Just International

India Succumbs To US Pressure: Iran Halts Oil Sales To India

An oil trading dispute between India and Iran has further escalated, with Tehran refusing to sell oil to India under new rules instituted by New Delhi

The Reserve Bank of India has said that deals with Iran must be settled outside the Asian Clearing Union (ACU) system used by it and other member nations’ central banks to settle bilateral trades.

Iran’s state-owned oil company has refused to accept payments for oil sales to India without guarantees from India’s central bank.

Iranian sources have confirmed the dispute and Indian sources said officials from the central banks of the two countries are set to meet on Friday to further discuss the matter.

Iran, which is under UN sanctions over its nuclear programme, is likely to want to rescue a trade that is worth about $12bn a year.

While the UN sanctions do not forbid buying Iranian oil, the US has been pressing governments and companies to stop dealing with Tehran.

Trade trouble

On Wednesday, two Indian industry sources said National Iranian Oil Co (NIOC) had turned down Indian oil firms’ requests for payment outside the ACU.

“Indian firms had asked Iran to immediately nominate a bank in Europe through which payment can be made. But NIOC refused,” said one of the sources.

A NIOC source said any mechanism outside the ACU “is not acceptable” because “this exercise is in place for so many years”.

“How can India unilaterally decide to halt it without any alternative mechanism? How can you demolish a building without renting out an apartment?” the source added.

The ACU includes the central banks of India, Bangladesh, Maldives, Myanmar, Iran, Pakistan, Bhutan, Nepal and Sri Lanka.

India is the biggest buyer of Iranian crude in the group, consuming around 400,000 barrels per day between two state-owned refiners and privately-owned Essar Oil.

US Pressure

The Hindu on Thursday reported that the move is an example of India succumbing to American pressure. The report states that Indian Reserve Bank’s move is the direct result of American pressure.

By Aljazeera

30 December, 2010

 

Commodity Price Surge Sets Stage For Global Food Crisis In New Year

The price of traded food staples such as wheat, corn and rice soared 26 percent from June to November, nearing the peaks reached during the global food crisis of 2008, according to the Food Price Index kept by the United Nations’ Food and Agriculture Organization.

The price surge has continued in December, with foodstuffs and basic commodities hitting new highs and expected to climb further in 2011.

In 2008, riots broke out in at least a dozen countries as food prices hit record highs. The new surge in prices promises to unleash even greater hunger and deprivation, and more widespread social unrest, as hundreds of millions of people around the world contend with the impact of the ongoing recession and government austerity measures.

According to the UN Food and Agriculture Organization, 925 million people worldwide suffered from hunger in 2010, an increase of about 150 million since 1995-97. One third of children in the so-called developing world are malnourished.

The new explosion in commodity prices is being fueled by the cheap credit policies of governments and central banks in Europe, Japan and, above all, the United States, where core short-term interest rates remain near zero. These policies, most critically the renewed turn by the US Federal Reserve to so-called “quantitative easing,” are designed to boost national stock markets and business profits by providing the banks and corporations with virtually free credit.

The Federal Reserve in November announced that it would purchase $600 billion in US Treasury securities by, in effect, printing dollars. This cheap-dollar policy has the effect of debasing the world’s primary trading and reserve currency, thereby fueling inflationary tendencies around the world and increasing the flow of hot money to emerging economies with faster growth and higher interest rates.

The impact is vastly destabilizing and exacerbates global economic imbalances. It also provides banks, hedge funds and corporations with wide vistas for speculation on commodity prices.

In the US alone, corporations and banks are sitting on some $3 trillion in cash which they refuse to invest in production and hiring. A good portion of the global surfeit of cash is being used to ramp up the prices of commodities―from oil, copper, cotton, gold and silver to food staples such as wheat, corn, rice and soybeans.

Natural disasters are also playing a role. Drought in the Black Sea region cut Russia’s wheat harvest by a third this year. Unusually hot and dry weather in Argentina and other Latin American crop exporting nations is threatening to further reduce the volume of corn, wheat and soybeans on world markets.

Such natural factors, however, are exacerbated by the impact of national divisions on the global economy. Russia responded to the failure of its crop by imposing an export ban on wheat. Similarly, India has imposed an export ban on onions. The effect of such measures is to increase the upward pressure on prices worldwide.

A major factor in the rise in corn prices is the diversion of a third of US corn production to the more profitable production of ethanol in 2010.

On the global commodity markets, wheat and corn have increased almost 50 percent over last year. Wheat prices soared to their highest level in over two years this week. US soybean futures have been rising rapidly since August, and corn ends the year at a 29-month high.

As the Wall Street Journal reported on December 24, “Traders are also anticipating that index funds will pour more money into agricultural commodities at the start of the year, pushing prices higher, analysts said.”

Alberto Weisser, chief executive of US-based Bunge, one of the biggest traders of commodities such as soybeans, told the Financial Times (December 29) that tight grain conditions would continue into the next year. “For the next 12 months,” he said, “I think you will see volatility of prices.”

Overall, world commodity prices have risen by 25 percent over the past six months. The European debt crisis and the Federal Reserve’s cheap-dollar policy have, according to the Journal (December 27), “driven investors to hard assets.”

Oil is now at $90 a barrel, nearing a 26-month high. The sharp increase in oil prices drives up transport costs for food and other commodities.

In the US, prices of gasoline at the pump are now averaging over $3 a gallon nationwide, according to the American Automobile Association. This is an increase of 20 cents from just last month and over 40 cents from a year ago.

Speaking Wednesday on the CBS network’s “Early Show,” former Shell Oil President John Hofmeister warned that gas could climb to $5 a gallon by 2012.

US copper prices reached a record for the second straight day on Tuesday. Copper is up 13 percent in December alone and 57 percent since June 7.

Gold pushed above $1,400 an ounce this week, near its record high. It is up 26 percent this year.

Highlighting the role of speculation in the commodity surge, the Wall Street Journal on Monday published a front-page article on the staggering rise in the price of silver. In the past four months, the precious metal has risen 51 percent to a series of 30-year highs, before inflation. It closed last week at $29.31 a troy ounce, as compared to $16.822 at the beginning of 2010―a rise of 74 percent.

Of the general surge in commodity prices, the Journal wrote: “Prices are rising despite over-supply and a lackluster recovery in industrial demand. Many analysts expected those factors would keep a lid on prices in 2010. What they didn’t expect was an overwhelming flow of money into the market from investors eager to ride a commodity rally.”

The newspaper quoted Stephen Briggs, senior metals strategist at BNP Paribas, as saying, “This is a story almost entirely about investment.”

The inflationary impact of Washington’s cheap-dollar policy is being felt most directly in the so-called “emerging economies,” led by China. Speculative cash from the West is wreaking havoc on prices of Chinese goods and, above all, housing costs. Housing prices in the US peaked at 6.4 times average earnings this decade. In Beijing, housing prices are 22 times average earnings.

In an attempt to stem inflation―Chinese consumer prices rose 5.1 percent in November―the People’s Bank of China on Saturday announced its second interest rate hike in 10 weeks. This poses the threat of a slowdown in China’s economic growth, which, under conditions of anemic growth in the US, Europe and Japan, has been the major factor in averting a relapse to negative economic growth worldwide.

The rise in food prices, which brings immense profits for agribusiness and speculators and untold suffering for millions of ordinary people, underscores the irrational and socially destructive nature of the capitalist market and production for profit.

By Barry Grey

31 December, 2010

 

Nothing Dogmatic About It

It’s darkness at noon at Dharavi, the world’s biggest slum. And hope trickles like wounds simmering inside the labyrinth of hopeless inner lanes, An actor reaches out a hand, the sun is there, a cloud moves and the whole story is changed- Orson Welles Up above the sun-drenched pebbles and rags strewn 90-feet road, a huge canvas banner proclaims, “Dharavi glachit nahi hai, Dharavi Slumdog nahi hai…yeh udyogik nagri hai aur isko udyogik nagri ghoshit karna hamari maang hai,” (Dharavi is not a hovel nor is it a Slumdog… it is an industrial area and we demand that it should be declared an industrial area.)

Like a corpuscle with a multiple cellular realities, the three main roads jostle with innumerable entry and exit points where even pale susurrations of agitated light tip-toes on cat’s paws and uncertainly

enter the hovels of Dharavi houses. The diesel smoke creeps along the dusty road swirling ridges and flickering dust on people’s slippers, gratings and shutters. The air, a featureless curtain, greets everybody and everywhere, even in the dark as a tomb, the century-old Dhareshwar temple from which Dharavi, the hovel of Mumbai, derives its name.

The hot air makes the eyes water and carries the smell of tobacco, curry and sweat with rotting carcasses of living people who now hardly worry about rising prices (don’t the?), rushing along like shadows on

the rocks clutching desperately at the distances. The people here have homes everywhere and strangely they have no home to speak of. Ask anybody an address and no one knows it. A blank gaze with an amused look greets you, but with a genuine attempt to help you locate the address in the intricate geometry of the place.

The houses, like a patchwork box of rags, hover precariously along the gutter water, blackish, reddish and stale green. Call it tombs of poverty, worse, tombs of death, or call it the tomb of a spirit  fighting against all odds.

Unlike the people who jump out of terminal stations like lost souls, for decades, the roads, dead-ends and inner lanes here are weighed down by bristling souls from so many regions. Life pulsates even as

the stink of the fish from the fish-mongers half-chewed brown plank battles it out with the garbage stench and a million drops of sweat which explode on foreheads like grains from a shotgun, dense, heavy
and itchy.

Every road, every lane is dotted with all kinds of workshops. Clichés acquire a reality and ‘Dharavites’, if they can be called as such, have no time for romanticising their lives. Walking along the roads,

reminds of a scene in Tolstoy’s Cossacks, when mosquito bites suddenly becomes glowing love bites and the sportsman strides happily through the forest of his own self-reliance.”

Twenty-year back, people from the suburbs used to take a detour, avoiding Dharavi. The media had given it an image of the Wild West with its citizens as “raving lunatics”, who at the slightest ripple of

annoyance, plunged knives into anybody’s fragile body. The place was termed as haunted, and rumours of stabbings and killings abounded even as it attracted morbid tourists desperately seeking adventure only to leave the place puffed up with an undiscovered Columbus complex.
Strangely, during the 1992-93 Bombay pogrom against the Muslims, except for arson in the small-scale industrial units which abound, violence hardly occurred around the humble huts and thatched tenements, even though the localities continue to be divided into regional and linguistic grounds.

If the road on the northern part of these protozoa is occupied with the Kolis of the fishing community, then the western part, where the trains curves like a yellow river along the canal leading to the sea, houses the Muslim populace. The central part of Dharavi, which has the maximum population density, continues to be dominated by the lower classes and castes from Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh. And people from

northern India, especially Bihar, even though unregistered as voters, live in the sweat shops which have fulminated and mushroomed after the demise of leather tanneries and country liquor distilleries.

The swamp and wet lands which used to surround Dharavi have disappeared and in turn a garish concrete jungle has come up in the form of Mumbai’s swankiest, high-end business park — the Bandra-Kurla Complex. But the glossy buildings have not been able to infuse any inferiority complex among the ‘slum-dwellers’. Spindle-legged children peep in from the dark corridors where an uncertain sun sometimes trickles in and the red glow of cigarettes hardly reflecting on the churlish dark sluggish water flowing out from the complex layers of inside and outside drains.

Cult horror writer HP Lovecraft wrote that certain gravestones are keys which could unlock the infernal regions of space. Entering the dark under the three-feet narrow lane, with music streaming out as reliable as an advertisement and shadows curving like a vertebrae, you can see a small child like a brown rain idol with a round hole in his mouth and a skull glaring like a headlight watches with a world-weary

indifference.

The moans, the sighs, sounding like a recorded tape filtering from the wafer thin greenish walls, mingle with the sweat of lust and smell of diesel. The peacock shadows of the curtains and a woman’s dress sways in the hot turbid air and men crawl out like worms out of the oven. Bars of darkness and leopard spot darkness light up the shadowed wall, and the women, icons of prison, play with drops of blood. A picture boldly greets you displaying lust and rage along with a swirling smoke of uncontrolled human appetite for the forbidden, for outrage. The doors carry a name plate ‘Massage Parlor’, with mobile numbers etched below. Ladies with numbers, ladies like ants, sit near the white-grey froth of dark sluggish liquid outside the door. Smoking a bidi, the woman in an unadorned dress with not a stitch anywhere to spare, blushes, looks quizzically at the men scurrying, with a smile. The look betrays amnesia, hardly remembering them, while men may have remembered her and possibly discussed her with each other like anthropologists arguing for the superiority of one’s own culture, tradition and norms.

Their eyes dart in the darkness as if searching for abuse and melancholy which now drives the swollen blood in their veins. Everybody knows everybody and wave at each other. The women don’t

offer a modern smile jumping out of the cover of a glossy magazine. The smile which plays on their lips is archaic, a smirk, a revenge. The massage parlours or brothels in disguise have always been a part
of Dharavi and people here have never looked down upon its practitioners or the customers. Be it from the Koli community, Telegu or Tamil or Kerala-fold or Nepali or UP or Bihar, the women are treated as half-whore and half-wife. While crossing over through one end of a wall green with mould and black waters dripping from above, there is hardly any difference between the liquid sloshed path and the
cramped toilet with the water in the lavatory bowl agitated as if it’s a tide in a sea.

Inside the bowels of most of the houses the sun hardly peeps in and once out from one galli (lane of tenements) the sun explodes into the eyes like flames. It is said that a dew drop is not an analogy for the

ocean but then it certainly reflects the light of an infinite universe and walking from one galli to another is like walking in concentric circles where choice seems endless and tiresomely circumscribed. The gallis just don’t lead to thatched huts with concrete walls jutting out like a hairdo on a punk’s head; they also house the smoky liquor drinking joints where waiters in black trousers with gaping patches swat flies and serve listlessly.

Sunken in old broken chairs, like their dreams, the guzzlers patronising the joint for years, along with waiters, curse the fan for not being breezy and disinterestedly watch wavering images on the television screen. A few youngsters wanting to graduate into manhood with hands-off mobile phones plugged into their ears like a hearing device for the stone deaf or electrodes attached for the brain-damaged, fill the beer mug in a rush; and soon a sheepish look and white beer froth spills over in tandem.

“The only change… earlier, the tannery workers used to frequent the country liquor bars; but with the Bandra-Kurla complex coming up, the Kolis have shut down their liquor distilleries and ‘aunties addas’ are now a thing of past. Today the workers from shops and other cottage industries like to drink beer… after all, the hoardings and television channels declare that drinking beer is fashionable,” a waiter says, his chain and bracelet rending the calm gold darkness of the beer bar with its gleam.

So the cottage industries are doing good? “No, in fact, the tanneries have now been replaced with junk food and papad manufacturing units. They employ only women and children. While women involved in papad manufacturing are somewhat better off than the other workers, the children are like bandhua mazdoor (bonded labourers) from Bihar. They work for over 12 to 14 hours a day and are paid not more than Rs 3-4,000 a year,” says comrade Vasant, a full-time party worker of a Left-wing ‘parliamentary’political party.

A copper light plays out shadows in the party office. Comrade Vasant rues the changing scenario and helplessness over the impotency of anger. “Nobody comes to the union office. What do we do? We need a yeda (a Mumbai slang for a mad man) to be after them… and how do we tackle the children? They are all unorganised workers and they are poor. The problem is of karuna (compassion) and law. If we try to stop it, they will die of hunger. And if we try to organise them, there are hundreds waiting in line seeking work.”

There is a silence in the communist party office and the twilight creeps in with stale tobacco smoke. Outside, the sweatshop-workshops which dot every corner and is slowly enveloping the old small-scale manufacturing sector is no different from the earlier ones. The place still reeks of furnace fumes day and night with rats running and scurrying all over.

Even as the headlights glare, the joyous screams of children seep in. An old communist party worker with an unshaven grizzled face full of ridges, loiters around with a rolling gait. Beads of lifeless sweat

stand out as he trudges ponderously, dragging his feet as if in a quagmire, towards a liquor joint in the night. It looks as if blood has halted in his veins and reality has receded from him into a darkness with a dying face. Predictably, his mates have disappeared over the years, imperceptibly.

Inside the bar, in a fish aquarium guppies swim in green-molten gold water and a stale smell permeates every table and every corner. A teenager walks in with eyes glowing furiously like phosphorous in the dark. The wooden flooring creeks with people walking in and the veteran, die-hard communist, says, “Very soon, everything will be in custody of a few corporate houses who will bind everybody in lumpish

corporate humanitarianism. The exploitation will continue.” The teenager’s eyes continue to glow and the words of Orson Welles strike me, “An actor reaches out a hand, the sun is there, a cloud
moves and the whole story is changed.”

By Prabhat Sharan

31 December, 2010

The Verdict Weekly

Prabhat Sharan is a Senior Journalist with interest in social, working class, wild-life conservation, philosophical and literary studies. He can be contacted at sharanprabhat@gmail.com. This story also appeared in Hardnews.

 

The First Martyr Of 2011 And Where We Go From Here

We were devastated to hear the news of the first martyr in 2011 being none other than Jawaher, the sister of the martyr Bassem Abu Rahma from Bil’in. Jawaher fainted in yesterday’s demonstration but died apparently of this toxic tear gas (a much stronger version with unknown chemicals than used in the West).

Those of you in Bethlehem area and want to get together to collect our thoughts, share our feelings etc, are welcome to come to my house tonight (Saturday until midnight). I will still go ahead and post my reflection that I wrote last night on the ending year for my thoughts are only deepened by this tragedy. You can also send condolence email to Dr. Rateb Abu Rahma: saborahmeh42@yahoo.com

Many writers came up with many ideas about 2010 and even occasionally predictions about 2011. Perhaps the most common theme among rational commentators is that this was the year were truth began to come out in such a large dose that it was hard to sustain mythology and the most common hope for 2011 is to see peace and justice prevail (no more ethnic cleansing, no more killing etc). When we mention truth we are not talking here merely about wikileaks (what is released here still remains the tip of the iceberg). We are talking about a number of studies, reports, slips, and scandals that came out that shook those in power.

Gideon Levy said in Haaretz that we may reflect on it as a year of truth for Israel, a year where the fog of mythologies cleared away and the world saw reality for what it is, that Israel is a society that does not desire peace but that is a racist society interested in more land grabs from native Palestinians. He concludes that “There is nothing like sunshine for disinfecting, so this was a relatively good year.” Others brought out the Goldstone report about Israeli massacres in Gaza. Others mentioned the smuggling of a long tape(out of thousands of cameras, computers, photos, and documents) and the testimony of survivors that showed the true nature of the criminal Israeli attack on humanitarian ships in International waters (not the manufactured tapes of the Israeli military). Palestinians talked about the scandals in the Palestinian authority and now the beginning of eth fall of corruption like with the Husseini and Dahlan affairs (both of them trying to protect themselves by threatening to expose other corruption).

In 2010, a number of events on the personal level were meaningful:

The death of both my brothers-in-laws leaving both of my sisters widows at a young age (both younger than me).

The death of other friends and inspiring personalities from Howard Zinn

We had many run-ins with Israeli occupation authorities. Arrested twice, detained twice, charged with non-existent “traffic’ violation once, gassed and pushed and harassed several times, soldiers invaded our neighborhood looking for me once.

Took trips to Italy (twice in January and June), to the US (in March), to Turkey (in July), and to Germany (November) speaking about realities under occupation (over 30 talks in total on these trips)

I gave over 50 other talks to visiting groups in Palestine (delegations from over 20 countries). I also helped put together four national and international conferences.

We finally got my book completed and published; this took much work during the year. “Popular Resistance in Palestine: A History of Hope and Empowerment” is already selling well and will be out in the US this week.

Participated in over 100 events of resistance some like our march through the wall from Bethlehem to Jerusalem during Palm Sunday (when even our Donkey and mules were arrested) and our actions in the last week of the year with over 80 activists from euro-

Palestine were truly inspiring and highly successful events.

We started offering services in our new clinical laboratory.

I provided consulting for laboratory in the US in clinical cytogenetics.

Taught courses at Birzeit and Bethlehem Universities.

We did field trips and research on aspects of biodiversity and chromosomes of animals in Palestine.

Supervized research by masters students some of it yielded significant and meaningful results that are of use in Palestine.

Our son visited us from the US during olive harvest and we had a great harvest, twice the output of last year.

Events at the personal level as can be seen above are not disconnected/separate from the bigger picture of happenings around us:

The Israelis constructed a watch tower at Ush Ghrab and we protested but those in power structures in the town wanted no protests

There were over 100 meaningful actions of Boycotts, Divestments, and Sanctions around the world.

Palestinian school students invent a seeing walking stick for the blind.

Hundreds of internationals attempt to get into Gaza with a freedom flotilla of ships. Israeli criminal gangs (pirates) attack them in International waters and murder 9 and kidnap all others. They finally released them after mistreatment and after stealing all their cameras, videos, and photos (trying to suppress the story). One video smuggled out showed Israeli commandoes executing human rights activists.

The Haifa conference and the Houston conference and the Stuttgart and other conferences around the world emphasized a one state scenario with the right of return.

Israel attacks the Goldstone report and refuses an international independent investigation of its breeches of International law.

The charade of a peace process was reignited for a while but then quickly extinguished by continued Israeli colonial settlement activities.

-Israel’s government and public continue to support open racism in both laws proposed and passed in the Knesset and those rulings in certain municipalities and in edicts issued by prominent Rabbis. From laws to demand loyalty from non-Jews to a “Jewish state” to demanding no dating or marriage between Jews and non-Jews, to denial of right to rent in cities like Safad (used to be Arab city and now Judaicized).

I send an email once a week summarizing events here in Palestine especially on popular resistance and our own thoughts and experiences and these are archived here.

So we look with pride and sadness at the year that passed and look forward to a better year to come. Like life in general, 2010 had lots of tragedies and setbacks but also lots of successes and meaningful moments. I especially appreciate that we met hundreds of new people during the year; some have become very good friends. He last week for example, we traveled around with nearly a hundred internationals to places like Al-Walaja and Bil’in that so much suffering. We were energized by the actions even though some of us were injured, some of us arrested. So we look for 2011 as hopefully a year of peace and justice. This can only happen if enough people get around ACTIONS (not mere talks), actions like popular resistance, actions like media work, and actions like boycotts, divestments, and sanctions.

Here are 50 actions you can do for Palestine in 2011.

By Mazin Qumsiyeh, PhD

02 January, 2011

 

Hail To The Thief: The New York Times Defends Mikhail Khodorkovsky

On October 25, 2003, Khodorkovsky (below called MK) was arrested for tax evasion and corruption, dating from when the Soviet Union dissolved and state privatizations followed. “Behind every great fortune lies a great crime,” explained Honore de Balzac. Billionaire Russian oligarchs, like MK, illegitimately amassed great wealth, avoiding prosecution during Yeltsin’s tenure (1991 – 1999).

Beginning in 1991, various socio-economic measures were implemented without public discussion or parliamentary approval. Most important were Yeltsin’s personal directives, creating a billionaire aristocracy handed the economy’s most important, profitable sectors, free of charge – literally a license to loot.

Changes began slowly under Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev, though not easily. The rot is so widespread and deep. Oligarchs like Boris Berezovsky fled to London, Moscow2, taking with them great fortunes. Others staying behind wish they’d gone after Medvedev announced during an October 2008 Council to Combat Corruption session that:

“Corruption in our nation has not simply become wide-scale. It has become a common, everyday phenomenon which characterizes the very life of our society. We are not simply talking about commonplace bribery. We are talking about a severe illness which is corroding the economy and corrupting all society.”

As a result, prosecutions followed. Some 2009 examples against bureaucrats included:

— Nevelsk Mayor Vladimir Pak’s suspension and charge of embezzling 56 million rubles ($1.5 million);

— two Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD) Main Directorate officers detained on suspicion of accepting over $100,000 in bribes; and

— MVD Lt. Col. Dmitry Luzgin charged with extorting $1 million from Russian Real Estate House management.

According to MVD figures, annual Russian corruption ranges from $20 – $40 billion. In 2006, Alexander Buksman, deputy general prosecutor first deputy, estimated annual corruption at $240 billion, involving business and bureaucrats. However, a combination of legal loopholes and close private-public alliances lets most offenses go unpunished.

Major Media Defend MK

On October 29, (four days after his arrest), a New York Times editorial headlined, “Putin’s Old-Style KGB Tactics,” saying:

“After laboring to project the image of a rational, law-abiding statesman, President Vladimir Putin of Russia has reverted to the vengeful violence of his old employer….(Arresting MK) was a serious mistake,” citing market plunges “on the fear that the Kremlin was showing its true authoritarian colors.”

An earlier August 13, 2003 Times editorial headlined, “Moscow Machinations,” saying:

“….nobody knows for sure whether President Vladimir Putin is personally behind the sudden crackdown on the giant oil company Yukos….What is clear is that the Kremlin’s strong-arm tactics have little to do with battling economic crime and a lot to do with power and the coming elections in Russia.”

An October 28 Washington Post editorial claimed “no one is safe from arbitrary prosecution, or from the political whims of the Kremlin, and the US State Department suggested that MK’s arrest involved “selective prosecution,” adding that “We are concerned about the rule of law, about maintaining the basic freedom of Russians.”

In fact, MK was summoned for questioning. At the time he headed Yukos and was Russia’s richest oligarch, ranking 16th on Forbes billionaires list. Today, he faces years more in prison. More on that below.

The Times railed about “masked agents” arresting him instead of pursuing him in court. In fact, he defied a court order to appear before prosecutors. Only then did arrest follow. Other allegations suggested Yukos involvement in murders or attempted ones, targeting bureaucrats or business competitors who interfered with company operations. One was committed on MK’s birthday, apparently a gift to the boss.

MK’s Background

He began as a Stalinist bureaucrat. In 1987, he used his Komsomol district committee control to organize Menatep, a commercial enterprise to promote inventions and industrial innovations. It later became one of Russia’s largest banks. In the 1990s, through ties with Kremlin bureaucrats, he used funds stolen from the state and unwary investors to amass huge holdings in formerly state-owned enterprises at a fraction of their value. In 1995 he bought Yukos assets for $300 million. In 2003, its market value was $30 billion, a 100-fold ill-gotten gain.

Why MK Was Targeted

Besides corruption and tax evasion, political motives were also in play. Allegedly he was bankrolling opposition parties, breaking an unwritten agreement to stay out of politics in return for the state keeping quiet about illicitly gotten riches.

Key also were deals he was negotiating with ExxonMobil and Chevron for up to a 50% stake in Yukos, violating Kremlin policy to keep Russian control of state resources in government or home-grown private hands. In addition, MK had White House political ties. For example, before becoming Bush’s National Security Advisor and Secretary of State, Condoleeza Rice was a Chevron board member for 10 years and had a tanker named in her honor. It was then quietly renamed the “Altair Voyager.”

Another factor was public hostility toward oligarchs, so pervasive that prosecuting them is politically popular. US anger is a combination of geopolitics and defending predatory capitalism’s rapaciousness, notably because of America’s own criminal class. For decades, a Washington-corporate cabal shifted trillions of public wealth to private hands, especially to omnipotent Wall Street. At issue is shielding them at all costs so corrupt practices can continue until everything worth owning is stolen.

Before MK’s arrest, Yukos was privately held. Afterwards, company assets were bought by state-controlled Rosneft. Then, the majority state-owned Gazprom (the world’s largest natural gas company) bought oil giant Sibneft. In 2006, Putin decided against further nationalizations, but continued oil/gas industry control by having industry giants like Lukoil maintain close government connections.

Moreover, to stay in charge, state-owned Transneft controls pipeline transportation. In fact, it’s the largest Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC) shareholder. Russia wants its production leveraged to control transport and refining to maintain power over EU and neighboring state customers.

As a result, the idea of selling large Yukos or other major resource company assets to foreign buyers is anathema, especially to Big Oil giants. MK also wanted Russia’s pipeline monopoly broken with a private one to shift the flow of oil. It was like declaring war on the state and got him incarcerated.

On May 31, 2005, he was convicted of fraud and tax evasion and sentenced to nine years in prison, later reduced to eight years. In March 2009, he and Platon Lebedev (billionaire, former Group Menatep CEO and close MK associate) were tried for embezzlement and money laundering. On December 27, 2010, both men were convicted, and on December 30 sentenced to 14 years imprisonment, including time served. Lebedev also was convicted in 2005.

Rallying Round the Thief

Again, The New York Times came to MK’s defense in a December 28 editorial headlined, “What Rule of Law,” saying:

President Dmitri Medvedev can prove his “rule of law” credentials “by using his pardon power to ensure that (MK) faces no additional prison time after being convicted on trumped-up embezzlement charges this week. (He’s) already served seven years as a result of Mr. Putin’s judicial vendetta against him.”

Fairness and truth were never NYT long suits, editorially defending a world-class criminal, guilty of predatory rapaciousness. On December 28, the White House said:

“We are deeply concerned that a Russian judge today has indicated that for the second time (MK) and Platon Lebedev will be convicted. We are troubled by the allegations of serious due process violations, and what appears to be an abusive use of the legal system for improper ends.”

No nation more egregiously violates rule of law principles than America at home and abroad. No other more heinously spurns human rights, civil liberties, due process, judicial fairness, and democratic values. None also are more unjustifiably self-righteous.

No broadsheet is more hypocritical than The Times, tainted by decades of supporting wealth, corporate interests, and imperial wars. Daily, its agenda is visible, arrogantly supporting power over popular interests, even mega-criminals deserving condemnation. Indeed, truth and fairness were never NYT long suits. Nor America’s.

By Stephen Lendman

02 January, 2011

Countercurrents.org

Stephen Lendman lives in Chicago and can be reached at lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net. Also visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com and listen to cutting-edge discussions with distinguished guests on the Progressive Radio News Hour on the Progressive Radio Network Thursdays at 10AM US Central time and Saturdays and Sundays at noon. All programs are archived for easy listening.

http://www.progressiveradionetwork.com/the-progressive-news-hour/.

 

2011: Prospects for Humanity? The First and Second World Wars Currently Hover Like the Sword of Damocles Over the Heads of All Humanity.

During the 1950s I grew up in a family who rooted for the success of African Americans in their just struggle for civil rights and full legal equality.  Then in 1962 it was the terror of my own personal imminent nuclear annihilation during the Cuban Missile Crisis that first sparked my interest in studying international relations and U.S. foreign policy as a young boy of 12:  “I can do a better job than this!”

With the escalation of the Vietnam War in 1964 and the military draft staring me right in the face, I undertook a detailed examination of it.  Eventually I concluded that unlike World War II when my Father had fought and defeated the Japanese Imperial Army as a young Marine in the Pacific, this new war was illegal, immoral, unethical, and the United States was bound to lose it.  America was just picking up where France had left off at Dien Bien Phu.  So I resolved to do what little I could to oppose the Vietnam War.

In 1965 President Lyndon Johnson gratuitously invaded the Dominican Republic, which prompted me to commence a detailed examination of U.S. military interventions into Latin America from the Spanish-American War of 1898 up to President Franklin Roosevelt’s so-called “good neighbor” policy.  At the end of this study, I concluded that the Vietnam War was not episodic, but rather systemic: Aggression, warfare, bloodshed, and violence were just the way the United States Power Elite had historically conducted their business around the world.  Hence, as I saw it as a young man of 17, there would be more Vietnams in the future and perhaps someday I could do something about it as well as about promoting civil rights for African Americans. These twins concerns of my youth would gradually ripen into a career devoted to international law and human rights.

So I commenced my formal study of International Relations with the late, great Hans Morgenthau in the first week of January 1970 as a 19 year old college sophomore at the University of Chicago by taking his basic introductory course on that subject.  At the time, Morgenthau was leading the academic forces of opposition to the detested Vietnam War, which is precisely why I chose to study with him.  During ten years of higher education at the University of Chicago and Harvard, I refused to study with openly pro-Vietnam-War professors as a matter of principle and also on the quite pragmatic ground that they had nothing to teach me.

In the summer of 1975, it was Morgenthau who emphatically encouraged me to become a professor instead of doing some other promising things with my life:  “If Morgenthau thinks I should become a professor, then I will become a professor!”  After almost a decade of working personally with him, Morgenthau provided me with enough inspiration, guidance, and knowledge to last now almost half a lifetime.

Historically, this latest eruption of American militarism at the start of the 21st Century is akin to that of America opening the 20th Century by means of the U.S.-instigated Spanish-American War in 1898.  Then the Republican administration of President  William McKinley stole their colonial empire from Spain in Cuba, Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines; inflicted a near genocidal war against the Filipino people; while at the same time illegally annexing the Kingdom of Hawaii and subjecting the Native Hawaiian people (who call themselves the Kanaka Maoli) to near genocidal conditions.  Additionally, McKinley’s military and colonial expansion into the Pacific was also designed to secure America’s economic exploitation of China pursuant to the euphemistic rubric of the “open door” policy.   But over the next four decades America’s aggressive presence, policies, and practices in the “Pacific” would ineluctably pave the way for Japan’s attack at Pearl Harbor on Dec. 7, 194l, and thus America’s precipitation into the ongoing Second World War.    Today a century later the serial imperial aggressions launched and menaced by the Republican Bush Jr. administration and now the Democratic Obama administration  are  threatening to set off World War III.

By shamelessly exploiting the terrible tragedy of 11 September 2001, the Bush Jr. administration set forth to steal a hydrocarbon empire from the Muslim states and peoples living in Central Asia and the Persian Gulf under the bogus pretexts of (1) fighting a war against international terrorism; and/or (2) eliminating weapons of mass destruction; and/or (3) the promotion of democracy; and/or (4) self-styled “humanitarian intervention.”  Only this time the geopolitical stakes are infinitely greater than they were a century ago:  control and domination of two-thirds of the world’s hydrocarbon resources and thus the very fundament and energizer of the global economic system – oil and gas.  The Bush Jr./ Obama  administrations  have  already targeted the remaining hydrocarbon reserves of Africa, Latin America, and Southeast Asia for further conquest or domination, together with the strategic choke-points at sea and on land required for their transportation.  In this regard, the Bush Jr. administration  announced the establishment of the U.S. Pentagon’s Africa Command (AFRICOM) in order to better control, dominate, and exploit both the natural resources and the variegated peoples of the continent of Africa, the very cradle of our human species.

This current bout of U.S. imperialism is what Hans Morgenthau denominated “unlimited imperialism” in his seminal work Politics Among Nations (4th ed. 1968, at 52-53):

The outstanding historic examples of unlimited imperialism are the expansionist policies of Alexander the Great, Rome, the Arabs in the seventh and eighth centuries, Napoleon I, and Hitler. They all have in common an urge toward expansion which knows no rational limits, feeds on its own successes and, if not stopped by a superior force, will go on to the confines of the political world. This urge will not be satisfied so long as there remains anywhere a possible object of domination–a politically organized group of men which by its very independence challenges the conqueror’s lust for power. It is, as we shall see, exactly the lack of moderation, the aspiration to conquer all that lends itself to conquest, characteristic of unlimited imperialism, which in the past has been the undoing of the imperialistic policies of this kind….

On 10 November 1979 I visited with Hans Morgenthau at his home in Manhattan. It proved to be our last conversation before he died on 19 July 1980.  Given his weakened physical but not mental condition and his serious heart problem, at the end of our necessarily abbreviated one-hour meeting I purposefully asked him what he thought about the future of international relations. This revered scholar, whom international relations experts generally consider to be the founder of modern international political science in the post World War II era, responded:

Future, what future? I am extremely pessimistic. In my opinion the world is moving ineluctably towards a third world war—a strategic nuclear war. I do not believe that anything can be done to prevent it. The international system is simply too unstable to survive for long. The SALT II Treaty is important for the present, but over the long haul it cannot stop the momentum. Fortunately, I do not believe that I will live to see that day. But I am afraid you might.

The factual circumstances surrounding the outbreaks of both the First World War and the Second World War currently hover like the Sword of Damocles over the heads of all humanity.  It is imperative that we undertake a committed and concerted effort to head-off Hans Morgenthau’s final prediction on the cataclysmic demise of the human race.

By Prof. Francis Boyle

Global Research, December 24, 2010

Tweeting Away The Time

The start of the New Year is a good time to talk about Time. About this, we can all agree—there are only twenty four hours in a day. Zillions of companies and persons want a piece of that time from us in order to make money. But that supply of Time is not expandable. Unlike other supplies in the marketplace, this one has no give beyond twenty four hours a day.

Note the massive increase in commercial requests for our time in return for our dollars—directly or indirectly—compared to 60 years ago. Instead of three television networks bidding for our time in order to sell advertising, there are over 100 channels on any cable system. There are ever more radio stations, more online blogs and websites, more video games, more music. In 1950, there were no cell phones, no iPhones, no Blackberries, no e-mails, no text messaging, no apps, no E-books, no faxes. Entertainment fare is now 24/7 and expanding rapidly on the Internet.

But there are still only twenty four hours per day. What are these merchants expecting of the consumers’ time? Squeezing more into less time as attention spans shorten, for one. Marketing so irresistibly that people buy far more of these videos and other entertainment services than they have time to listen or to view.

Think of the VCRs and the DVDs piled up at home that have never been seen. Same for many books. The big bestseller on the universe: The Grand Design by scientist Stephen Hawking became status furniture on sitting room tables except for the one in a hundred who actually read that book.

In short, the gap between what we think we have time for when we buy these products and what we actually expend time on is setting records every day.

However, people of all ages are spending more time on casual gaming (75 million Americans is the estimate) than on solitaire or cards—apart from being addicted to competitive video games. So there is some substitution at play here.

E-mails and text messaging are taking a large slice out of the day, in part because they are so cheap and in part because they are so personal. “What gives” here is that less time is being spent on the telephone but by no means in equal measure.

So cheap and easy are modern communications that it is often harder to actually reach people than during the days of the dial phone.

How much time do we spend trying to get someone to return calls or even to react to E-mails (which are increasingly passé in favor of text-messages) during the day or week? After awhile one stops trying to make telephone contact because of the low probability of actually talking to the person you want to reach.

People are so overloaded that just getting them to respond to a friendly letter, call or electronic message requires many repetitions. The banality of abundance is at work here.

On the other hand, where you do get quick replies are from your “friends” with mutual gossip and personal tid-bits drive up the back and forth volume immensely. A 16 year old girl said that she sends 600 text messages a day and “would die without her cell phone.”

Still the sellers are more and more vigorously competing for a piece of the buyers’ time. Where is all this going? First the sales appeal may ostensibly be for the buyers’ time—eg. toys, DVDs—but it really is an appeal to the buyers’ hope or belief that he/she has the time sometime. That is what gives what economists call the “elasticity” to the seemingly finite twenty four hour day. Whether that time is devoted to the program or product is immaterial to the seller once the sale is made. The successful seller is happy.

But what is happening to the buyer? More stuff piles up. More sense of being time burdened when weeks and months pass without getting around to using the purchased goods or services. More susceptibility to buying the newest upgrade or version out of a sense of getting to now what they haven’t had time to get to before with the older purchase.

Moreover, as a society of buyers, we become ever more fractured audiences—especially for national television—and it is less likely that we see or react to the events of the day as a community.

I was reminded of this observation recently when Washington’s current outrages of endemic wars, waste and corruption rattle the public far less than Nixon’s Watergate behavior. In 1974 after Nixon fired his Attorney General and the Special Prosecutor who were investigating his involvement in the Watergate burglary and cover-up, Tennesseans sent 40,000 telegrams to one of their Senators over three days. Members of Congress, even with the ease of E-mail and Twitter, do not get that kind of meaningful volume.

When our time feels overwhelmed and the marketers are banging on our doors for more time claims, what time is there left for necessary solitude, for family and other socializing, for kids playing outside instead of being addicted to indoor screens, even at dinner, for, excuse the words, reflection and contemplation?

It comes down to whether we have any time from our absorption into virtual reality to engage reality, including civil and political realities. A Society whose people do not show up for public meetings, hearings, protests and even local folklore events is a society that is cannibalizing its democracy, its critical sense of community purpose.

Take back some of those discretionary hours from the marketers and electronic entertainers. Devote them to shaping the future for you and your children.

By Ralph Nader

04 January, 2011

Ralph Nader is a consumer advocate, lawyer, and author. His most recent book – and first novel – is, Only The Super-Rich Can Save Us. His most recent work of non-fiction is The Seventeen Traditions.

 

 

 

 

My Father Died For Pakistan

Lahore, Pakistan – TWENTY-SEVEN. That’s the number of bullets a police guard fired into my father before surrendering himself with a sinister smile to the policemen around him. Salmaan Taseer, governor of Punjab, Pakistan’s most populous province, was assassinated on Tuesday — my brother Shehryar’s 25th birthday — outside a market near our family home in Islamabad.

The guard accused of the killing, Mumtaz Qadri, was assigned that morning to protect my father while he was in the federal capital. According to officials, around 4:15 p.m., as my father was about to step into his car after lunch, Mr. Qadri opened fire.

Mr. Qadri and his supporters may have felled a great oak that day, but they are sadly mistaken if they think they have succeeded in silencing my father’s voice or the voices of millions like him who believe in the secular vision of Pakistan’s founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah.

My father’s life was one of struggle. He was a self-made man, who made and lost and remade his fortune. He was among the first members of the ruling Pakistan Peoples Party when it was founded by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in the late 1960s. He was an intellectual, a newspaper publisher and a writer; he was jailed and tortured for his belief in democracy and freedom. The vile dictatorship of Gen. Mohammad Zia ul-Haq did not take kindly to his pamphleteering for the restoration of democracy.

One particularly brutal imprisonment was in a dungeon at Lahore Fort, this city’s Mughal-era citadel. My father was held in solitary confinement for months and was slipped a single meal of half a plate of stewed lentils each day. They told my mother, in her early 20s at the time, that he was dead. She never believed that.

Determined, she made friends with the kind man who used to sweep my father’s cell and asked him to pass a note to her husband. My father later told me he swallowed the note, fearing for the sweeper’s life. He scribbled back a reassuring message to my mother: “I’m not made from a wood that burns easily.” That is the kind of man my father was. He could not be broken.

He often quoted verse by his uncle Faiz Ahmed Faiz, one of Urdu’s greatest poets. “Even if you’ve got shackles on your feet, go. Be fearless and walk. Stand for your cause even if you are martyred,” wrote Faiz. Especially as governor, my father was the first to speak up and stand beside those who had suffered, from the thousands of people displaced by the Kashmir earthquake in 2005 to the family of two teenage brothers who were lynched by a mob last August in Sialkot after a dispute at a cricket match.

After 86 members of the Ahmadi sect, considered blasphemous by fundamentalists, were murdered in attacks on two of their mosques in Lahore last May, to the great displeasure of the religious right my father visited the survivors in the hospital. When the floods devastated Pakistan last summer, he was on the go, rallying businessmen for aid, consoling the homeless and building shelters.

My father believed that the strict blasphemy laws instituted by General Zia have been frequently misused and ought to be changed. His views were widely misrepresented to give the false impression that he had spoken against Prophet Mohammad. This was untrue, and a criminal abdication of responsibility by his critics, who must now think about what they have caused to happen. According to the authorities, my father’s stand on the blasphemy law was what drove Mr. Qadri to kill him.

There are those who say my father’s death was the final nail in the coffin for a tolerant Pakistan. That Pakistan’s liberal voices will now be silenced. But we buried a heroic man, not the courage he inspired in others. This week two leading conservative politicians — former Prime Minister Chaudhry Shujaat Hussain and the cricket-star-turned-politician Imran Khan — have taken the same position my father held on the blasphemy laws: they want amendments to prevent misuse.

To say that there was a security lapse on Tuesday is an understatement. My father was brutally gunned down by a man hired to protect him. Juvenal once asked, “Who will guard the guards themselves?” It is a question all Pakistanis should ask themselves today: If the extremists could get to the governor of the largest province, is anyone safe?

It may sound odd, but I can’t imagine my father dying in any other way. Everything he had, he invested in Pakistan, giving livelihoods to tens of thousands, improving the economy. My father believed in our country’s potential. He lived and died for Pakistan. To honor his memory, those who share that belief in Pakistan’s future must not stay silent about injustice. We must never be afraid of our enemies. We must never let them win.

by Shehrbano Taseer

Shehrbano Taseer is a reporter with Newsweek Pakistan.

 

What Would Einstein Say?

In a Reflection published on August 25, 2010 under the title of “The Opinion of an Expert”, I mentioned a really unusual activity of the United States and its allies which, in my opinion, underlines the risk of a nuclear conflict with Iran. I was referring to a long article by the well-known journalist Jeffrey Goldberg, published in the US journal The Atlantic in September of that year, entitled “The Point of No Return”.

Goldberg was not anti-Israeli, quite the opposite; he is an admirer of Israel and holds double citizenship with the US and also did his military service in that country.

At the start of his article he wrote: “It is possible, as well, that “foiling operations” conducted by the intelligence agencies of Israel, the United States, Great Britain, and other Western powers—programs designed to subvert the Iranian nuclear effort through sabotage and, on occasion, the carefully engineered disappearances of nuclear scientists—will have hindered Iran’s progress in some significant way”

The parentheses in the paragraph are also his.

After mentioning the enigmatic phrase, I carried on with the analysis of that Gordian knot of international politics that could lead to the war which was so feared by Einstein. What would he say if he had learned about the “frustration operations” destined to make the most capable nuclear scientists disappear?

Maybe because it was so absurd and incredible, I didn’t pay too much attention to it, but months later, upon reading the recent accusations by the Iranian government, as well as news and opinions of well-informed people, the memory of that paragraph returned to my mind with a vengeance.

Four weeks before the end of 2010, an AFP agency dispatch informed:

“An Iranian nuclear scientist has been killed.

“Teheran accuses the United States and Israel of being behind a double assassination. 

“AFP. November 30, 2010

“‘The hand of western governments and the Zionist regime is behind the assassination attempts’. Mahmud Ahmadineyad had no doubts when it came to look for the people guilty of the double attack on the nuclear experts that took place early yesterday in Teheran. Majid Shariari, professor at the Shahid Beheshti University of Teheran and member of the Nuclear Society of Iran lost his life and his wife was injured in an explosion reported a few metres from their home. His colleague Fereydoon Abbasi, a laser physicist at the same university and his wife were also injured after a similar attack. Even though some newspapers announced Abbasi’s death, it was finally the Mehr agency that confirmed that he had managed to save his life. According to the Fars agency, ‘unknown terrorists’ on motorcycles drove closet o the vehicles to plant the lapa bombs.”

“Members of the Ahmadineyad Executive and the Minister of the Interior, Mostafa Mohamad Najjar, directly accused the CIA and Mossad – the intelligence services of the US and Israel, respectively – of being behind these actions that presume a new blow for the country’s nuclear race at the doors of a possible new round of talks with the 5+1 members…”

“With yesterday’s attempt there are now three Iranian scientists who have been killed since 2007. Dr. Masoud Alí Mohamadi lost his life in Teheran last January after the explosion of a bomb as he was leaving his home, a death that has not yet been cleared up by the authorities who also accused the western intelligence agencies of trying to abort what they considered to be a right, the nuclear race for civilian purposes. The first victim in the heart of the scientific community was Ardeshir Hosseinpour, killed under strange circumstances in 2007 at the nuclear centre of Isfahan.”

I don’t remember any other moment in history when the assassination of scientists has been transformed into official policy on the part of a group of powers armed with nuclear weapons. The worst is that, in the case of Iran, it is being applied on an Islamic nation, with which, even if they are able to compete and surpass it in technology, they could never do it in a field where, for cultural and religious questions, it could surpass them many times in the willingness of its citizens to die at any moment if Iran should decide to apply the same absurd and criminal formula on the professionals of their adversaries.

There are other serious events related to the carnage of scientists, organized by Israel, the US, Great Britain and other powers against the Iranian scientists, something about which the mass media does not inform world opinion.

An article by Christian Elia published on the Rebelión website on August 25, 2010, reports that: 

An explosion has killed the father of the “drones” (unmanned planes) – of Iran – but he is just the last of the scientists who have lost their lives in the country. 
“To find a photo of Reza Baruni on the Internet is a mission impossible. However, in the last few days, his name was at the centre of a mystery that has many international aspects…”

The only thing certain is that Reza Baruni, the Iranian aeronautical engineer, is dead. An air of absolute mystery hangs over everything else. All the industry analysts consider Baruni to be the father of the […] UAVs (unmanned vehicles) of the Islamic Republic […]. On August 1st, 2010, his house was blown up.”

“On August 17, 2010, Debka (very close to Israeli intelligence) publishes news of Baruni’s death and reveals its conclusions: the Iranian engineer’s home blew up because of the explosion of three very powerful explosive devices. Baruni was murdered.”

“But the murkiest episode in contrast is the death of Massud Ali-Mohammadi, professor of nuclear physics at Teheran University, murdered on January 11, 2010 in the Iranian capital. Professor Ali-Mohammadi died in the explosion of a motorcycle-bomb detonated from a distance at the time the professor was leaving his home to go to work…”

An article published on the CubaDebate website informs:

“Israel acknowledges that it has murdered an Iranian scientist last week.”

“Mossad, the Israeli secret service, acknowledged that last week it murdered Majid Shahriari and wounded another physicist in Iran, according to Mossad sources, in an operation carried out in Teheran. ‘It is the latest operation by the head of the Mossad’, the people heading Israeli secret services state with satisfaction at a meeting in their Gelilot headquarters to the north of Tel Aviv.”

“Gordon Thomas, a British expert in the Mossad, confirmed in Britain’s Sunday Telegraph that Israel is responsible for this double murder destined to obstruct the Iranian nuclear program.”

“Thomas states that all the Israeli assassination attempts in the last few years against personalities associated with the Iranian nuclear project have been committed by the Kidon (bayonet) unit. According to the Jewish newspaper Yediot Ahronot this unit is made up of 38 agents. Five of them are women. They are all between 20 and 30 years old and they speak several languages – including Persian – and they are able to come and go from Iran with ease. They are based in the Negev Desert.”

In the days of the Diaspora, the left wing in the world united in solidarity with the people of Israel. Persecuted for their race and religion, many of them fought in the ranks of the revolutionary parties. The peoples condemned the concentration camps that the European and world bourgeoisie wanted to ignore.

Today the leaders of the State of Israel practice genocide and are associating themselves with the most reactionary forces on the planet.

The alliance between the leaders of that State and the South Africa of the hateful apartheid regime is still to be cleared up; in complicity with the United States they supplied the technology to develop the nuclear weapons directed towards striking at the Cuban troops which, in 1975, were confronting the invasion of racist South Africa, whose disdain and hatred of the African peoples was no different from the Nazi ideology which murdered millions of Jews, Russians, gypsies and other European nationalities in the concentration camps of Europe.

If it hadn’t been for the Iranian revolution – stripped of weapons it swept over the best-equipped ally of the United States on the flank of the Soviet super-power – today it would be the Shah of Iran, supplied with nuclear weapons, and not Israel, who would be the principal bulwark of the Yankee and NATO empire in that region that is so strategic and immensely rich in oil and gas for the sure supply of the most developed countries on the planet.

It is an almost inexhaustible subject.

Fidel Castro Ruz

January 6, 2011
8:16 p.m.

 

 

 

 

 

Islamic media mogul faces new foes

You may lionise him as an ardent ‘defender of the faith’ or detest him as a pugnacious demagogue, but Zakir Naik is one person you just cannot be indifferent to. Based in Mumbai, this doctor-turned-‘Islamic’ missionary-to-the-world-at-large presides over a vast media empire, centred on his Peace TV channel that is avidly watched by literally millions of viewers across the world. Naik’s forte lies in his practised ability to readily denounce other religions and to thereby, at least in the eyes of his awe-struck admirers, prove the superiority of (his own brand of) Islam.

Most non-Muslims who have seen Naik blabber on television, instinctively find him repulsive, or so I would hope and imagine. But Naik’s share of critics is now rapidly expanding to include not just non-Muslims and sensible, liberal, progressive-minded Muslims who are disgusted with his obnoxious tactics and what they regard as his warped and supremacist interpretation of their faith, but, curiously enough, a growing number of influential mullahs or ‘Islamic’ clerics as well. Their grouse against him, apparent from their statements and writings, is not his vituperative attacks on other faiths that so embarrasses Naik’s liberal Muslim critics. Rather, it has almost everything to do with the challenge that Naik poses to their claims of being the sole arbiters of ‘Islamic authenticity’.


Last month, the Mumbai-based monthly Eastern Crescent carried a cover story that summed up, fairly neatly, the arguments of a growing number of mullahs against Naik. The magazine is one of its kind, the mouthpiece of an influential section of Deobandi mullahs. It is probably the only English language periodical that is almost entirely mullah-run. Its editor, all its senior staff and almost all its writers are madrassa-trained mullahs, all of them graduates of the Darul Uloom, Deoband, the largest and probably most influential madrassa in the world. Its founder and chief patron, the Assamese millionaire and politician Badruddin Ajmal Qasmi, is a graduate of the Deoband madrassa and a member of its central governing council.

The cover story of the December 2010 issue of Eastern Crescent is revealingly titled ‘How a Maulana Rejects Zakir Naik’s Glamour World’. Penned by M Tauqeer Qasmi, it is a winding and rather convoluted report that explains how and why the head of one wing of the Deoband madrassa, ‘Maulana’ Salim Qasmi, vice president of the All-India Muslim Personal Law Board, was finally convinced by his fellow mullahs at a meeting held recently in Mumbai to desist from accepting Naik’s invitation to participate in a mega event being organised by Naik’s Islamic Research Foundation. Around a hundred mullahs were present at the meeting. In describing the meeting, Tauqeer Qasmi highlighted various aspects of Naik and his ‘Islamic’ channel that have now won him the ire of a major section of the Deobandi mullah community.

Naik’s trespassing into what they regard as their closely-guarded exclusive zone of interpreting Islam, doing so on his own and without their assistance, seems to have been a major sore-point for the mullahs present at the meeting held in honour of the visiting Deobandi head. Although, interestingly enough, the holy Quran stridently denounces priesthood (and this would include mullah-hood, too), the mullahs act virtually as priests, and presume it to be their sole prerogative to interpret Islam. Their authority and leadership, and the worldly pelf that goes with these, are all inextricably linked to this untenable claim. Naturally, then, they regard as nothing short of anathema, Naik interpreting Islam on his own, without their sanction or approval. Not surprisingly, Naik was repeatedly denounced at the meeting for ‘wrongly’ interpreting the holy Quran.

Naik’s brand of ‘Islam’ shares much in common with that of the Saudi Wahhabis, who stress a very literalist understanding of the holy Quran and the Hadith, the corpus of traditions containing what are believed by many (though not all) Muslims as the sayings and actions of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). Like many Wahhabis, Naik does not appear to believe, so Tauqeer Qasmi alleges, in two other sources of jurisprudence that most other Muslim groups uphold: qiyas, or analogical reasoning, and ijma, or the consensual opinion of Muslims on a particular issue. In contrast, the Deobandis stress all four sources of jurisprudence. In their view, ijma denotes the ‘consensus’ of the ulema or ‘Islamic’ clerics (of their particular sectarian persuasion) on a particular issue. Their stress on ijma is central to the claims they make for themselves as the sole authoritative interpreters of Islam. This is because their interpretation of the concept translates into enjoining on Muslims taqlid or blind conformity to their own dictates, which they derive from the texts of the mullahs of the past belonging to their own sectarian persuasion. Any interpretation of any issue that goes against this supposed ijma is quickly branded by the mullahs as ‘dangerous heresy’. In this way, the concept of ijma is routinely deployed by them to stifle dissent, impose a mindless conformity and shore up their authority, thereby also bolstering their own vested worldly interests.

Not surprisingly, therefore, Naik’s supposed refusal to abide by ijma (as the mullahs understand it) was yet another ground for the Deobandis present at the meeting to roundly denounce him. As Tauqeer Qasmi bluntly put it, ‘Zakir Naik attempts to deny ijma […] and this is against the spirit of shariah’. He bitterly castigated Naik for allegedly ‘mislead[ing] common youth by not conforming to these traditional sources of the shariah.’

For the Deobandi mullahs, the issue of Naik’s refusal to abide by the ijma of the mullahs, which they regarded as an affront to their authority, was no harmless academic quibble. They viewed his stance, so it seems, as virtually leading him out of the Sunni Muslim fold, which, in their eyes, is the sole authentic version of Islam. Thus, Tauqeer Qasmi contended, ‘Zakir Naik repeats that he believes only in holy Quran and sahih (authentic) Hadith. All Muslims from Ahle Sunnah Wal Jamah [ie Sunnis] believe and consider the Quran, Sunnah [the practice of the Prophet], ijma and qiyas as sources of Islamic shariah.’ The insinuation, therefore, was that since Naik reportedly did not abide by ijma and qiyas, he was not a Sunni Muslim at all. And, according to the Deobandi mullahs, only Sunni Muslims (as they define the term, which is deeply contested by rival groups that also claim the Sunni label) are true followers of Islam. 

Muslim sects have been battling each other for centuries, each pompously insisting that they alone are true Muslims and that all other Muslims (and the rest of humanity as well) are doomed to everlasting torment in hell. In the current Deobandi offensive against Naik, their sectarian differences are, not surprisingly, routinely invoked. Naik’s critics accuse him of alleged links with the hardliner neo-Wahhabi Ahl-e-Hadith sect, with which the Deobandis have been engaged in fierce competition for decades, each claiming to represent the sole ‘authentic’ Islam, roundly denouncing the other as wholly ‘un-Islamic’. Tauqeer Qasmi accused Naik of covertly working to promote an ‘undeclared mission’: to ‘force people’ to ‘convert to’ ghair muqallidiat, an offensive term for the Ahl-e-Hadith derived from its refusal to abide by taqlid or blind following of any of the four generally prevalent schools of Sunni Muslim jurisprudence which the mullahs adhere to. As ‘evidence’, he cited the instance of a Muslim employee of Naik’s Islamic Research Foundation who was a Hanafi, the school of jurisprudence to which the Deobandis advise rigid adherence. This man, Taqueer Qasmi alleged, was compelled by his employers to pray in the Ahl-e-Hadith manner. The difference in the Hanafi and Ahl-e-Hadith manner of praying may strike one as so trivial as to be completely unworthy of comment, but since the mullahs thrive on such matters and use these to fan endless sectarian conflict, it is unsurprising that Tauqeer Qasmi regarded this employee being reportedly made to place his hands on his chest (in the Ahl-e-Hadith fashion), instead of his navel (as the Deobandi Hanafis do), while praying as a heinous crime, one that was tantamount, in his view, to forcible conversion to the Ahl-e-Hadith sect.

The literally thousands of madrassas that they control are the basis of the authority of the mullahs, where would-be mullahs are carefully schooled. Not surprisingly, therefore, the mullahs carefully seek to protect the madrassas from even the most well-meaning and sensible criticism. Tauqeer Qasmi lashed out at Naik, accusing him of seeking to undermine the authority and appeal of the madrassas, probably regarding this as yet another impudent challenge by Naik to the mullahs and their authority. As ‘proof’ in this regard, he referred to a new method that Naik claimed to have discovered to memorise the entire Quran in a mere three months. He dismissed it as a complete hoax invented by Naik, whom he accused of ‘do[ing] everything that may catch public attention.’ He denounced Naik for blaming madrassas for having proven unable to ‘do such an “easy work”’ and, on this basis, for questioning their usefulness. One mullah present at the meeting, Taqueer Qasmi approvingly wrote, went so far as to declare, citing a ‘conspiracy theory’ that is routinely invoked in the speeches and writings of the mullahs and their followers, that, ‘Dr Zakir Naik has been doing exactly the same that the Christians and Jews are failed (sic.) to do in India, that is alienating common Muslims from madrassas and ulema [Muslim clerics]. He and his men discourage people from visiting ulema for knowledge and sending children to madrassas.’ 

Naik, the mullahs at the meeting admitted, had done ‘some good work’ — which they equated with ‘successfully debating’ with people of other faiths, this being their curious way of understanding what serving God and the Islamic cause is all about. However, they argued that Naik had outlived his ‘usefulness’, and that his missionary (dawah) work ‘is now becoming part of his past.’ They contended that Naik, presiding over a rapidly expanding global ‘Islamic’ media empire, had ‘now become more of a glamorous person, looking for petro-dollars to finance his mega events’. One mullah even claimed that Naik was misusing zakat money, sent by Muslims to be used for the poor and the needy, which, so he said, Naik was diverting to fund his television channel, cover advertising expenses and pamper speakers at his mega events in the form of jaunts at five-star hotels, free air tickets and gifts.

Bringing these serious charges against Naik, the mullahs prevailed upon the visiting head of the Deoband madrassa to refuse to accept Naik’s invitation. They claimed that Naik’s intentions in inviting him were wholly sinister. ‘The reality behind [Naik’s] calling big names and ulema like Maulana Salim Qasmi’, argued Tauqeer Qasmi, ‘is that complaints have been made to the Auqaf ministry of Saudi Arabia that Zakir Naik is misusing their money and no authentic alim [Islamic scholar] of India supports him. So, Dr Naik is looking to bring renowned ulema to his fold to market his position around the world.’ Salim Qasmi was also advised by his followers that in inviting him, Naik was not at all interested in putting across his views through his television channel. Rather, they claimed, Naik wanted his presence only to use his face, as head of an influential madrassa, so as to attract viewers and thereby bolster his sagging popularity. If Salim Qasmi accepted Naik’s invitation, they warned, it was likely that Naik would excise portions of his speech that did not conform to his ‘deviant’ Ahl-e-Hadith brand of Islam.

Having carved for himself a ‘flourishing’ career as the world’s largest ‘Islamic’ media Mogul essentially by debating non-Muslims and mocking their faiths, Zakir Naik now has a new set of people to debate with — the influential mullahs of Deoband. And, for their part, the latter have now got yet another target to drum up public support against.

By Yoginder Sikand