many variables (including rates of investment and the capabilities of renewable energy technology without fossil fuels to back them up and to power their manufacture, at least in the early stages). Nevertheless, given all the challenges involved, it would be prudent to assume that people in wealthy industrialized countries will have less energy (even taking into account efficiencies in power generation and energy usage) than they would otherwise have, assuming a continuation of historic growth trends.

This conclusion is hard to avoid when considering the speed and scale of reduction in emissions actually required to avert climate catastrophe. As climate scientist Kevin Anderson points out in a recent Nature Geoscience paper:

According to the IPCC’s Synthesis Report, no more than 1,000 billion tonnes (1,000 Gt) of CO2 can be emitted between 2011 and 2100 for a 66% chance (or better) of remaining below 2 °C of warming (over preindustrial times)… However, between 2011 and 2014 CO2 emissions from energy production alone amounted to about 140 Gt of CO2… [Subtracting realistic emissions budgets for deforestation and cement production,] …the remaining budget for energy-only emissions over the period 2015–2100, for a ‘likely’ chance of staying below 2 °C, is about 650 Gt of CO2.

That 650 gigatons of carbon amounts to less than 19 years of continued business-as-usual emissions from global fossil energy use. The notion that the world could make a complete transition to alternative energy sources, using only that six-year fossil energy budget, and without significant reduction in overall energy use, might be characterized as optimism on a scale that stretches credulity.

The “how much will we have?” question reflects an understandable concern to maintain current levels of comfort and convenience as we switch energy sources. But in this regard it is good to keep ecological footprint analysis in mind.

According to the Global Footprint Network’s Living Planet Report 2014, the amount of productive land and sea available to each person on Earth in order to live in a way that’s ecologically sustainable is 1.7 global hectares. The current per capita ecological footprint in the United States is 6.8 global hectares. Asking whether renewable energy could enable Americans to maintain their current lifestyle is therefore equivalent to asking whether renewable energy can keep us living unsustainably. The clear answer is: only temporarily, if at all . . . so why attempt the impossible? We should aim for a sustainable level of energy and material consumption, which on average is significantly lower than at present.

Efforts to pre-adapt to shrinking energy supplies have understandably gotten a lot less attention from activists than campaigns to leave fossil fuels in the ground, or to promote renewable energy projects. But if we don’t give equal thought to this bundle of problems, we will eventually be caught short and there will be significant economic and political fallout.

So what should we do to prepare for energy reduction? Look to California: its economy has grown for the past several decades while its per capita electricity demand has not. The state encouraged cooperation between research institutions, manufacturers, utilities, and regulators to figure out how to keep demand from growing by changing the way electricity is used. This is not a complete solution, but it may be one of the top success stories in the energy transition so far, rivaling that of Germany’s Energiewende. It should be copied in every state and country.

4. Consumerism is a problem, not a solution

Current policy makers see increased buying and discarding of industrial products as a solution to the problem of stagnating economies. With nearly 70 percent of the United States economy tied to consumer spending, it is easy to see why consumption is encouraged. Historically, the form of social and economic order known as consumerism largely emerged as a response to industrial overproduction—one of the causes of the Great Depression—which in turn resulted from an abundant availability of cheap fossil energy. Before and especially after the Depression and World War II, the advertising and consumer credit industries grew dramatically as a means of stoking product purchases, and politicians of all political persuasions joined the chorus urging citizens to think of themselves as “consumers,” and to take their new job description to heart.

If the transition to renewable energy implies a reduction in overall energy availability, if mobility is diminished, and if many industrial processes involving high heat and the use of fossil fuels as feedstocks become more expensive or are curtailed, then conservation must assume a much higher priority than consumption in the dawning post-fossil-fuel era. If it becomes more difficult and costly to produce and distribute goods such as clothing, computers, and phones, then people will have to use these manufactured goods longer, and repurpose, remanufacture, and recycle them wherever possible. Rather than a consumer economy, this will be a conserver economy.

The switch from one set of priorities and incentives (consumerism) to the other (conservation) implies not just a major change in American culture but also a vast shift in both the economy and in government policy, with implications for nearly every industry. If this shift is to occur with a minimum of stress, it should be thought out ahead of time and guided with policy. We see little evidence of such planning currently, and it is not clear what governmental body would have the authority and capacity to undertake it. Nor do we yet see a culture shift powerful and broad-based enough to propel policy change.

The renewable economy will likely be slower and more local. Economic growth may reverse itself as per capita consumption shrinks; if we are to avert a financial crash (and perhaps a revolution as well) we may need a different economic organizing principle. In her recent book on climate change, This Changes Everything, Naomi Klein asks whether capitalism be preserved in the era of climate change; while it probably can (capitalism needs profit more than growth), that may not be a good idea because, in the absence of overall growth, profits for some will have to come at a cost to everyone else. And this is exactly what we have been seeing in the years since the financial crash of 2008.

The idea of a conserver economy has been around at least since the 1970s, and both the European degrowth movement and the leaders of the relatively new discipline of ecological economics have given it a lot of thought. Their insights deserve to be at the center of energy transition discussions.

5. Population growth makes everything harder

A discussion of population might seem off-topic. But if energy and materials (which represent embodied energy) are likely to be more scarce in the decades ahead of us, population growth will mean even less consumption per capita. And global population is indeed growing: on a net basis (births minus deaths) we are currently adding 82 million humans to the rolls each year, a larger number than at any time in the past, even if the rate of growth is slowing.

Population growth of the past century was enabled by factors—many of which trace back to the availability of abundant, cheap energy and the abundant, cheap food that it enabled—that may be reaching a point of diminishing returns. Policy makers face the decision now of whether to humanely reduce population by promoting family planning and by public persuasion—by raising the educational level of poor women around the world and giving women full control over their reproductive rights—or to let nature deal with overpopulation in unnecessarily brutal ways. For detailed recommendations regarding population matters, consult population organizations such as Population Institute and Population Media Center. Population is a climate issue.

6. Fossil fuels are too valuable to allocate solely by the market

Our analysis suggests that industrial societies will need to keep using fossil fuels for some applications until the very final stages of the energy transition—and possibly beyond, for non-energy purposes. Crucially, we will need to use fossil fuels (for the time being, anyway) for industrial processes and transportation needed to build and install renewable energy systems.We will also need to continue using fossil fuels in agriculture, manufacturing, and general transportation, until robust renewable energy-based technologies are available. This implies several problems.

As the best of our remaining fossil fuels are depleted, society will by necessity be extracting and burning ever lower-grade coal, oil, and natural gas. We see this trend already far advanced in the petroleum industry, where virtually all new production prospects involve tight oil, tar sands, ultra-heavy oil, deepwater oil, or Arctic oil—all of which entail high production costs and high environmental risk as compared to conventional oil found and produced during the 20th century. Burning these heavier, dirtier fuels will create ever more co-pollutants that have a disproportionate health impact and burden on low-income communities. The fact that the fossil fuel industry will require ever-increasing levels of investment per unit of energy yielded has a gloomy implication for the energy transition: society’s available capital will have to be directed toward the deteriorating fossil fuel sector to maintain current services, just as much more capital is also needed to fund the build-out of renewables. Seemingly the only way to avoid this trap would be to push the energy transition as quickly as possible, so that we aren’t stuck two or three decades from now still dependent on fossil fuels that, by then, will be requiring so much investment to find and extract that society may not be able to afford the transition project.

But there’s also a problem with accelerating the transition too much. Since we use fossil fuels to build the infrastructure for renewables, speeding up the transition could mean an overall increase in emissions—unless we reduce other current uses of fossil fuels. In other words, we may have to deprive some sectors of the economy of fossil fuels before adequate renewable substitutes are available, in order to fuel the transition without increasing overall greenhouse gas emissions. This would translate to a reduction in overall energy consumption and in the economic benefits of energy use (though money saved from conservation and efficiency would hopefully reduce the impact), and this would have to be done without producing a regressive impact on already vulnerable and economically disadvantaged communities.

We may be entering a period of fossil fuel triage. Rather than allocating fossil fuels simply on a market basis (those who pay for them get them), it may be fairer, especially to lower-income citizens, for government (with wartime powers) to allocate fuels purposefully based on the strategic importance of the societal sectors that depend on them, and on the relative ease and timeliness of transitioning those sectors to renewable substitutes. Agriculture, for example, might be deemed the highest priority for continued fossil fuel allocations, with commercial air travel assuming a far lower priority. Perhaps we need not just a price on carbon, but different prices for different uses. We see very little discussion of this prospect in the current energy policy literature. Further, few governments even currently acknowledge the need for a carbon budget. The political center of gravity, particularly in the United States, will have to shift significantly before decision makers can publicly acknowledge the need for fossil fuel triage.

As fossil fuels grow more costly to extract, there may be ever-greater temptation to use our available energy and investment capital merely to maintain existing consumption patterns (likely for the rich above all), and to put off the effort that the transition implies. If we do that, we will eventually reap the worst of all possible outcomes—climate chaos, a gutted economy, and no continuing wherewithal to build a bridge to a renewable energy future.

7. Equity within and between nations has to be addressed

The ability to harness energy creates wealth and confers social power. With the advent of fossil fuels came a rush of wealth and power such as the world had never before seen. Naturally, humanitarians saw this as an opportunity to spread wealth and power around so as to lift all of humanity above drudgery, eliminate hunger, and even put an end to war. And to a large degree that opportunity has been seized: overall, child mortality rates are down, life expectancy is up, infectious diseases are on the decline, hunger has been reduced (even as population has dramatically grown), and mortality from violence has declined since the end of World War II.

Yet globally, wealthy industrial nations have disproportionately benefitted from the fossil fuel revolution while poorer nations have disproportionately borne the costs. And a similar disparity also exists within nations, both rich and poor ones. Further, the injustice of energy wealth vs. energy poverty is increasingly magnified by climate impacts, which fall disproportionately upon energy poor societies—both because of geographical happenstance and because they do not have the same level of resources to devote toward adaptation.

Now we arrive at a crossroads, where the wealth-generating energy sources of the past two centuries (fossil fuels) must give way to different energy sources. While the decades ahead may see declining per capita energy consumption in the industrialized world, the transition to renewable energy does not automatically herald a more egalitarian future. Entrenched economic interests that benefited disproportionately during the fossil fuel era may seek to maintain their advantages as everyone else adjusts to lower consumption levels, attempting to ensure that their slice of a diminishing pie is left untouched. It is also possible that nations, and wealthy communities within nations, will build robust, largely self-contained renewable energy systems while everyone else continues to depend upon increasingly dysfunctional and expensive electricity grids that are increasingly starved of fuel. In either case, current levels of economic inequality could persist or worsen.

Pursuing the renewable energy transition without equity in mind would likely doom the entire project. Unless the interests of people at lower economic levels are taken into account and existing inequalities are reduced, the inevitable stresses accompanying this all-encompassing societal transformation could result in ever-deeper divisions both between and within nations, and lead to open conflict. On the other hand, if everyone is drawn into a visionary project that entails shared effort as well as shared gains, the result could be overwhelmingly beneficial for all of humanity. This is true, of course, not only for the renewable energy transition but also for our response to impacts of climate change that are by now unavoidable.

8. Everything is connected

Throughout the energy transition, great attention will have to be given to the interdependent linkages and supply chains connecting various sectors (communications, mining, and transport knit together most of what we do in industrial societies). Some links in supply chains will be hard to substitute, and chains can be brittle: a problem with even one link can imperil the entire chain. This is the modern manifestation of the old nursery rhyme, “for the want of a nail…the kingdom was lost.”

Consider, for example, the supply chain analysis for wind turbines.

The graphic above shows the various components, each with its own manufacturing sector somewhere in the world. Planning will need to take such interdependencies into account. As every ecologist knows, you can’t do just one thing.

9. This is not plug-and-play; it is civilization reboot

Energy transitions change everything. From a public relations standpoint, it may be helpful to give politicians or the general public the impression that life will go on as before while we unplug coal power plants and plug in solar panels, but the reality will probably be quite different. During historic energy transitions, economies and political systems underwent profound metamorphoses. There is no reason to suppose that it will be different this time around. If this is done right, the changes that must take place will bring with them opportunities for societal improvement and the greater wellbeing of everyone—including the rest of the biosphere.
For every answer David Fridley and I identified to the problem of how to power a modern industrial society with 100 percent renewable energy, it seemed that one or more questions popped up. For example, a massive deployment of electric cars would drastically reduce our dependence on oil—but how will we make electric cars without fossil fuels for plastics and tires? The high temperatures for industrial processes used to make glass and steel for those cars could be supplied by renewable electricity, but at what price? And how will we build and repair roads?

Studies showing an easy and affordable path to 100 percent renewable energy typically have an agenda with which we entirely concur: the transition away from fossil fuels and toward renewable energy must occur, whatever the roadblocks. Some of those roadblocks take the form of simple inertia: companies—indeed, whole societies—will invest in fundamental changes to their ways of doing business only when they have to, and most are quite comfortable with their current fossil-fuel-dependent processes, supply chains, and of course sunk costs.

Studies claiming that a transition to renewable energy will be easy and cost-free may allay fears and thus help speed the transition. However, sweeping actual difficulties under the carpet also delays confronting them. We need to start now to address the problems of energy demand adaptation, of balancing intermittency in energy supply from solar and wind, and of energy substitution in thousands of industrial processes. Those are big jobs, and ignoring them won’t make them go away.

If many of the unknowns in the renewable energy transition imply roadblocks and speed bumps, some could turn out to be opportunities, and we cheerfully acknowledge that many conundrums may be much more easily solved than currently appears likely. For example, it is conceivable that new technical advances could result in a zero-carbon cement that is cheaper to make than the current carbon-intensive variety. But that’s extremely unlikely to happen until serious attention is given to the problem.

At the end of the renewable energy transition, if it is successful, we will achieve savings in ongoing energy expenditures needed for each increment of economic production, and we may be rewarded with a quality of life that is acceptable and perhaps preferable over our current one (even though, for most Americans, material consumption will be scaled back from its current unsustainable level). We will get a much more stable climate than would otherwise be the case, along with greatly reduced health and environmental impacts from energy production activities.

But the transition will entail costs—in terms of money, regulation, and the requirement to change our behavior and expectations. And delay would be fatal.

Recommendations

Below are some suggestions geared specifically to environmental nonprofits and funders.

Environmental Organizations

>> Create social momentum to support a global powerdown, helping prepare society for an effort and a shift as huge as the Industrial Revolution. While the concern about providing opponents with ammunition is understandable, downplaying or ignoring the real implications of the energy transition may not only engender distrust, it might also waste an opportunity to provide people with a sense of agency.

>> Where key uses of fossil fuels are especially hard to substitute (aviation fuel, for example), argue for work-arounds (such as rail) or for the managed, gradual scaling down of those uses.

>> Explore how the transition could provide satisfying livelihoods and support thriving localized, steady state, circular economies. The Transition Network has already given considerable thought to this. Organizations of young organic farmers (like Greenhorns) and farmer training services (like the Agriculture and Land-Based Training Association), are only scratching the surface of what is needed. The Business Alliance for Local Living Economies is providing networking services for sustainable enterprises, but could perhaps provide more of a training function, if it were supported to do so.

>> Take a leadership role in initiating visionary projects to further the energy transition, then enlist communities to take those projects on, and to benefit from them. These could be renewable energy, local food, transport, import substitution, recycling, or energy efficiency projects—the possibilities are nearly endless.

>> In addition to resisting the dominance of fossil fuels, engage with communities to create persuasive models of how people can live and thrive with much reduced reliance on fossil fuels.

>> Advocate for a just transition to renewable energy that benefits all people and communities. If the NGO world doesn’t do this, who will? And without such advocacy, the energy transition could actually exacerbate existing inequity.

Philanthropy

The philanthropic sector inevitably exerts a very large influence over the priorities of nonprofit organizations that it funds. Funders should increasingly support:

>> Efforts to educate and inspire citizens about the energy transition.

>> Projects that involve development of new economic models that enable people to live with less energy, but in ways that bring greater life satisfaction.

>> Replicable models of community development that include taking charge of local energy production and reducing fossil fuel demand across many sectors.

Funders could also help the nonprofit community view the energy transition as a systemic transformation, one that only begins with shutting down coal power plants.

The technical coordination of the renewable transition is itself an enormous task, and currently nobody is handling it. It will likely require a global authority to determine how to direct the use of the world’s remaining burnable fossil fuels—whether toward the further growth of conventional manufacturing and transportation, or toward the build-out of renewable energy-based generation and consumption infrastructure. Only such an authority could globally prioritize and coordinate sectoral shifts (in agriculture, transport, manufacturing, and buildings) to reduce fossil fuel consumption as quickly as possible without reducing economic benefits in unacceptable ways.

But in the absence of such an international authority, the onus of this work will fall largely upon nonprofit environmental organizations and their funders, along with national and local governments.

One way or another, it’s time to make a plan—as comprehensive and detailed as we can manage—and run with it, revising it as we go. And to “sell” that plan, honestly but skillfully, to policy makers and our fellow citizens.

Richard Heinberg is a senior fellow at the Post Carbon Institute and the author of eleven books Snake Oil: How Fracking’s False Promise of Plenty Imperils Our Future, The Party’s Over: Oil, War, and the Fate of Industrial Societies, Peak Everything: Waking Up to the Century of Declines, and The End of Growth: Adapting to Our New Economic Reality.

15 December, 2015
Postcarbon.org

From the Airliner to the Bomber

By Ismail Shamir

Three important events influenced the course of the Syrian war in the course of last month: the Metrojet flight 9268 crash in Sinai October 31, the Paris attacks on Friday November 13 and the downing of a Sukhoi 24 on November 24, 2015.

The Metrojet

The Metrojet crash was not deemed an act of terror to start with. First accounts concentrated on the poor state of the charter plane, on the lack of proper maintenance, on its previously troubled record (a tail strike it had suffered some years earlier), on a possible engine failure. The reports were confusingly contradictory. The pilots had asked permission for emergency landing, – no, they hadn’t. The airliner violently steered off the course, rapidly changed its altitude a few times, – no, it did not. There were no traces of explosives – there were traces of explosives all over place.

In a course of a few days, the whole body of conspiracy and anti-conspiracy versions grew around the crash, both in Russia and elsewhere, for instance an explosion of hydrogen-filled diving cylinder of a sort regularly used by Sharm el Sheikh divers.

I noticed an interesting coincidence: there was the Blue Flag air exercise of Israeli and American air forces in the vicinity of the crash area. The crash occurred within 30 miles of the Israeli border, and Israel happens to use its drones to kill its enemies in Sinai. The exercise included “firing simulated weapons against fictional enemy missile launchers, convoys and aircraft”, according to the official report. What if some of these weapons weren’t “simulated”? I would not suggest intentional destruction of a civilian Russian liner, but friendly fire is not unheard of. A missile could go astray. The Blue Flag was supposed to last until November, 3. However, after the Metrojet crash, it was claimed that the exercise was over October, 29.

An Israeli news site asked the Army spokesman when the exercise was finished, and received the answer: November, 3. The site asked again, while referring to the Russian liner crash. This time, the answer was: October, 29. This discrepancy is not a proof of anything; and anyway, this version gained little currency. However, it was expanded by an American site and later by a hard-core radical Russian site (they accused me of “cover-up” for balking at considering Israeli ill intent). I do not think this is the true explanation; just another version in absence of the truth established.

For a long while the Russians denied the crash was caused by enemy action and looked for a technical failure, though the UK and the US suggested a terror attack. Daesh (ISIS) claimed they downed the airliner by a missile and they published a video of this alleged feat. This claim was met with scorn, as MANPAD missiles can’t reach the airliner altitude. It was said that soon Daesh will claim the Sinking of the Titanic.

The Russians mourned their dead, and their campaign in Syria continued with some successes on the ground, while the West continued to condemn it for going against ‘moderate opposition’ and paying lip service to the war on Daesh. The Russians insisted they were fighting Daesh “or other similar groups”.

Paris

The Paris attacks changed the game. 130 persons were killed, and the attack was claimed by Daesh. This was not a sophisticated action; the total outlay was around €7,000 ($7,500) while the damage was in billions and budget allocations to security industries were in trillions. Daesh claimed the responsibility, while al Qaeda never claimed 9/11 for itself. This time there was a great surge of empathy and mourning all over the world, and nowhere was it stronger than in Russia.

The Russian people feel so much about France and about Paris – probably as much as the Americans of Scott Fitzgerald’s generation. Paris is the place good Russians – like good Americans – go to when they die, rephrasing Oscar Wilde. Mayakovski, the great Russian poet of 1920s, famously said: I’d love to live and die in Paris, and quickly added: if there weren’t Moscow. This love of Paris and France has been a trademark of a Russian nobleman since 18th century: Pushkin’s generation learned French before mastering their own tongue. Russians love to feel European, and France is the only country in Europe they really care for.

In France, there were calls for vengeance, and the Russians seconded them. They would love to go to war in a coalition with the French, as they did in the WWI and WWII. Paris attacks fitted Putin’s Destroy Daesh campaign like a glove. At that time, 18 days after the crash and 4 days after the Paris attacks, the Russians declared their air liner was downed by the Daesh. Many previous claims regarding the crash were disowned, reports reinterpreted and made to suit the new version. Instead of the West versus Russia, a new formation began to form, that of Russia and France versus all the rest.

Daesh behaved like a good sport and accepted the responsibility for the Russian crash on the next day. They also adapted their version: previously they said they downed the liner with a missile, now they agreed with the Russians and said they did it with a Schweppes can. Nobody queried how did they manage to squeeze three pounds of TNT equivalent into a soft drink can. The Russian-French coalition against Daesh began to take form.

Russian TV broadcast the French Aircraft Carrier Charles de Gaulle rendezvousing with the Russian Missile Cruiser Moskva off Syrian shore, a poignant symbol of two great European nations doing their joint work against the barbarians.

For a short while the Russians forgot that they had come by the Syrian government’s invitation to fight for Syria, while the French considered President Assad a worse plague than Daesh. They poured bombs on the Daesh-held territory, and the Russians penned “For Paris!” on their bombs.

Nowadays many pro-Western Russians feel “white”, as they became infected by the racist rhetoric of the West after the Soviet collapse and were subjected to an influx of Central Asian migrants. They also imported European Nationalist discourse bewailing Europe and France deluged by coloured migrants. In their minds, the Arab refugee wave and the Paris terror attacks merged into one battle in the clash of civilisations.

The Israeli connection of influential Jews amidst Russians added some anti-Arab prejudice. A top Russian blogger and a citizen of Israel, Mr Anton Nosik, flaunting his Israeli connection, called to kill the women and children of Syria. He also accused the very moderate Russian Muslim Mufti of financing the bombing of the Metrojet liner. Mr Michael Weller, a best-selling writer, published a racist screed against the dark-skinned Arabs who swamp and engulf Europe. Both genocidal calls were published by the most pro-Western, ultra-liberal and anti-Putin Echo Moskvy site. The head of Mossad called to bomb Syria like Dresden was bombed. In Dresden, perhaps up to half a million civilians were killed in a bombing attack by the British and American air forces, well described by Kurt Vonnegut. To be on the safe side and not to miss a piece of action, Israel bombed the Russian allies in Syria: the Syrian army and their ally Hezbollah.

At that time, President Hollande of France went to the US trying to build the grand coalition against Daesh.

The Bomber

The spirit of Russia’s cooperation with the West was at its peak when a well-aimed air-to-air missile from a Turkish F-16 fighter downed the Russian Su-24M tactical bomber. According to the Turks, the bomber had lingered for some 17 seconds in Turkish airspace and was been downed one mile inside the Syrian territory. According to the Russians, the bomber didn’t cross the Turkish border at all. In any case, this was a deadly planned ambush.

This was an illusion-shattering event of great magnitude, the end of a brief season that began with destruction of the Russian airliner, continued with the Paris attacks and ended with the pilots of the Russian bomber parachuting into the hills of North-West Syria. During this silly season, the Russians tried to convince the world and definitely convinced themselves that the grand coalition of 1941-1945 came back to life, and they are fighting shoulder-to-shoulder with the French and the Americans against their joint enemy. Just one missile, and the sweet dream scattered, like the unfortunate Sukhoi bomber.

The downing was not a surprise for me, nor should it be for you: I actually warned you, my reader, it was coming a full month before it occurred. On October 19, 2015 I had been warned by my Turkish correspondents of the Shamireaders group. I passed this warning on October, 22: “Erdogan plans to pull Turkey to the brink of war with Russia. Erdogan has given orders to shoot down Russian planes operating in Syria while claiming they have intruded into Turkish air space.” I published this warning in a leading Russian newspaper, too, a few days earlier.

The downing was a terrible shock for the Russians as they did not expect an attack from the Turkish side. They were carried away by their own rhetoric. They spoke endlessly about the need to fight terrorists, and convinced themselves everybody was on the same page they were. The Turks disabused them. Naturally, the Turks and their NATO allies stood up against the Russians. The Russian claim that “we all should fight Daesh” had propaganda value but not an operational one, and they learned it this painful way.

The Arab newspapers say that President Erdogan obtained President Obama’s blessing for the operation when they met at G20 summit in Turkey. They also say the timing was chosen to derail Mr Hollande’s mission. We do not know whether this is true, but the US and other NATO members expressed their limited support for the Turkish attack. France did not demur, yet. The NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg “expressed solidarity with Turkey and support of Turkey’s territorial integrity”. The US decision to sanction a Russian businessman for dealing with Bashar Assad reminded everyone that for the US the main enemy in Syria has been, and is the legitimate government of Syria, while the Islamic State (Daesh) is an unruly ally.

The Turks carried out their premeditated attack on the Russian bomber because they are protecting Daesh. They are Daesh’s regional minder. Last week, Daesh authorities in Raqqa discontinued usage of the Syrian lira as a legal tender on their territory. From now on, it is Turkish lira that will be used in the new Caliphate. The Turks buy the bulk of the oil produced by Daesh, though some quantity of this oil apparently finds its way to Damascus as well. It is difficult to blame Bashar Assad’s government for its attempts to recover some of its oil from the Daesh thieves, even paying ransom for it. However, such an excuse can’t be made regarding the Turks. It is said that Erdogan’s son is personally involved in buying the stolen oil, but whether it is true or not, oil is transported to Turkey.

We should recount the reasons for the Syrian war so that the present events to make sense. It is not that the people of Syria decided to rise against the tyrant. The Syrian war has been initiated by the West in 2011 in order to overthrow Bashar Assad and his regime in a mopping-up campaign against the states that sided with the Soviet Union in the Cold War. We know that much from the Wikileaks cables of the US Embassy in Damascus. France supported the move from its own neo-colonial reasons as Syria was its former protectorate. Syria’s neighbours had their own reasons to support the US-led campaign.

Israel wanted to Somalise Syria, to cause its defragmentation in full agreement with its Yinon Plan. It wanted to place a Sunni entity between its enemies Iran and Hezbollah, as well. Qatar wanted to build a gas pipeline to Turkey via Syria, and Bashar Assad did not agree. The Saudis wanted to eliminate Bashar, as he was friendly to Iran. They did not want an Alawite like Assad to rule an Arab Muslim country. Turkey’s Erdogan wanted to place a moderate Islamist in Damascus in his endeavour to recreate the Ottoman Empire. Together with Qatar, he intended to build the gas pipeline. Together with Saudis, he wanted Muslim Brotherhood to unite the Arabs. Besides, Erdogan wanted to back a winner, and he was convinced that the fall of Assad was just a matter of weeks.

Four years have passed, and their reasons are still valid for them, even more so. These countries had spent a lot of money. They felt they were close to their goal. Enter Russia, and Assad’s regime got a new lease of life. Turkey was more annoyed than the rest as it carried the brunt of military effort: it housed the refugees, supplied fighters with weapons. The Turks were upset that the Russians had cut the lifeline to Daesh by bombing transports; they wanted to protect various Islamist groups, some of them their ethnic kith and kin, while others their ideological and religious allies. The furious Turks attacked the Russian plane in order to express their anger. They hoped that NATO would prevent Russia’s violent response, and ideally would carry out military operations against Russia thus relieving Syrian rebels.

The US approved of this action for an additional reason. They wanted to test Russian resolve and its military preparedness. It is impossible to assess correctly an enemy’s strength except in battle. This is especially true regarding Russia. There were various reports alleging the military weakness of Russia. We remember that in 1930s, Imperial Japan had made a few armed incursions into Soviet Russia. These incursions were beaten off quite convincingly, and Japan preferred to sign a non-aggression treaty with the USSR. In the west, the Soviets weren’t successful in their Finland war, and Hitler concluded Russia would be easy prey. In 2008, Georgia tried to attack Russian forces. The then Georgian president Mr Saakashvili boasted his army would reach Moscow without meeting strong resistance. His forces were thrashed in a few days. Turkey is much stronger than Georgia, and a limited Russian-Turkish war would provide a much better assessment of Russian military might.

The Russians are well aware of this reason, and this is why they used their cruise missiles and strategic long range bombers in Syria. They wanted to impress the US generals so they wouldn’t provoke a battle.

The Russians were quite upset by NATO supporting Turkey. They hoped the Europeans would be grateful that the Russians were fighting for Europe against Daesh. This did not happen, though the Russians actually bombed Daesh in a furious campaign of revenge “for Paris”. Still they decided to postpone their response for the bomber. Putin does not want to fight Turkey, if it can be avoided; even less he wants to fight NATO. Probably a limited response should be expected. Delivery of S-400 to Syria provided the means. A Turkish plane on a mission to bomb Kurds in Syria or Iraq is likely to bear the brunt of the Russian response.

Israel Shamir can be reached at adam@israelshamir.net

This article has been published first at the Unz Review.

27 November 2015

 

Healing Humanity’s Grief In The Face Of Climate Change

By David Suzuki

The tragedy we’re witnessing in so many places around the world is heartbreaking. Responses on the ground and in the media to events in Paris, Beirut, Syria, and elsewhere have ranged from inspiring to chilling. Too often, people express fear and distress as anger, suspicion, and scapegoating.

For many reasons and in many ways, people and nature are in distress. Quaker activist and author Parker Palmerimplores us to ask, “What shall we do with our suffering?” The way we deal with our pain has critical implications. Whether we project it outward as war or murder or absorb it as despair and self-destruction, “Violence is what we get when we do not know what else to do with our suffering.”

The interplay of environmental degradation and geopolitics has had alarming repercussions. Over the past decade alone, millions of people have been displaced by war, famine, and drought. The world is shifting rapidly as a result of climate change and there’s little doubt we’ll see increasing humanitarian crises. We must face this new reality as a global community.

Climate change is one of the most destabilizing forces in human history. We must deal with carbon emissions but we must also deal with human suffering. In Canada, Inuit are feeling the impacts disproportionately. Ice appears much later in the season and melts earlier. Changing wildlife migration patterns disrupt community livelihoods, land-based activities, and cultural practices.

Cape Breton University Canada research chair Ashlee Cunsolo Willox is working with Inuit to understand their communities’ climate-related mental and emotional health impacts, documenting anxiety, despair, hopelessness, and depression, increased family stress, drug and alcohol use, and suicide attempts. People are grieving for a way of life that is changing with the landscape.

Together with the Nunatsiavut communities of Labrador, Cunsolo Willox produced a documentary film, Attutauniujuk Nunami/Lament for the Land. Residents describe how ice, when it forms, is often not thick enough to hunt, gather wood, or travel by snowmobile.

The land is part of who they are, a source of solace, peace, identity, and well-being. Hunting and fishing and spending time on the land help Inuit feel grounded and happy. When residents can’t get out of town, they feel “stuck”, “lost”, and “less like people”.

Although global warming discourse typically ignores our intense feelings and grief in the face of environmental change, Cunsolo Willox argues it can expand our capacity to act. “Re-casting climate change as the work of mourning means that we can share our losses, and encounter them as opportunities for productive and important work,” she says. “It also provides the opportunity to stand up and publicly object to injustice.” Shared experiences of grief can build solidarity, support healing and inspire collective action.

With the Paris UN climate talks underway, we have an opportunity to expand the conversation to include environmental grief and loss. Today’s social and environmental leaders need to understand the psychological implications of a world in distress. Geographer and research scientist Susanne Moser predicts future leaders will need more than professional expertise and political savvy. They must be “steward, shepherd, arbiter, crisis manager, grief counselor, future builder.”

Instead of knee-jerk reactions that so often accompany fear and emotional pain, what if we summoned the courage to experience our sadness, disorientation, and grief in all its fullness? More importantly, what if we did this together? The feelings surrounding change and loss highlight our shared vulnerability and expose our connections to one another. We can consciously foster a heightened sense of human and ecological fellowship.

The late environmental scientist Donella Meadows believed the process of experiencing feelings is far from trivial. “Feelings, like knowledge, don’t directly change anything. But if we don’t rush past the feelings or stuff them down, if we take time to admit even the most uncomfortable ones, to accept them, share them, and couple them with knowledge of what is wrong and how it might be fixed, then feelings and knowledge together are motors for change.”

The suffering we’re witnessing because of loss of land, culture, ways of life, and identity may portend what is to come for all of us. Now is the time to come together and decide how we will respond. Let’s make sure it’s the best humanity has to offer.

David Suzuki is a well-known Canadian scientist, broadcaster and environmental activist. Davidsuzuki.org

© 2015 David Suzuki

11 December, 2015
Straight.com

Paris And The Long-Term Future

By John Scales Avery

We give our children loving care, but it makes no sense do so and at the same time to neglect to do all that is within our power to ensure that they and their descendants will inherit an earth in which they can survive. We also have a responsibility to all the other living organisms with which we share the gift of life.

Human emotional nature is such that we respond urgently to immediate temptations or dangers, while long-term considerations are pushed into the background. Thus the temptations of immediate profit or advantage motivate politicians and the executives of fossil fuel corporations; and the temptations of continued overconsumption and luxury blind the general public. Public fears of terrorism have been magnified by our perfidious mass media to such an extent that the equally perfidious French Government has been able to use this fear as an excuse to exclude democracy and proper care for the long-term future from the Paris Climate Conference.

However, our generation has an urgent duty to think of the distant future. The ultimate fate of human civilization and the biosphere is in our hands. What we really have to fear, for the sake of our children and grandchildren and their descendants, is reaching a tipping point, beyond which uncontrollable feedback loops will make catastrophic climate change inevitable despite all human efforts to prevent it.

A feedback loop is a self-reenforcing cycle. The more it goes on, the stronger it becomes. An example of how such a feedback loop could drive climate change and make it uncontrollable is the albedo effect: When sunlight falls on sea ice in the Arctic or Antarctic, most of it is reflected by the white surface of the snow-covered ice. But when sunlight falls on dark sea water, it is almost totally absorbed. This cycle is self-reenforcing because warming the water reduces the ice cover. This is happening today, especially in the Arctic, and we have to stop it.

Another dangerous feedback loop involves the evaporation of sea water, which itself is a greenhouse gas. However, if we think of the long-term future, by far the most dangerous feedback loop is that which involves the melting of methane hydrate crystals, releasing the extremely powerful greenhouse gas methane into the atmosphere. Discussion of this highly dangerous feedback loop seems to be almost completely banned by our mass media.

When organic matter is carried into the oceans by rivers, it decays to form methane. The methane then combines with water to form hydrate crystals, which are stable at the temperatures and pressures which currently exist on ocean floors. However, if the temperature rises, the crystals become unstable, and methane gas bubbles up to the surface. Methane is a greenhouse gas which is much more potent than CO2.

The worrying thing about the methane hydrate deposits on ocean floors is the enormous amount of carbon involved: roughly 10,000 gigatons. To put this huge amount into perspective, we can remember that the total amount of carbon in world CO2 emissions since 1751 has only been 337 gigatons.




https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W_aMbM20mbg

A runaway, exponentially increasing feedback loop involving methane hydrates could lead to one of the great geological extinction events that have periodically wiped out most of the animals and plants then living. This must be avoided at all costs.

The worst consequences of runaway climate change will not occur within our own lifetimes. However, we have a duty to all future human generations, and to the plants and animals with which we share our existence, to give them a future world in which they can survive.

We can also fear a catastrophic future famine, produced by a combination of climate change, population growth and the end of fossil-fuel-dependent high-yield modern agriculture.

The Need for a New Economic System – PART VII: The Global Food Crisis

These very real and very large long-term disasters are looming on our horizon, but small short-term considerations blind us, so that we do not take the needed action. But what is at stake is the future of everyone’s children and grandchildren and their progeny, your future family tree and mine, also the families of Francois Hollande and the executives of Exxon. They should think carefully about the consequences of making our beautiful world completely uninhabitable.

John Avery received a B.Sc. in theoretical physics from MIT and an M.Sc. from the University of Chicago. He later studied theoretical chemistry at the University of London, and was awarded a Ph.D. there in 1965. He is now Lektor Emeritus, Associate Professor, at the Department of Chemistry, University of Copenhagen. Fellowships, memberships in societies: Since 1990 he has been the Contact Person in Denmark for Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs. In 1995, this group received the Nobel Peace Prize for their efforts. He was the Member of the Danish Peace Commission of 1998. Technical Advisor, World Health Organization, Regional Office for Europe (1988- 1997). Chairman of the Danish Peace Academy, April 2004. http://www.fredsakademiet.dk/ordbog/aord/a220.htm. He can be reached at avery.john.s@gmail.com

11 December, 2015
Countercurrents.org

Statement by H.E. Mr. G. Khoshroo,

Ambassador and PR of the I R Iran to the United Nations

to introduce draft resolution A/70/L. 21 in the General Assembly

 

بسم الله الرحمن الرحیم

Mr. President,

On behalf of its sponsors, I have the honour to introduce, under agenda item 16, draft resolution A/70/L. 21, entitled “A world against violence and violent extremism”.

Let me first express my sincere gratitude to all the sponsors of the draft resolution and all other delegations for their constructive participation and support during the open and transparent consultations that my delegation conducted. Their proposals, suggestions and interventions made the draft resolution more robust and helped to accommodate the views of different Member States. The consensus and cross-regional sponsorship also underscore the universal recognition of the need to act on the pressing global challenges of violence and violent extremism.

This draft resolution is a follow up to and an update of the resolution that my delegation took pride in submitting to the Assembly in 2013, which was adopted by consensus. The idea behind this resolution was presented by H.E. Mr. Hassan Rouhani, President of the Islamic Republic of Iran, in his address to the 68th General Assembly. The idea was an offshoot of the overarching theme in his presidential campaign platform, which called for interaction, tolerance, moderation and prudence over violence and extremism.

Mr. President,

Violent extremism, and its side effects, including sectarian violence, have been on the rise since the WAVE resolution was first adopted in 2013. In the wake of the atrocities committed by the extremist groups in Syria and Iraq in the past two years and their recent cruelties in such places as Paris, Beirut, Egypt, Ankara, and recently in the US and elsewhere, it is more significant and relevant that the General Assembly pronounces itself once more on this challenge. In our globalized world, where threats recognize no border, this challenge could only be thwarted through joint efforts by the entire international community.

Dialogue, moderation, tolerance and human rights are the most effective antidotes to violent extremism, which tries to twist religions and pervert human minds towards deaths and destructions. Thus, it is important that the international community and its individual Member States adopt effective measures along this line and implement them with a view to dealing with the conditions conducive to the genesis and spread of violent extremism. In this respect, it is important to avoid associating violent extremism with any nationality and religion. In fact, those who blame religions and engage in hate speech against the followers of divine religions, fanning the flames of discriminatory exclusion, play right into the terrorists’ hands and help them to recruit more members and spread much heinous extremist ideologies. By reaffirming these points, the General Assembly, as the sole universal body, provides a solid basis for promoting an institutionalising fight against violent extremism and sectarian violence at their roots.

The draft resolution means to serve as a call to break the endless repetition of the past, uphold the concept of citizenship over sectarian allegiances, place the next generation’s prosperity above the settling of past scores and look to the future with hope and prudent moderation as the master key. By adopting the draft resolution, all Member States would also concur that in dealing with the threat of violence and extremism, we all need to cooperate, and there is no room for a zero-sum game in any field.

Mr. President,

Apart from certain basic technical update to the first Wave resolution, this draft also incorporates a few additional elements: It recalls and reaffirms measures taken at the national and multi-lateral levels and reaffirms the emphasis by the latest review of the Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy on the need to unite against violent extremism. It recalls, with appreciation, the High-Level General Assembly Thematic Debate on Countering Violent Extremism, held on 21-22 April 2015. It recognizes also local, national, regional and multilateral initiatives aimed at addressing the grievances that drive violent extremism and recognizes the effort made by UNESCO, including through organizing the Conference, held in June 2015, on “Youth and the Internet: Fighting Radicalization and Violent Extremism”, and notes increasing awareness about the need for a comprehensive approach to prevent and counter violent extremism and to address the conditions conducive to its spread. In the operative part, it encourages Member States to increase their understanding on the drivers of violent extremism, particularly for women and youth, so as to develop targeted and a comprehensive solutions to this threat. It takes note of the intention of the Secretary-General to propose a Plan of Action to Prevent Violent Extremism, and requests him to report to the General Assembly at its seventy second session on the implementation of the present resolution.

Finally, allow me to express my sincere hope that the draft resolution will gain the broadest possible support and be adopted by consensus. That will help accelerate coordination and cooperation among States towards addressing the growing problems emanating from violent extremism.

10 December 2015

Saudi Arabia Leads The Jihadist Nations; U.S. Assists Them

By Eric Zuesse

Did you know that Saudi Arabia’s Ambassador to the United States, the Saudi Prince Bandar bin Sultan Al Saud (affectionately known in the U.S. as “Bandar Bush”), had donated millions to Al Qaeda before the 9/11 attacks, according to the sworn court testimony of the man who had served as Al Qaeda’s bookkeeper and as the bagman who personally collected the mega-donations to Al Qaeda, all in cash?

How come you didn’t read about that in newspapers and magazines, and hear about it on TV ‘news’-reports; and why was this stunning and crucially important testimony published only at small independent news-sites, such as here? (Evaluate it for yourself there, and figure out for yourself why the man there testifying is still kept hidden away in a U.S. super-max prison, and why his testimony has been hushed up. Even though American Presidents have changed, America’s international policies haven’t. Barack Obama protects George W. Bush, who previously had protected “Bandar Bush.” Obama, who publicly condemns torture, even privately protects Bush’s agents who perpetrated tortures.)

Americans, like the citizens of some other countries where elections are held, are told by the ‘news’ media that it’s a ‘democracy,’ even if it’s actually not. Is the U.S., really a “democracy”?

Read the following, click onto the links here for the evidence, and you will know why the U.S. government supplies Al Qaeda and even ISIS, and who the key individuals are behind Islamic terrorism, otherwise known as jihadism. Read the following, and its linked sources, and you will see clearly through the trashy ‘news’ reports that are little more than stenographic reports of what’s being said by officials who are actually lying through their teeth, partly in order to cover up their own guilt, but also because their ultimate paymasters demand these lies.

The great investigative historian F. William Engdahl headlined December 9th at sott, “Investigating Saudi Arabia’s sponsorship of Turkish politics, terrorism, and the frenzied conflict in Syria,” and he put together the pieces of the type of major news report about the Saudi-run U.S. operation, that I had been preparing and hoping to present on this matter, but he did it faster, and so everyone should see it there, because what he is showing (and all of his factual allegations are true though he failed to provide the links to the evidence, as I would have done if I had written it) is that the top priority of America’s foreign and military policies is to serve King Salman al-Saud of Saudi Arabia (the world’s richest person), and to conquer his major oil-and-gas competitor Russia, by removing heads-of-state who are allied with Russia. Russia competes with Saudi Arabia as the world’s top oil-and-gas producer, and it’s the #1 power for all natural resources combined. And the Saudi-U.S. alliance, which rules NATO and “the West” (Europe and Japan), are determined to conquer and grab those Russian assets for themselves, so that the aristocracies which are allied to the U.S. aristocracy will control these assets, and aristocracies which aren’t U.S.-allied won’t. But the U.S. is really just a ‘democratic’ front for the Saud family, in the final analysis. And the Sauds were aristocrats even before the United States existed.

Further evidence confirming the same view as Engdahl presents is provided by Joe Giambone’s superb article at International Policy Digest on 29 November 2015, “Why ISIS Exists: The Double Game.” One of the articles linked-to there quotes Saudi Prince Bandar as saying, “The Syrian regime is finished as far as we and the majority of the Syrian people are concerned. [The Syrian people] will not allow President Bashar al-Assad to remain at the helm.” That’s a bald lie, a knowing falsehood from him, as is documented here. Even Western polls show that in a free and fair, internationally monitored election, the Syrian people would overwhelmingly choose Bashar al-Assad over anyone else to lead Syria. That’s why U.S. President Obama opposes any such election in Syria, and why Russian President Putin insists that it be held. The non-sectarian, secular (though officially Shiite) President of Syria had held that country peacefully together for more than a decade until CIA and other Western and Sunni-royalty operations in Syria brought thousands of rabid Sunni jihadists into Syria to topple the secular Shiite Assad from power.

Here is a brief historical account of how this Saudi-U.S. scheme to conquer Russia started, under George Herbert Walker Bush (a Bush by birth who was informally adopted by the world’s richest family, the Sauds). And here is the type of people they are. In fact: they’re the biggest block against an effective global policy to restrain global warming. Their trillions of dollars of private wealth is more important to them than the continuation of a livable planet after they die.

They care more about their private past than about the entire world’s future. This past means a great deal to them. The Saudi dynasty goes back to the contract that was agreed-to in the year 1744 between the gangster Muhammad Ibn Saud and the fundamentalist-Islamic cleric Muhammad Ibn Wahhab to create a Saudi-ruled, Wahhabist-religious, extremist-Muslim kingdom, first by exterminating all Shiia Muslims, and then by all Muslims conquering and converting all non-Muslims.

When the U.S. allied with the Saud family back in 1945, no one — except perhaps the Saudi King himself — thought that the Sauds and not the U.S. would end up in the driver’s seat. But that seems to be the way things have worked out, because the U.S. aristocracy have been and are willing to do anything to conquer and control Russia. And the Saud family have used them very skillfully to achieve this goal. But this also means that the U.S. is likewise joined-at-the-hip with the Sauds’ goal, of conquering and controlling Iran and other Shiite-ruled nations (including even poor Yemen).

So, this is how it came to be that the U.S. is allied with the Sauds and their fundamentalist Sunnis, and that Russia is allied with Iran and all Shiites — both fundamentalists and not. The U.S. is now a handmaiden to international jihadists. But all the lies are to the contrary, and it’s the lies that are stenographically reported and broadcast in the West as ‘the news.’

Jimmy Carter was right: the U.S. is now a dictatorship.

A democracy deals with its public as citizens. A dictatorshship treats them istead as suckers. How is the U.S. leadership relating to the American people — as citizens, or as suckers?
Investigative historian Eric Zuesse is the author, most recently, of They’re Not Even Close: The Democratic vs. Republican Economic Records, 1910-2010, and of CHRIST’S VENTRILOQUISTS: The Event that Created Christianity.
10 December, 2015
Countercurrents.org

 

The Insanity Of The COP: We Must Adopt A Different Vision

By John Foran

AMY GOODMAN: What did you make of President Obama’s speech on Monday here at the U.N. Climate Summit?

JAMES HANSEN: Well, we have to decide, are these people stupid or are they just uninformed? Are they badly advised? I think that he really believes he’s doing something. You know, he wants to have a legacy, a legacy having done something in the climate problem. But what he is proposing is totally ineffectual. I mean, there are some small things that are talked about here, the fact that they may have a fund for investment and invest more in clean energies, but these are minor things. As long as fossil fuels are dirt cheap, people will keep burning them.

– Interview on Democracy Now!, December 4, 2015

Thus spoke climate scientist James Hansen after listening to the statements of the heads of state at the Paris COP 21 negotiations last week. He went on to say: “What I am hearing is that the heads of state are planning to clap each other on the back and say this is a very successful conference. If that is what happens, we are screwing the next generation, because we are doing the same as before…. we hear the same old thing as Kyoto [in 1997]. We are asking each country to cap emissions, or reduce emissions. In science when you do a well conducted experiment you expect to get the same result. So why are we talking about doing the same again? This is half-arsed and half-baked.”

We are now entering the second and final week of the talks, and there is considerable discussion in much of the world press about the growing possibility of a historic agreement. Ministers will settle down to resolve the many parts of the treaty text still in brackets, with diametrically opposed competing proposals still very much found across the still sizable forty-plus page document.

But like Hansen and many others here in Paris, I come not to praise the COP, but to bury it. That, certainly, was the verdict of the International Tribunal of the Rights of Nature, held over two days in a packed auditorium in Paris on December 4 and 5. And a careful look at how the case was made is the subject of this essay.

Another, Older Way of Looking at the World Anew

First, some background. In 2010, a gathering of 35,000 people in Cochabamba, Bolivia, discussed, and after much deliberation, adopted the Universal Declaration of the Rights of Mother Earth. It is a must read for all who would be Earth Citizens.

Its foundational premises are that “we are all part of Mother Earth, an indivisible, living community of interrelated and interdependent beings with a common destiny;…. recognizing that the capitalist system and all forms of depredation, exploitation, abuse and contamination have caused great destruction, degradation and disruption of Mother Earth, putting life as we know it today at risk through phenomena such as climate change; convinced that in an interdependent living community it is not possible to recognize the rights of only human beings without causing an imbalance within Mother Earth;…. conscious of the urgency of taking decisive, collective action to transform structures and systems that cause climate change and other threats to Mother Earth.”

From this it follows that Mother Earth, of which we are only a part, has inherent and inalienable rights, among them:

“(a) the right to life and to exist;

(b) the right to be respected;

(c) the right to regenerate its bio-capacity and to continue its vital cycles and processes free from human disruptions;

(d) the right to maintain its identity and integrity as a distinct, self-regulating and interrelated being;

(e) the right to water as a source of life;

(f) the right to clean air;

(g) the right to integral health;

(h) the right to be free from contamination, pollution and toxic or radioactive waste;

(i) the right to not have its genetic structure modified or disrupted in a manner that threatens its integrity or vital and healthy functioning;

(j) the right to full and prompt restoration the violation of the rights recognized in this Declaration caused by human activities.”

In view of these rights, it follows that each of us, as human beings (and crucially, this applies to nation states and public institutions, as well as businesses and corporations, who are part of Mother Earth, whether they recognize it or not) has responsibility for “respecting and living in harmony with Mother Earth.”

And therefore, the Declaration obliges (i.e. requires and insists) that all of the above entities must “ensure that the pursuit of human wellbeing contributes to the wellbeing of Mother Earth, now and in the future; establish and apply effective norms and laws for the defence, protection and conservation of the rights of Mother Earth; respect, protect, conserve and where necessary, restore the integrity, of the vital ecological cycles, processes and balances of Mother Earth; guarantee that the damages caused by human violations of the inherent rights recognized in this Declaration are rectified and that those responsible are held accountable for restoring the integrity and health of Mother Earth.”

The Declaration furthermore empowers all human beings and institutions “to defend the rights of Mother Earth and of all beings; establish precautionary and restrictive measures to prevent human activities from causing species extinction, the destruction of ecosystems or the disruption of ecological cycles; guarantee peace and eliminate nuclear, chemical and biological weapons; promote and support practices of respect for Mother Earth and all beings, in accordance with their own cultures, traditions and customs,” and finally, “promote economic systems that are in harmony with Mother Earth and in accordance with the rights recognized in this Declaration.”

Though ignored in the halls of the UN when Bolivia tried to bring it to the General Assembly for adoption, the Rights of Nature have been taken up and defended by global activists in many parts of the world. In January 2014, the first International Tribunal on the Rights of Nature and Mother Earth was held in Quito, Ecuador, and chaired by Dr. Vandana Shiva, trying such cases as the oil pollution of Chevron-Texaco in Ecuador, the catastrophic BP Deepwater Horizon spill off the Gulf Coast of Mexico, instances of hydraulic fracturing in the US, and the condition of Australia’s Great Barrier Reef. A second tribunal was held at the end of 2014 during COP 20 in Lima, Peru, looking at specific mining projects in Ecuador and Peru, the Belo Monte Dam in Brazil, and the REDD program on deforestation, a centerpiece of the climate negotiations.

The Tribunal is hosted by the Global Alliance for the Rights of Nature, a coalition of movements and organizations from every continent whose founding members include the Fundación Pachamama, Global Exchange,the Pachamama Alliance, the Council of Canadians, the Australian Earth Laws Alliance, EnAct International, the Gaia Foundation, WildLaw UK, and Navdanya International. The Paris Tribunal was conducted in partnership with End Ecocide on Earth, and supported by NaturesRights and Attac France.

The judges for this year’s tribunal in Paris included Tom Goldtooth (Indigenous Environmental Network), economist Alberto Acosta (former president of the Constituent Assembly in Ecuador), Ruth Nyambura from Kenya (African Biodiversity Network), Osprey Orielle Lake of the US-based Women’s Earth and Climate Action Network, Nnimmo Bassey, former director of Friends of the Earth International, and federal prosecutor Felicio Pontes from Brazil, with other accomplished judges drawn from academia and the climate justice organizations around the world.

A Different Kind of Opening Ceremony

While the COP is famous for the flowery words of the nations on day one (which would be inspiring if they led to deeds), the Tribunal opened with a different invocation, an indigenous song to the six cardinal directions – east, south, west, north, the sky above, and the earth below. We did this to “narrow the distance between our head and our heart,” advice the negotiators would do well to follow.

There followed some of the most beautiful words of welcome for the occasion I have ever heard, spoken by Casey Camp-Horinek of the Ponca Nation in Oklahoma, and I offer here a poor paraphrase of some of what I heard.

This morning we all woke up to the same sun. Here, in Paris! We also felt some pain, because the Earth has become so ugly. We recognize human violence in so many places. Maybe we don’t deserve to be here right now.

But maybe we can make the effort to see that we are but a small fraction of what exists in Mother Earth. Sometimes we sundancers go without food or drink so that we may understand what that feels like, and so that future generations may have these things.

When we share this breath, it’s not new breath. We share this breath with all things. Science says the same thing, in a different way.

What we have forgotten is to give back sometimes. We think that paying a bill with money or a plastic card makes things alright, is payment in full.

You should know better. Aren’t you part of Nature? You haven’t forgotten her, have you? And if you have, feel her now.

In Oklahoma, we’ve had over 5,000 earthquakes this year, from fracking. We are stealing the liberty of the planet itself. We must learn to make decisions about the entire community of life.

This tribunal is a people’s convention – of all peoples – at a time when governments are locked inside negotiations that will lead nowhere.

We will bring seven cases to prove that Earth is a living being. That her rights have been violated, and that we have made her sick. And we will present some solutions and remedies.

The Central Case of Climate Change

The most encompassing of the cases brought to Paris was the issue of climate change itself. It was tried by Pablo Solón, former Bolivian chief negotiator at the COP and one of the co-organizers of the 2010 Cochabamba gathering. Solón set out to establish that climate change is “a crime that is a systemic violation of almost all the inherent Rights of Mother Earth.”

He asked: who is responsible for climate change? It is not humanity as a whole. The richest ten percent of the world’s population bear responsibility for almost half of all the emissions caused by human consumption. Meanwhile, just ninety companies have produced a staggering sixty-three percent of all global greenhouse gas emissions from 1854 to 2010 – some 914 gigatons of CO2e out of a total of 1,450 (or the carbon dioxide equivalent of all greenhouse gas emissions). Of these, just six giant fossil fuel companies have produced sixteen percent of all emissions ever: Chevron (3.52 percent), Exxon (3.22), Saudi Arabia’s Aramco (3.17), BP (2.47), Russia’s Gazprom (2.22), and Shell (2.12). If we look at nation-states, the countries of the United States, the European Union, China, and Russia are the most responsible, in historical terms.

If we look at the INDCs that the nations have brought as their emissions reduction pledges to COP 21, they will not reduce annual global emissions from the current level of about fifty gigatons CO2e but instead we will actually have an increase to sixty gigatons CO2e by 2030!

Since nothing that is likely to survive in the COP negotiating text requires real emissions cuts, limits fossil fuel extraction, halts deforestation, or reduces the practice of industrial agriculture, the whole process is a form of “schizophrenia” that doesn’t address the causes of climate change, let alone attack them aggressively and in line with climate science.

As Solón put it, “there is a madness of the COP with respect to capital and power.” The case is therefore against corporations, governments, the UNFCCC, and the “capitalist, productivist, anthropocentric, and patriarchal systems.”

Witnesses for Mother Earth

At this point various expert witnesses were called upon to speak to the many issues raised by the case of climate change.

Energy

French activist Maxime Coombes charged the fossil fuel industry, whether transnational corporations or publicly-owned national industries as public enemy number one, and singled out ExxonMobil CEO Rex Tillerson’s declaration that they will continue to burn fossil fuels as long as possible as a crime against humanity. He noted the danger of treaty text that states that measures cannot be taken that go against the current rules of the global economy. Coombes called for an immediate moratorium on all new fossil fuel exploration as a minimum measure in the right direction.

Desmond D’Sa of the South Durban Community Environmental Alliance and winner of the Goldman Environmental Prize for his tireless organizing in South Africa, stated that “Society is paying a huge price because of our greed and our thirst for fossil fuels. What is needed is the world’s people to come together. We can’t rely on the governments – they will fail us. It’s time to find a new way of how to deal with the COP. It needs a new approach, an approach that puts people first. We have to start pushing back to dismantle the corporations and the governments that support them. Nature is not going to wait for us. Neither will anything else. The time is right. Right now.”

The nuclear power option was ruled a crime against Nature “for eternity” by Roland Debordes, President of La Commission de Recherche et d’Information Indépendantes sur la Radioactivité (CRIIRAD), who called it the riskiest form of energy. It is also one of the dirtiest, as evidenced by the terrible effect on the public health of communities where uranium is mined, including on indigenous land in the US and in Niger. He concluded: “Nuclear power is not for human beings. We do not have enough morality for it.”

Water and forests

Global water expert Maude Barlow began her testimony by noting: “We take water for granted – for our pleasure, and for profit. But every day we put waste into water that equals the weight of all humans! The deforestation of the Amazon is contributing to the drought in California. Water is an absolutely crucial part of the picture that is almost entirely missing here in Paris. Two billion people drink contaminated water every day. More children die of water-borne disease than any other cause. Water is the first face of climate change, of refugees, of conflict.”

Deeming the global water situation an unequivocal crime against humanity and nature, she called for a new water ethic. Against Nestlé’s criminal proposal that after putting aside 1.5 percent of the world’s water for the poor, the rest should be privatized, she argued “Water is a human right that should never be privatized. Water has rights too. The way we abuse and take water for granted is a crime against nature, forests, wetlands, and other species. We now have water trading, which is insanity. We absolutely have to keep water out of the market system.”

She ended with Martin Luther King Jr.’s words: “Legislation may not protect the heart, but it will restrict the heartless.”

When asked what would happen if we did not have forests, David Kureeba of the Global Forest Coalition in Uganda answered: “We would not have life. If we harm Mother Earth, she will penalize us. We would be destroying our own lives. Communities can manage forests better than governments. We need people power.”

Agriculture and the financialization of nature

Ivonne Yanez of Acción Ecológica led several expert witnesses through the problems with the UNFCCC REDD reforestation program, which like other new market mechanisms is based on calculating the monetary value of “ecosystem services.” German biologist Jutta Kill explained how one aspect of an ecosystem can be isolated and made equivalent with another ecosystem service somewhere else, all the while pretending that no harm has been done to the biosystem, the climate, or Earth as an organic whole. French economist and member of ATTAC Genevieve Azam called the neoliberal financialization of nature a “veritable pollution.” The concept of “natural capital” is “nature for economists.” Now, instead of being concerned with the actual environmental impact of a project, it becomes simply a question of compensation, of finding some “equivalent” to “offset” the harm. This utilitarian substitution of one of its integral parts for another marks the death of nature as a whole.

World-renowned global justice icon Vandana Shiva prosecuted the case against industrial agriculture. We were treated to a preview of a film in progress, Farmers Lives Matter, in which one Punjabi farmer said: “The Earth now has cancer. We now have cancer. The pesticides are intoxicants. The more you use, the more you need.” She called on several witnesses to make her case.

Badrul Alam, a leader of the Bangladesh Krishok Federation, the largest peasant organization in that country, contrasted the model of peasant agriculture based on the principle of food sovereignty with “Climate Smart” agriculture based on GMO seeds, chemical fertilizers, and pesticides being pushed by Monsanto, Cargill, and DuPont inside the COP, calling the latter “not smart enough.”

Journalist Marie-Monique Robin noted that dozens of independent studies have demonstrated the toxicity of glyphosate, the active ingredient in Monsanto’s signature weed-killing product, RoundUp, in wide use across the world. Glyphosate was first introduced in the 1960s as a powerful industrial cleaner, and was recently pronounced to be “probably carcinogenic” to humans by the WTO. It is definitely carcinogenic in animals, and as Robin put it, “A lot of scientists will deny it, but we are animals.”

The case against industrial agriculture was further supported by the testimony of Ronnie Cummins, long active in social justice movements and the founder of the Organic Consumers Association. He estimated that fifteen percent of all fossil fuel use comes from industrial agriculture, and another fifteen percent from the processing, packaging, and transportation of its products. Then our food waste ends up as a source of the potent greenhouse gas methane. “Industrial food is poison,” he concluded tartly.

Technologies

Pat Mooney, Executive Director of the etc group which tracks new technologies, focused attention on how the promotion of such technologies at the COP, among them carbon capture and storage (CCS) or emerging forms of extreme genetic engineering are a dangerous element of the Paris negotiations. The term “net zero emissions” is used to justify the lack of ambition in the collective INDC pledges by gambling that risky, unproven, and as yet not even discovered decarbonization technologies will allow us to keep using fossil fuels because we will eventually be able to remove “excess” carbon dioxide from the atmosphere! Quipping that “Pachamama would be doing just fine if there weren’t so many macho papas around,” he said of the promotion of these fixes: “This is absolutely insane. That we would leave Paris and have confidence that BP, Shell, and Volkswagen will take care of the problem of overshoot. We can’t leave Paris with anyone believing that is the answer.”

Silvia Ribeiro, etc’s Latin American Director, followed this with a concise critique of large-scale geo-engineering schemes that are most prominently pursued in the US, UK, Canada, Russia, and on the local level, in China. Whether putting aerosols into the atmosphere, iron sulfate into the ocean, or giant mirrors into orbit, these promised solutions will disequilibrate the climate and can’t be experimented with at scale to see if they work or are safe. They also tend to be capital-intensive projects beyond community control, and almost all of them would be irreversible. Most importantly, they cut off the full flowering of the safer, more just alternative technologies and practices that we need to, and can, develop.

Trade

Tony Clarke, Founder of the Polaris Institute in Canada and board member of the International Forum on Globalization testified on the impact of free trade agreements on climate change. Trade agreements and the corporations that benefit from institutions such as the World Trade Organization are the engine of global economic expansion. Transnational corporations “look upon nature as capital. They see Earth as a dead organism, to be exploited and extracted from.” Free trade agreements are hindering the full development of alternative energy. The only remedy for the planet’s climate is to dismantle corporate sovereignty and power in a complete overhaul of the present system in favor of global trade justice. The good news, he told us, is that there is a people’s treaty being developed to attempt just that.

In a kind of summary, for me, Gloria Ushigua, an indigenous Ecuadoran activist, testified: “We are fighting for our lives, for our land.”

A Judgment on the COP

The prosecutors, witnesses, and judges knew their subjects. They were all qualified experts, skilled in a variety of ways of approaching the climate crisis, which at bottom is a human, existential issue. It can only be confronted honestly and squarely by each of us rising to the occasion and taking responsibility in a time of planetary crisis.

The overall verdict of the Tribunal is that the Paris agreement will lock in the worst abuses of capitalism and guarantee climate catastrophe.

The current logic of the COP, which isn’t sustainable, just, or innocent of multiple crimes comes with the clear intention of committing many more. We need another logic and set of principles to guide us. And we need a path to get there…

The Tribunal represents a possible alternative logic for a global agreement, one based on a very different conception of rights – of Nature, of human communities, and of future generations who must find a balanced way to live on Earth, if they, and she, are to thrive.

And though we surely don’t the upper hand inside COP 21, it is entirely possible that that is not where the real battle for the planet will be fought.

There is a different way. All we have to do is enlarge the many paths to it that already exist, and create many more new ones. This we must do, and this we will do.

John Foran is an American sociologist with research interests in global climate justice; radical social movements, revolutions, and radical social change; Third World cultural studies; and Latin American and Middle Eastern studies. He has a PhD from the University of California, Berkeley and is a professor of Sociology at the University of California, Santa Barbara.

09 December, 2015
Resilience.org

Terra Viva, Earth Democracy: One Planet, One Humanity

A People’s Pact to Protect the Planet and Each Other

Humanity stands at the edge of an abyss.

We have destroyed the planet ,its biodiversity, water and the climate, and through this destruction, the ecological context for our survival as a species.
Ecological destruction and resource grab are generating conflicts, which are being accelerated into full blown wars and violence.

A context of fear and hate is overtaking the human imagination.

We need to sow the seeds of peace -peace with the earth and each other, and in so doing, create hope for our future – as one humanity and as part of one Earth community.

1. We commit ourselves to protect our soils and biodiversity, as in living soil lies the prosperity and security of civilization.

2. Our seeds and biodiversity, our soils and water, our air, atmosphere and climate are a commons. We do not accept the enclosure and privatization of our commons. We will reclaim them through care, cooperation and solidarity.

3. Seed Freedom and Biodiversity is the foundation of Food Freedom and Climate Resilience. We commit ourselves to defending seed freedom as the freedom of diverse species to evolve, in integrity, self-organization and diversity.

4. We do not accept Industrial Agriculture as a solution to the climate crisis and hunger. We do not recognize false solutions to climate change such as geo engineering, “climate smart” agriculture, genetic engineered “improved” seeds, or “sustainable intensification”.

5. We commit ourselves to practice and protect small-scale ecological agriculture and we will support and create local food systems as these can feed the world while cooling the planet.

6. We do not accept new ‘free’ trade agreements which are based on corporate rights and corporate personhood. Corporations are legal entities to whom society gives permission to exist within limits of social, ecological, and ethical responsibility. Corporations having responsibility for climate change are subject to the Polluter Pays Principle.

7. Local living economies protect the earth, create meaningful work and provide for our needs and wellbeing. We will not participate in production and consumption systems, including industrial food and agriculture, that destroy the Earth’s ecological processes, her soils and biodiversity and displace and uproot millions from the land.

8. We commit ourselves to creating participatory living democracies and resist all attempts to hijack our democracies through powerful interests. We will organize on the principles of sharing, inclusion, diversity and the duty to care for the Planet and each other.

9. We make a pact to live consciously as Earth Citizens recognizing that the Earth Community includes all species and all peoples in their rich and vibrant diversity.

10. We will plant gardens of hope everywhere, and sow the seeds of change towards a new Planetary Citizenship and for a new Earth Democracy based on justice, dignity, sustainability and peace.

This pact was first initiated on 9 November 2015 at the launch of a Citizens’ Garden in the Jardin Marcotte in Paris, together with Navdanya, Solidarité, AMAP Ile de France Network, the Cultures en Herbes, and the Mayor of Paris 11.

We invite you to become part of the ‘change we want to see’ a change that allows us to reclaim our future as one humanity, one Earth community, through Earth Democracy.

Read / Download Full Text

Sign the Pact

09 December, 2015
Seedfreedom.info

Kunduz MSF Hospital U.S. Bombing Survivor, “I Want My Story To Be Heard”

By Dr Hakim

“I feel very angry, but I don’t want anything from the U.S. military,” said Khalid Ahmad, a 20 year old pharmacist who survived the U.S. bombing of the Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) / Doctors Without Borders Hospital in Kunduz on the 3rd of October, “God will hold them accountable.”

The actions of the U.S. military elicit the same contempt from Khalid and many ordinary Afghans as the actions of the Taliban or the ISIS.

Khalid was a little wary when Zuhal, Hoor and I were introduced to him in a ward of Emergency Hospital in Kabul, where he has been recuperating from a U.S. shrapnel injury to his spine that nearly killed him.

But, immediately, I saw his care for others. “Please bring a chair for him,” Khalid told his brother, not wanting me to be uncomfortable in squatting next to him, as we began our conversation in the corridor space outside the ward.

Having just recovered strength in his legs, he had walked tentatively to the corridor, making sure his urinary catheter bag wasn’t in the way as he sat down.

The autumn sun revealed tired lines on his face, as if even ‘skin’ can get permanently traumatized by the shock of bomb blasts.

“The Taliban had already taken control of all areas in Kunduz except the MSF Hospital and the airport. I felt I could still serve the patients safely because neither the Afghan /U.S. military forces nor the Taliban would bother us. At least, they’re not supposed to.” Khalid paused imperceptibly.

“As a neutral humanitarian service,” Khalid continued, “we treat everyone alike, as patients needing help. We recognize everyone as a human being.”

“I wasn’t scheduled to be on duty the night of the incident, but my supervisor asked me to help because the hospital was swarmed with larger numbers of patients that week.”

“I was sleeping when the bombing began at about 2 a.m. I went to see what was happening, and to my horror, I saw that the ICU was on fire, the flames appearing to shoot 10 meters up into the night sky. Some patients were burning in their beds.”

“I was petrified.”

“It was so frightening. The bombing and firing continued, and following after the bombs were showers of ‘laser-like flashes’ which were flammable, catching and spreading the fire.”

What were those laser-like flashes?

“With two other colleagues, I rushed to the guard house, which was about five metres from the hospital’s main gate. In the guard house were four security guards. We all decided to make a run for the hospital gate, to escape the bombing.”

Khalid’s eyes cringed a little, disappointment soaking his voice. Such shock can be too much for a human being to bear; irreparable disappointment at the U.S. military for attacking a humanitarian, medical facility, and an unfair guilty disappointment with self for having escaped death while colleagues were killed.

“The first person ran. Then another. It was my turn.”

“I took off and just as I reached the gate, with one foot outside the gate and one foot inside the hospital compound, a shrapnel hit me on my back.”

“I lost power in both legs, and fell. Dazed, I dragged myself to a nearby ditch and threw myself in.”

“I was bleeding quickly from my back, the blood pooling at my sides. Feeling that my end was near, I was desperate to call my family. My colleagues and I had taken out the batteries from our cell phones because the U.S. military has a way of tracking and target-killing people by picking up their cell phone signals. With one good arm, somehow, I pulled out my phone and inserted its battery.”

“Mom, I’m injured, and don’t have time. Could you pass the phone to dad?”

“What happened, my son?”

“Please pass the phone to dad!”

“What happened, my son?”

I could almost hear his distraught mother wondering what could have happened to her son who should have been safe in the hospital environment.

“Mom, there’s no time left. Pass the phone to dad.”

“I then asked my dad for forgiveness for any wrong I had done. I was feeling faint, and dropped the phone.”

“In my half-consciousness, the phone rang and it was my cousin. He asked me what had happened, and instructed me to use my clothes to stop the bleeding. I yanked a vest off myself, threw it behind my back and laid on it.”

“I must have passed out, as my next memory was of hearing my cousin’s voice and other voices, and being taken to the kitchen of the hospital where some basic first aid was being given to many injured persons.”

“I saw people with amputated limbs. Some of my colleagues, some of my colleagues….what wrong had we done? Is this what we get for serving people? ”

As I struggled emotionally to register Khalid’s story in my mind, I remembered my own training and practice as a doctor in hospitals, and I wished there was a global conversation about the failure of the Geneva Conventions to protect civilians, and health facilities. The European Council in Brussels in 2003 estimated that since 1990, almost 4 million people have died in wars, 90% of whom were civilians.

I also wished that more individuals could respond to UN High Commissioner for Refugees António Guterres who declared in a June 2015 press release that “We are witnessing a paradigm change….It is terrifying that on the one hand there is more and more impunity for those starting conflicts, and on the other there is seeming utter inability of the international community to work together to stop wars and build and preserve peace.”

A positive way to respond would be to join MSF, as well as ICRC President Peter Maurer and UN Head Ban Ki Moon in saying, “Enough! Even war has rules!” , that is, we can sign MSF’s petition for an #independent investigation of the Kunduz MSF Hospital bombing.

Passively accepting the Pentagon’s confessional report of ‘human error’ resulting in the killing of 31 staff and patients in the Kunduz Hospital bombing would allow the U.S. and other militaries to continue breaching laws and conventions with impunity, like in Yemen right now.

The International Committee of the Red Cross reported in October that nearly 100 hospitals in Yemen had been attacked since March 2015. Just as recently as 2nd December, Khalid’s haunting story repeated itself in Taiz, Yemen, where an MSF clinic was attacked by the Saudi coalition forces, prompting Karline Kleijer, MSF operational manager for Yemen, to say that every nation backing the Yemen war, including the U.S., must answer for the Yemen MSF clinic bombing.

Khalid’s story was already haunting me, “To transport me, they used body bags meant for the dead. Feeble as I was, I panicked and made sure they heard me protesting, ‘I’m not dead!’ I heard someone say, “We know, don’t worry, we have no choice but to make do.”

“My cousin brought me to a hospital in Baghlan Province which had unfortunately been abandoned because of fighting in the area. So, I was taken to Pul-e-Khumri, and on the way, because I had slightly long hair, I heard shouting directed at us, ‘Hey, what are you doing with a Talib?’. My cousin had to assure them that I was not a Talib.”

So many possible fatal ‘human errors’ and mistakes….

“There was no available help in Pul-e-Khumri too, so I was finally brought to this hospital in Kabul. I’ve had five surgical operations so far,” Khalid said, his voice fading off a little, “and I needed two litres of blood in all.”

It struck me from Khalid’s account that the U.S. military could bomb a health facility by what Kate Clark of the Afghan Analysts Network suggested as ‘ripping up the rule book’, and then, not take any measures whatsoever after the bombing to treat casualties like Khalid and many others. If you are a civilian bombed by the U.S. military, you’ll have to fend for yourself!

Khalid sighed, “I’m grateful that I’ve been given a second life. Some of my colleagues…they weren’t so lucky.”

Khalid was exhausted. I understood from working in Afghanistan over the past years of a worsening war that his exhaustion wasn’t just physical. “I’m angry. The U.S. military is killing us just because they want to be the Empire of the world.”

Khalid asked why we wanted to take his photograph. His question reminded me of what we as individuals can do: taking and seeing his photo in this article isn’t going to be enough.

He steadied himself in the chair, placed his urine bag out of the camera’s view and said with full dignity, “I want my story to be heard.”

Hakim, ( Dr. Teck Young, Wee ) is a medical doctor from Singapore who has done humanitarian and social enterprise work in Afghanistan for the past 10 years, including being a mentor to the Afghan Peace Volunteers, an inter-ethnic group of young Afghans dedicated to building non-violent alternatives to war. He is the 2012 recipient of the International Pfeffer Peace Prize.

08 December, 2015
Countercurrents.org

 

Extinction Is Forever

By Robert J. Burrowes

What do the Pyrenean ibex, St. Helena olive, Baiji dolphin, Liverpool pigeon, Eastern cougar, West African black rhinoceros, Formosan clouded leopard, Chinese Paddlefish, the Golden Toad and the Rockland grass skipper butterfly all have in common but which is different from the Dodo?

The answer is that these species all became extinct since the year 2000, that is, in the last fifteen years. The Dodo became extinct in 1662.

The one thing that all of these species have in common is that the cause of their extinction was human beings.

If you would like to watch a video which evocatively showcases some of the extinct species of planet Earth, you can do so here: ‘Toll a bell on Remembrance Day for Lost Species 30th November 2015’. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xT1vp5HfBq4

The real tragedy is that the few species mentioned above do not begin to tell the story. Recent estimates indicate that 200 species of life (plants, birds, animals, fish, amphibians, insects, reptiles) are driven to extinction each day. Every day. This rate exceeds that during the last mass extinction event, when the dinosaurs vanished 65 million years ago.

In short, planet Earth is now experiencing its sixth mass extinction event and we are the cause. How so?

Well, human activity now impacts heavily all over the planet and we are using a variety of sophisticated industrial technologies to destroy other life forms in vast numbers and this inevitably results in the extinction of some species.

In some cases we simply hunt these life forms to extinction as a result of some misguided commerical imperative. Whether it is for food (such as whales and many species of fish), trophies (such as ‘big game’ animals), raw materials (such as the ivory of elephant tusks) or some delusional belief in their aphrodisiac or medicinal qualities (such as the horn of a rhinoceros), we kill them with sophisticated killing technologies such as harpoons, fishing nets and guns (against which they have no evolutionary defense). To give one example: sea turtles. Six out of the seven subspecies of sea turtles are endangered, according to Wildcoast. Why? ‘Sea Turtles are threatened due to the poaching and hunting of their shells, meat and eggs. Turtle eggs are sold as a snack…with the absurd belief that they possess aphrodisiac elements.’ See ‘Sea Turtles’. http://www.wildcoast.net/programs/5-sea-turtles

But mainly, it is two things that drive species over the edge: our systematic destruction of land habitat – forests, grasslands, wetlands, peatlands, mangroves… – in our endless effort to capture more of the Earth’s wild places for human use (whether it be residential, commercial, mining, farming or military) and our destruction of waterways and the ocean habitat by dumping into them radioactive contaminants, carbon dioxide, a multitude of poisons and chemical pollutants, and even plastic. There are now ‘dead zones’ in several oceans of the world, not to mention the great floating garbage patches.

Consider rainforests.

In an extensive academic study that was recently concluded, the more than 150 joint authors of the report advised that ‘most of the world’s >40,000 tropical tree species now qualify as globally threatened’. See ‘Estimating the global conservation status of more than 15,000 Amazonian tree species’. http://advances.sciencemag.org/content/1/10/e1500936.full Why are more than 40,000 tropical tree species threatened with extinction? Because ‘Upwards of 80,000 acres of rainforest are destroyed across the world each day, taking with them over 130 species of plants, animals and insects.’ See ‘Half of Amazon Tree Species Face Extinction’. http://www.discovery.com/dscovrd/nature/half-of-amazon-tree-species-face-extinction/

Or consider frogs.

Relatively speaking, we pay a lot of attention to big and colorful species but the species you have never heard about or which are less ‘exotic’ need to be valued too. Such as frogs which, among other invaluable services from a limited human perspective, eat malarial mosquitoes. ‘Frogs have survived in more or less their current form for 250 million years, having survived countless ice ages, asteroid crashes, and other environmental disturbances, yet now one-third of amphibian species are on the verge of extinction.’ See ‘Save the Frogs!’ http://www.savethefrogs.com/

But not all of our destruction is as visible as our vanishing rainforests and the iconic species that vanish with them. Have you thought about the Earth’s soil recently? Apart from depleting it, for example, by washing it away (sometimes in dramatic mudslides but usually unobtrusively) because we have logged the rainforest that held it in place, we also dump vast quantities of both inorganic and organic pollutants into it as well. Some of the main toxic substances in waste are inorganic constituents such as heavy metals, including cadmium, chromium, lead, mercury, nickel and zinc. Mining and smelting activities and the spreading of metal-laden sewage sludge are the two main culprits responsible for the pollution of soils with heavy metals. See ‘Soil-net’. http://www.soil-net.com/dev/page.cfm?pageid=secondary_threats_pollutants&loginas=anon_secondary

Far more common, however, is our destruction of the soil with organic based pollutants associated with industrial chemicals. Thousands of synthetic chemicals reach the soil by direct or indirect means, often in the form of fertilizers, pesticides, herbicides and other poisons that destroy the soil, by reducing the nutrients and killing the microbes, in which we grow our food. See, for example, ‘Glyphosate effects on soil rhizosphere-associated bacterial communities’. http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S004896971530989X

Using genetically modified organisms, and the chemical poisons on which they rely, exacerbate this problem terribly. But two other outcomes of the use of such poisons are that the depleted soil can no longer sequester carbon and the poisons also kill many of the beneficial insects, such as bees, that play a part in plant pollination and growth.

And, of course, military contamination and destruction of soil is prodigious ranging from the radioactive contamination of vast areas to the extensive and multifaceted chemical contamination that occurs at military bases.

Like destroying the oceans, destroying the soil is an ongoing investment in future extinctions.

Anyway, if so far you have been unconcerned about the fate of our fellow species, you would be wise to reconsider. If you haven’t checked them lately, there are lists of critically endangered, endangered, vulnerable and near threatened species. But heading all of these lists, there should be one other: homo sapiens sapiens. With human extinction now possible by 2030 – see ‘Why is Near Term Human Extinction Inevitable?’ http://www.countercurrents.org/burrowes171214.htm – we do not have much time left to respond powerfully. Humans, as many ecologists have been noting for decades, are only one part of the web of life. Our fellow species make the Earth habitable. We cannot live here without them.

So the key question is not ‘Do you really want to live in a world without elephants?’ The key question is ‘Do you really want to live?’

If you do, then you need to act. At the simplest level, you can make some difficult but valuable personal choices. Like becoming a vegan or vegetarian, buying/growing organic/biodynamic food, and resolutely refusing to use any form of poison. But if you want to take an integrated approach, the biggest impact you can have as an individual is to systematically reduce your own personal ‘ecological footprint’ in consideration of our fellow species.

If you wish to consider such an approach, you are welcome to ponder joining those participating in ‘The Flame Tree Project to Save Life on Earth’ http://tinyurl.com/flametree which outlines an easy series of steps for reducing your consumption in seven key resource areas by 10% per year for 15 successive years while simultaneously building your self-reliance. You can also consider signing the online pledge of ‘The People’s Charter to Create a Nonviolent World’ http://thepeoplesnonviolencecharter.wordpress.com which obviously includes nonviolence towards our fellow species.

In addition, you can participate in ongoing campaigns by a multitude of organizations that campaign to preserve one or more threatened species from extinction. If we can save enough other species, we might just save ourselves.

Extinction might be howling outside our door but we don’t have to cower waiting for someone else to save us. What you do personally makes a vital difference.

And here’s one final thought. Four billion years ago there was no life on Earth. Then, in what can only be described as a miracle (and you can decide your own preference about the nature of that miracle), a single cell came to life. Perhaps this miracle was then repeated in subsequent years.

But however and how often it occurred, every living organism since that time, including every organism that lives today, is linked in an unbroken chain with that first living cell (or those first living cells). Four billion years of evolution which includes you as a unique individual.

There may be life elsewhere in the Universe. But it does exist here, on Earth. And it has had time to evolve to a complexity that includes us.

Until we understand, as Gandhi understood, that all life is one, we live disconnected from the most fundamental truth of our existence. If we kill something else, we kill a part of our self.

Robert J. Burrowes has a lifetime commitment to understanding and ending human violence. He has done extensive research since 1966 in an effort to understand why human beings are violent and has been a nonviolent activist since 1981. He is the author of ‘Why Violence?’ http://tinyurl.com/whyviolence His email address is flametree@riseup.net and his website is at http://robertjburrowes.wordpress.com

08 December, 2015
Countercurrents.org