Just International

The Most Racist Soccer World Cup in History

By Nate Bear

9 Jun 2026 – The Soccer World Cup starts this Thursday [11 Jun] and the US regime has already guaranteed that it will be the most racist in history.

FIFA-appointed Somalian referee Omar Artan, voted the best referee in Africa last year and travelling on a diplomatic passport, was denied entry to the US when he landed at Miami and forced to fly back home.

The Iranian national team have been forced to relocate their training base from Arizona to Mexico, and the manager of the team, as well as various technical support staff, have been denied US visas. The US is also demanding that the Iranian playing squad enter and leave the US on the day of their games, a condition clearly meant to harm their ability to perform well in matches. Iran’s fan ticket allocation has also just been withdrawn, meaning there will be no fans from Iran in the stadiums.

Iraqi national team vice-captain Ayman Hussein was detained, searched and interrogated at Chicago’s O’Hare airport for seven hours while Iraq’s national team photographer was denied entry and turned back on landing.

The Senegalese team were treated like criminals on landing, with security not allowing them to enter the terminal and strip-searching them on the tarmac. The Uzbekistan team were similarly searched after stepping off the coach outside the Icahn stadium in New York prior to a friendly match against The Netherlands.

At least 90 fans from two major supporter groups in Morocco have also been denied visas ahead of the tournament, most under a clause citing doubts about their intention to return home, despite their documented travel histories to Russia 2018, Qatar 2022, and the Paris Olympics. Some have lost thousands of dollars in non-refundable hotel bookings.

These refusals followed the initial refusal of a visa for the Moroccan player Zakaria El Ouahdi, who plays in Europe, after US embassy staff flagged him as a risk because his father was deemed to have a suspicious beard.

The South African team waited months for US visas to be issued, leading to a public complaint from the country’s minister of sport who said they’d been “made to look like fools,” and as of this week were still waiting for four visas to be processed.

The International Sports Press Association says that many Iranian and African journalists have been denied visas needed to enter the US and report on the tournament.

All of this is making people compare this World Cup to the 1936 Nazi Olympics, but that’s really unfair. By 1936 Nazi Germany hadn’t attacked any sovereign countries, assassinated any heads of state or committed any holocausts.

Some on Twitter didn’t get this, but I expect my readers understand this as an absurdist quip intended to make a deadly serious point about the barbarity of US empire.

The truth is the US regime has committed all of these criminal acts in just the last few months, from the kidnap of a head of state, to the assassination of a head of state (and his family), to an attack on a sovereign nation because it refused to submit to empire. And the Gaza holocaust, sponsored by the US and committed by its colonial proxy using regime arms and technology, is ongoing.

So yes, the argument is sound. The World Cup is being hosted by a white supremacist regime, a regime that has outright bans on citizens of numerous global south countries whose national teams have qualified for the World Cup, including Iran, Haiti, Senegal, and the Ivory Coast. A regime which has concentration-camp like facilities into which people routinely disappear, or die. A regime which constantly talks in overtly racist terms about the need to save western civilisation from non-white people and is therefore clearly not fit to host one of the world’s most preeminent, multicultural global sporting events.

Yet despite all this, compare the media focus on US crimes in the context of hosting the World Cup with the attention given to Qatar, Russia or Brazil. Where is the reporting about US human rights abuses? Where are the televised news specials about US repression and policies of mass murder? Where are the anguished op-eds about inner city gun violence? Where are the protests by national teams against the politics of the host nation?

The clear hypocrisy on show is just another indictment of valueless liberals and demonstrates how subjects of empire, whether journalists or athletes, give a pass to empire for its crimes. It’s easy to speak out from the guts of the imperial core against outsiders when you know there’ll be no consequences for doing so. It’s much harder to possess genuine principles which put you into conflict with your rulers and paymasters.

But it’s probably in many cases a lot simpler and more horrifying than this. It’s probably more likely that many in the imperial core simply agree with and support imperial violence. For many people, Qatar and Russia having draconian policies against gay people is worse than a holocaust when the victims are Palestinians, the wretched of the Earth, an essentially sub-human population in the eyes of imperialists.

The World Cup is a perfect encapsulation of the impunity with which imperialists are able to commit their crimes.

In 2017, when concerns about the US as a potential host were raised, FIFA president Gianni Infantino said “any team, including the supporters and officials of that team, who qualify for a World Cup need to have access to the country, otherwise there is no World Cup. It’s obvious. The requirements will be clear.” But now, with accredited FIFA referees and team staff being banned from attending, the cowardly Infantino says these issues are all a matter for the host nation.

No consequences or condemnation. Just the pure impunity of empire.

FIFA demanded previous World Cup hosts introduce special laws to bypass all kinds of regulations to ensure the smooth running of past events. South Africa passed a Special Measures Act demanded by FIFA, while Brazil’s parliament in 2013 passed and codified a 900-page General Law of The World Cup covering everything from criminal provisions to visa processes to press freedom. But no such demands were made of the US, with the regime able to ban anyone it wants, including FIFA referees and team staff.

The empire is granted impunity for its actions by other imperialists like Infantino who possess essentially the same politics. In their minds there is no need for white empire to pass special World Cup laws, because the governance is not just already fit-for-purpose, but infinitely superior. When empire executes power and authority, that power and authority, unlike that wielded by the periphery, is, by definition, legitimate.

Perhaps this will all be a wake-up call for the sport, but it’s unlikely, because this isn’t just about FIFA or about football. What we’re seeing with this World Cup cuts to the heart of empire and the value system which underpins it.

What we’re seeing is the racism, hypocrisy and double standards that always surface when professed liberal principles clash with imperial realities.

No, this fiasco won’t change FIFA, but it should be a reminder to us that empire is an illegitimate construct and a bankrupt project that, when ended, will end FIFA by default as well.

15  Jun 2026

Source: transcend.org

The Quiet Triumph: Russia’s Enduring Stand against the NATO Enterprise

By Diran Noubar

14 Jun 2026 – In the grand arena of international affairs, where narratives are often more vigorously contested than battlefields themselves, certain outcomes emerge not with fanfare but with the inexorable weight of reality. After more than four years of conflict, the contours of the Russia-Ukraine war have clarified in a manner that many in Western capitals might prefer to obscure with rhetorical flourishes. Russia has, in essence, prevailed against the collective machinery of NATO—not through mythic blitzkrieg, but through strategic resilience, industrial adaptation, and a willingness to endure where others faltered. This is not a declaration of glee, but a sober observation of facts on the ground and in the ledgers of power.

One need not endorse every aspect of the campaign to acknowledge its broader success. Moscow’s forces, despite facing an array of advanced Western weaponry and intelligence support funneled through Kiev, maintain control over approximately 20% of Ukrainian territory, including critical regions in the east and south. Gains may have slowed in the attritional grind of 2026, yet Russian positions have consolidated in key areas like much of Donetsk and Luhansk, with incremental advances continuing amid fierce resistance. Ukrainian counter-efforts, though tactically impressive in places, have not reversed the fundamental territorial and strategic realities established since 2022.

Consider the economic front, where the West wagered heavily on sanctions as a decisive weapon. Here, the irony is particularly piquant. Russia, long caricatured as a gas station masquerading as a nation, reoriented its economy with remarkable agility. Trade pivoted eastward, parallel import networks flourished, and defense production surged despite export controls. European economies, by contrast, grappled with energy shocks, inflation, and deindustrialization—self-inflicted wounds from their own decoupling fervor. The ruble did not collapse; reserves were mobilized; and the “arsenal of democracy” found itself outproduced in shells and drones by a nation supposedly on the brink of ruin. NATO’s proxy strategy, intended to bleed Russia dry, instead highlighted the limits of financial warfare against a determined adversary with vast resources and autarkic tendencies.

Militarily, the mismatch between expectations and outcomes is equally telling. Initial Western predictions of a swift Russian collapse gave way to months, then years, of incremental Russian pressure. Factories in the Urals and beyond churned out materiel at a pace that outstripped Ukraine’s ability to absorb Western aid, however generous. High-tech donations—tanks, HIMARS, Patriots—provided tactical boosts but could not alter the demographic and logistical arithmetic favoring the side fighting on its declared existential terms. Ukraine, for all its valor and innovation in drone warfare, has been hollowed by casualties and manpower shortages, while Russia has sustained a war of attrition that plays to its strengths. The much-vaunted “spring offensives” and counteroffensives have largely settled into a grinding stalemate where Moscow holds the initiative in key sectors.

And then there is the political dimension. NATO expanded its rhetorical and material commitment, welcoming new members eager for a share of the spoils in a putative Russian defeat. Yet the alliance’s unity has frayed under the strain of indefinite support. Billions—hundreds of billions—have flowed into Ukraine, yet victory remains elusive, and fatigue sets in. The spectacle of endless summits and pledges contrasts sharply with battlefield realities, where the “strategic advantage” tilts toward the side that refused to blink.

No figure embodies the Western response more eloquently than French President Emmanuel Macron. With characteristic flair, he has orchestrated diplomatic initiatives, security guarantees, and calls for European “strategic autonomy,” all while championing unwavering support for Kiev. One admires the elegance of the performance: joint statements, reassurance forces, and eloquent appeals to European solidarity. Yet these communication masterstrokes, however artful, cannot conjure away the central truth. They are theater—polished, well-intentioned perhaps, but ultimately insufficient to rewrite the script written in blood and resolve on the steppes.

For amid the cacophony of Western declarations, one stubborn reality persists: it is Russia that has repeatedly signaled openness to peace on terms reflecting the new facts on the ground—neutrality for Ukraine, recognition of territorial realities, and security arrangements addressing Moscow’s longstanding concerns about NATO encroachment. Proposals have been tabled, compromises floated, even as the Kremlin insists on protecting its vital interests. The West, by contrast, has often framed any settlement short of maximalist Ukrainian victory as capitulation, pouring more resources into prolongation rather than resolution. This is not to paint Russia as purely altruistic—great powers pursue interests—but to note the asymmetry: one side seeks an off-ramp calibrated to its achievements; the other risks exhaustion in pursuit of an increasingly distant ideal.

Sarcasm aside, there is tragedy here. The human cost on all sides has been immense, and the European continent bears scars that will linger for generations. The West’s intentions—defending sovereignty and international norms—were noble in principle. Yet the execution, marked by hubris, underestimation of Russian resilience, and over-reliance on narrative control, has yielded a different verdict. Russia has not been broken. It has adapted, advanced where it mattered, and stood firm against a coalition far wealthier and more populous.

History, as ever, favors the patient and the pragmatic over the performative. Whatever elegant communiqués emerge from Paris or Brussels, they cannot eclipse this: the war against NATO’s proxy has reached a point where Russia dictates the tempo, holds the territorial cards, and extends the hand of negotiation—on its terms, to be sure, but a hand nonetheless. True statesmanship would recognize this reality rather than delay it with further illusions. The path to peace lies not in more sophisticated messaging, but in confronting the facts as they stand. Only then can the guns fall silent, and Europe begin the arduous work of reconciliation.

Diran Noubar, an Italian-Armenian born in France, has lived in 11 countries until he moved to Armenia.

15  Jun 2026

Source: transcend.org

US Federal Court Dismisses Civil Rights Conspiracy Claims against Pro-Palestine Activists and The People’s Forum

By Partnership for Civil Justice Fund PCJF

Anti-Zionism Is Not Antisemitism

9 Jun 2026 — In an important victory for free speech, a federal court has dismissed with prejudice all civil rights conspiracy claims brought against The People’s Forum and other individual defendants arising from the April 2024 occupation of Hamilton Hall — Hind’s Hall — at Columbia University.

The ruling is a vindication of the right of The People’s Forum (TPF) and others to engage in political speech condemning U.S.-backed Israeli war crimes and genocide, and to call for support of encamped student activists demanding divestment. The Partnership for Civil Justice Fund (PCJF) represented The People’s Forum in the litigation.

In a ruling issued June 1, 2026, Judge Colleen McMahon of the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York dismissed all federal claims under 42 U.S.C. §1985(3) and §1986. The now dismissed lawsuit was brought by the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law and Torridon Law on behalf of two Columbia University employees. The Brandeis Center argued that it constituted anti-Semitic hatred for the TPF to engage in free speech to support encamped students, call for divestment from Israel, and condemn Israeli violence. The PCJF argued that the Brandeis Center was conflating anti-Zionism, a protected political viewpoint, with anti-Judaism in an effort to repress and suppress those who oppose Zionism or who condemn Israeli crimes and genocide.

The Court squarely rejected the plaintiffs’ arguments, ruling that they failed to state a claim on every theory advanced against TPF.

Critically, the Court rejected the plaintiffs’ central contention that opposition to Zionism or to Israeli government policy constitutes evidence of anti-Semitic animus. Adopting precedent from the First Circuit Court of Appeals, Judge McMahon held that,

“The choice to criticize Israel’s actions in Gaza does not necessarily manifest antisemitism,” and noted that opinions on Israel’s policies differ “even among Jews and Israelis.” The Court aptly noted, even “the Jewish community itself is divided over whether anti-Zionism is inherently antisemitic.”

“The conflation of anti-Zionism with antisemitism is a political tactic to shut down and penalize those who, like The Peoples Forum, stand in solidarity with the people of Gaza and Palestine. This ruling makes clear: The TPF is well within its protected rights to stand up for human rights and civil rights and to oppose genocide. This is a ringing victory for freedom of speech,” said PCJF Legal Director Carl Messineo and counsel to TPF.

“The Court’s rejection of this act of ideological lawfare intended to silence pro-Palestine viewpoints is a decisive victory for the freedom of speech. As the Court recognized, criticism of Israel and its war on Gaza is political speech entitled to First Amendment protection. There is no Palestine exception to the First Amendment.” said PCJF Staff Attorney Sarah Taitz and counsel on the litigation.

“This lawsuit is part of an organized ideological attack on the movement for justice for the Palestinian people including opposition to U.S.-backed genocide. We have seen a steady stream of these types of politically driven and meritless lawsuits across the country,” stated Mara Verheyden-Hilliard, Executive Director of the PCJF and counsel on the litigation. “We are very glad to see that this assault on free speech through the abuse of the court system was ultimately dismissed. We will continue to litigate in defense of the First Amendment and against this politically motivated onslaught.”

The People’s Forum stated:

“We welcome the court’s decision, which affirms a core First Amendment principle: organizations cannot be penalized for engaging in protected free speech activity. Lawsuits like this one are intended to silence organizations like ours by draining the resources of those who speak out, and we hope this ruling discourages others from using the legal system to suppress the movement in solidarity with Palestine. Anti-Zionism is not antisemitism, and no lawsuit can change that. The People’s Forum is grateful to our legal team and to everyone who stands on the right side of history.”

All claims against The Peoples Forum were dismissed with prejudice, with the Court denying leave to amend as “futile.”

________________________________

The Partnership for Civil Justice Fund (PCJF) is a free speech, constitutional rights, and civil rights organization that has represented thousands of individuals and organizations in defense of constitutional rights for more than 30 years across the U.S. It is headquartered in Washington, D.C., with a West Coast office in Oakland, CA. For more information visit www.justiceonline.

15  Jun 2026

Source: transcend.org

Nuclear Abolition Is the Only Civilised Option

By Prof. Jan Oberg

Nuclear weapons are undemocratic, useless, criminal, terrorist, and unethical – they cannot serve deterrence without being used, and their development steals the resources that should be used to solve real problems and secure humanity’s better future.

Here you have the essential arguments that people who cannot or will not think freely never mention.

9 Jun 2026 – Global nuclear weapons spending reached an unprecedented 119 billion USD in 2025, according to the latest analysis by the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN). This represents a 19 per cent increase over the previous year and continues a five‑year trend of accelerating investment in nuclear arsenals. In total, nuclear‑armed states have spent 471 billion USD on these weapons since 2021.

The United States alone accounted for 69.2 billion USD, more than all other nuclear‑armed states combined. China (13.5 billion USD) and the United Kingdom (12.6 billion USD) followed as the next largest spenders. All nine nuclear‑armed states increased their budgets, many by double‑digit percentages.

These investments are not short‑term. Current modernisation programmes will keep nuclear weapons operational for decades. Several systems now under development or deployment are expected to remain in service into the 2060s, 2090s, or even beyond 2100. These include the US Sentinel ICBM, the UK’s Dreadnought‑class submarines, France’s next‑generation ballistic missile submarines, and China’s JL‑3 submarine‑launched ballistic missile.

Nuclearism – the thinking and tbe weapons – is not fading; it is being entrenched for the next century.

The nuclear weapons industry is a major beneficiary. At least 25 private companies earned 38 billion USD from nuclear weapons–related contracts in 2025 and collectively hold 401 billion USD in outstanding contracts. Lobbying is extensive: 138 million USD in the United States and France, and 226 documented meetings between contractors and senior UK officials. Nuclear weapons are not only political instruments; they are commercial products with powerful institutional defenders.

The opportunity costs are staggering.

The 2025 nuclear total equals 32 years of the UN regular budget. It exceeds the cost of ending world hunger for multiple years. One day of nuclear spending could fund 17,000 solar‑powered home transitions or plant two billion trees. Nuclear weapons do not merely threaten humanity; they drain resources from the very things that could secure its future.

Anti-democracy, Terrorism, Illegality, Deterrence, Accidents and Unethical: The Pillars of the Nuclear Delusion
Nuclear weapons remain humanity’s most destructive and undemocratic curse. No population has ever been asked whether it wants these weapons in its name. Decisions about devices capable of killing millions of civilians are made without public consent, democratic debate, or moral accountability. No opinion polls show that any nation’s majority wants them or would accept their use on their own territory.

The defining feature of nuclear weapons is that they are designed to kill innocent people who are not participants in any conflict. That principle — the deliberate targeting of civilians — is universally condemned in international humanitarian law. It is incompatible with any claim to civilisation, ethics, or responsible statehood.

The core definition of terrorism is the threat or use of violence against civilians to achieve political ends. Nuclear weapons embody this principle completely. Their destructive power is aimed not at military targets but at cities, populations, and the fabric of human life itself. The strategic value of nuclear weapons lies precisely in their ability to inflict mass civilian casualties. This is not a side effect; it is the doctrine.

Nuclear deterrence depends on making entire societies fear annihilation. If non‑state actors used this logic, we would call it terrorism. When states use it, we call it security policy. The moral distinction is nonexistent.

Nuclear weapons are also illegal under international law. The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW), adopted by the UN General Assembly in 2017, prohibits the development, possession, threat of use, and use of nuclear weapons. It entered into force in January 2021 and is now supported by 93 signatory states and 70 states parties. The treaty expresses the will of the global majority: most of humanity lives in countries that reject nuclear weapons outright. Nuclear‑armed states stand outside this legal and moral framework, isolated from the norms they claim to defend.

Supporters of nuclear weapons often claim that deterrence prevents war because nuclear weapons will never be used. But this argument collapses instantly.

If both sides know the weapons will never be used, there is no deterrence. Deterrence only functions if leaders are willing to carry out the threat — that is, to commit mass murder when the strategy fails. The credibility of deterrence rests on the declared readiness to slaughter civilians on a scale that violates every principle of international humanitarian law. A doctrine that requires the willingness to commit a crime against humanity cannot be defended as a peace strategy.

Nukes are also unethical and illogic. There can be no political goal that legitimises their use and the automatic killing of millions of people, huge cities, and causes irreparable environmental damage. No human being or government anywhere can or should have the power to decide about humanity’s future. No government would use them on their own territory, they are by definition non-defensive is more than one sense. And who could conquer and use a territory after it has been nuked – a nuclear desert for what? They are, therefore, military useless.

Even if one were to accept this perverse-grotesque logic, deterrence still fails on practical grounds. Too many accidents – that you have probably never heard of.

It assumes perfect rationality, perfect information, perfect technology, and perfect political stability — conditions that have never existed in human history. The record of nuclear near‑misses exposes the fragility of the system: false alarms at NORAD, malfunctioning early‑warning satellites, misinterpreted radar signals, lost bombs, accidental arming events, and human errors that brought the world within minutes of catastrophe. The Petrov incident alone — in which a single Soviet officer chose not to report what appeared to be a US nuclear launch — demonstrates that deterrence has survived not because it works, but because individuals have disobeyed it.

A security system that depends on luck, secrecy, and the hope that no one ever makes a mistake is not a security system at all. It is a permanent hostage situation in which the lives of billions depend on the flawless functioning of machines and the flawless judgment of leaders.

No other policy area would tolerate such risk. No society would accept a transportation system, an energy system, or a medical system that fails even once in a century with civilisation‑ending consequences. Yet this is exactly what nuclear deterrence demands.

Nuclear weapons are not stabilising. They are not civilised. They are not compatible with democracy, law, human dignity, not to mention military efficiency.

Nukes are the last great superstition of the modern world — a belief that terror can produce safety. The world has abolished slavery, child labour, rape as a means of war, and absolute monarchy. It can abolish nuclear weapons too.

There is a convention against genocide. Were nuclear weapons to be used, it would not only lead to a genocide, it would be omni- and eco-cide.

The ICAN report shows that nuclear‑armed states are choosing long‑term nuclear rearmament over global public goods. The political argument shows that nuclearism is indistinguishable from the logic of terrorism. The historical record shows that deterrence is a myth sustained by luck and delusion.

Together, these realities point to a single conclusion: nuclear weapons have no place in a civilised world.

Nuclear abolition is not an idealistic dream. It is the only rational, ethical, and human response to a system built on the – unacceptable – threat of mass murder.

We need only one critical mass – explosion: Humanity’s mobilisation for the most important issue:

NUCLEAR ABOLITION NOW!

Prof. Jan Oberg, Ph.D. is director of the independent Transnational Foundation for Peace & Future Research-TFF in Sweden and a member of the TRANSCEND Network for Peace Development Environment. CV: https://transnational.live/jan-oberg
https://transnational.live.

15  Jun 2026

Source: transcend.org

Dispelling Islamophobia: An Analysis

By V.A. Mohamad Ashrof

In the contemporary global discourse, Islamophobia is often operationalised through the manipulation of history. By framing the Islamic presence in various regions—particularly South Asia—as a period of perpetual conflict and “alien” imposition, communalist actors seek to delegitimise the Muslim identity. However, academic research reveals that the “communal character” of politics is a modern construct, largely manufactured during the colonial era to serve the interests of the British Raj. It is essential to distinguish between religious identity, which has existed for centuries, and communalism, which is the modern political use of that identity for sectarian mobilization. Pre-colonial conflicts, such as those between the Mughals and Marathas, were fundamentally political and dynastic rather than communal, dictated by the exigencies of empire-building rather than theology.

The First War of Independence in 1857: A Case Study in Unity

The First War of Independence in 1857 serves as the primary empirical evidence against the narrative of inherent religious antagonism. Bipan Chandra and his colleagues, in the authoritative text Freedom Struggle, document the profound unity of the period:

A pivotal factor that lent strength to the Revolt of 1857 was Hindu-Muslim unity. Complete cooperation existed between the soldiers, the people, and the leaders, just as it did between Hindus and Muslims. Bahadur Shah, a Muslim, was accepted as the Emperor by everyone who participated in the revolt. Both the Hindu and Muslim insurgents and sepoys were careful not to wound the religious sentiments of the other side. For instance, in all places where the rebellion succeeded, orders were issued banning cow slaughter in order to respect the religious sentiments of Hindus. Furthermore, there was equal representation for Hindus and Muslims at all levels of leadership. A high-ranking British official later complained: ‘This time we were unable to incite the Muhammadans against the Hindus.’ The events of 1857 clearly prove that during the medieval period and prior to 1858, the Indian people and Indian politics did not possess a fundamentally communal character (Chandra et al., p.50).

This documentation is vital for researchers because it highlights that the political legitimacy of the Mughal Emperor was not contingent upon his religion, but upon his status as a symbol of Indian sovereignty. This unity was formalised in documents like the Azamgarh Proclamation of 1857, which explicitly called for Hindus and Muslims to unite to protect their “Dharma” and “Deen” against a common colonial oppressor. The mutual respect for religious sentiments—institutionalised through the ban on cow slaughter—demonstrates a sophisticated pluralism that predates Western secular models.

The Colonial Gaze and the Victimisation of Muslims

The British response to this unity was the systematic targeting of the Muslim community, identifying them as the “primary instigators.” This period marked the beginning of state-sponsored Islamophobia in the subcontinent. Chandra notes:

“Having reached the conclusion that Muslims led the revolt and were fundamentally responsible for it, the British, after suppressing the rebellion, took revenge primarily against the Muslims. Records show that in Delhi alone, during the revolt and in the brief period immediately following it, 27,000 Muslims were sentenced to death. For years, the British viewed Muslims with a gaze of suspicion” (Chandra et al., p.112).

The execution of 27,000 Muslims in Delhi—a demographic purge documented by nationalist historians—underscores the roots of the “suspicious gaze” that persists in modern securitisation narratives. By decimating the Muslim urban elite and peasantry alike, the British ensured a socio-economic setback that would later be used to fuel communal insecurities.

Historiographical Distortions: The “Muslim Period” Myth

The intellectual infrastructure of Islamophobia was built by British historians who introduced a sectarian periodisation of Indian history. This framework was unfortunately adopted by later Indian historians, leading to the dissemination of “historical knowledge in a manner that stirred and provoked communal passions.” Chandra provides a scathing critique of this methodology:

“British historians were the first to write Indian history… Naming the ancient period as the ‘Hindu Period’ is an example of this. In the medieval period, Turk, Afghan, and Mughal dynasties ruled the country. Instead of explaining their administrative systems and merits, they were all lumped together in a single word as ‘Muslim rule,’ and that period itself was characterised as the ‘Muslim Period.’ When one hears the term ‘Muslim rule,’ doesn’t it imply that all the rulers were Muslims and all the subjects were Hindus? But the truth is that—whether they were Hindus or Muslims—the feudal lords, nobles, chieftains, and zamindars behaved toward the common people (both Hindu and Muslim) in the same manner—that is, with the same contempt and negligence…” (Chandra et al. p.117-18).

The “Muslim rule” did not mean a rule for Muslims. The Muslim masses suffered equally under feudalism. Furthermore, the myth that Islam was spread primarily by the sword is debunked by historical demographics: the heartlands of Muslim imperial power (Delhi, Agra, Lucknow) remained Hindu-majority for centuries, while the regions where Islam became the majority (East Bengal, West Punjab) were on the peripheries, where the faith was spread through Sufi syncretism and the promise of social liberation from the caste hierarchy.

The Rise of Militant Nationalism and the “Hindu Facade”

The later stages of the independence movement saw a departure from secular principles, as some leaders utilised religious symbols to mobilise the masses, inadvertently providing a “Hindu facade” to the national movement. While the primary goal of these leaders was anti-colonial resistance and not anti-Muslim sentiment, the unintended consequence was the alienation of the Muslim minority:

“Militant nationalists infused the national movement with a new vitality… However, some of their actions not only allowed communalism to rear its head again but also led to a step backward in the growth of national unity… For example, the Shivaji festivals and Ganapati festivals organized by Tilak; the approach of Aurobindo—which was tinged with mysticism and spirituality—considering India as the Mother and nationalism as religion… might not have pleased all Indians everywhere. They possessed a dominant religious colouring, and that too, a bias based on the Hindu upper-caste” (Chandra et al. p.120).

Bertrand Russell: Debunking the Myth of Intolerance

The myth of inherent Islamic intolerance is not merely a regional distortion of Indian history, but a global one, often debunked by the most rigorous of Western thinkers. The philosopher Bertrand Russell provides a rigorous academic rebuttal to these claims. In Human Society in Ethics and Politics (1954), Russell addresses the “false stories” of history:

“Christian propaganda has invented stories of Mohammedan intolerance, but these are wholly false as applied to the early centuries of Islam. Every Christian has been taught the story of the Caliph destroying the Library of Alexandria… As a matter of fact, this Library was frequently destroyed and frequently re-created. Its first destroyer was Julius Caesar… The early Mohammedans, unlike the Christians, tolerated those whom they called ‘people of the Book’, provided they paid tribute. In contrast to the Christians, who persecuted not only pagans but each other, the Mohammedans were welcomed for their broadmindedness… Proficiency in science is very difficult to combine with fanaticism” (Russell, Human Society, p.217-18).

Russell’s observation provides a philosophical framework for understanding the Islamic Golden Age. It suggests that the scientific advancements of the era were not despite the faith, but a product of its then-inherent intellectual pluralism. In A History of Western Philosophy (1945), he adds:

“Christian heretics in the early days of Islam were much more kindly treated by the Mohammedans than by the orthodox Byzantine Emperors… It is not what it has become common to call ‘Western values’ that the East regards as typical of the West, for in such matters the record of the East is, if anything, better than that of the West” (Russell, History, p.347).

Swami Vivekananda: Islam as a Social Necessity

The modernization of Hinduism through figures like Swami Vivekananda provides another layer of documentation against Islamophobia. Vivekananda’s appraisal of Islam was remarkably positive. Radice documents:

“He admired Rammohan Ray’s foresight… Vivekananda’s quest was for the underlying unity of all the diversities… To him the Muslims were a race as generous and human, and at heart as Indian, as the Hindus… The distinction between them by reason of their different beliefs was subordinate to their identity as fellow countrymen” (Radice, p.289).

Vivekananda famously advocated for a “junction” of the two faiths: “For our own motherland a junction of the two great systems, Hinduism and Islam—Vedanta brain and Islam body—is the only hope” (Radice, p.290). Most crucially, he recognized the emancipatory power of Islam for the lower castes of India: “The Muhammadan conquest of India came as a salvation to the downtrodden, to the poor. That is why one-fifth of our people have become Muhammadans” (Radice, p.294).

Rajmohan Gandhi: The Non-Theocratic Nature of Muslim Rule

Rajmohan Gandhi argues that the Mughal state was not a theocracy, evidenced by the fact that even its opponents understood the universal nature of the ruler’s faith:

“Because it was not [a theocracy], Shivaji could, in that letter to Aurangzeb in which he defied the Emperor, speak warmly of Akbar, Jahangir and Shahjehan, and add: Well, your majesty! If you believe in the true Heavenly Book and word of God (i.e., the Quran), you will find there Rabb-ul-alamin (God of all men) and not Rabb-ul-Musalmin (God of Muslims)” (R. Gandhi, p.12).

The Intellectual Legacies of Sir Sayyid, Iqbal, and Azad:

The intellectual response of Muslims to colonial rule was marked by reform and the theology of unity. Sir Sayyid Ahmed Khan famously stated: “I have frequently said that India is a beautiful bride and Hindus and Muslims are her two eyes; If one of them is lost, this beautiful bride will become ugly” (R. Gandhi, p.45).

Maulana Azad provided the definitive nationalist theology, stating that when the Prophet migrated to Medina, he prepared a covenant (the Covenant of Medina) stating that Muslims and non-Muslims would become one nation (ummah vahidah). Azad’s devotion was absolute: “No my friend, I shall give up Swaraj, but not Hindu-Muslim unity… for if Hindu-Muslim unity is lost, it will be a loss for the whole of mankind” (R. Gandhi, p.230).

Global Tributes to the Prophet Muhammad

To counter the “impure” caricatures of the Prophet Muhammad used in hate campaigns, this paper presents the scholarly appraisals of world leaders and historians:

Mahatma Gandhi: “I became more than ever convinced that it was not the sword that won a place for Islam in those days, in the scheme of life. It was the rigid simplicity, the utter self-effacement of the Prophet, the scrupulous regard for pledges, his intense devotion to his friends and followers, his intrepidity, his fearlessness, his absolute trust in God and in his own mission. These, and not the sword, carried everything before them and surmounted every obstacle” (Young India, 1924; CWMG Vol. 25, p.127).

Jawaharlal Nehru: “They must have derived their vast energy from the dynamic and revolutionary character of their Prophet and his message of human brotherhood” (The Discovery of India, p.243).

Washington Irving: “In the time of his greatest power he maintained the same simplicity of manner and appearance as in the days of his adversity” (The Life of Mahomet, p.193).

William Montgomery Watt: “It is my hope that this study of his life may contribute to a fresh appraisal and appreciation of one of the greatest of the sons of Adam” (Muhammad at Medina, p.335).

John William Draper: “He preached a monotheism which quickly scattered to the winds the empty disputes of the Arians and Catholics… Mohammed possessed that combination of qualities which more than once has decided the fate of empires” (History of the Intellectual Development of Europe, p.244).

Hendrik van Loon: “The creed which Mohammed taught to his followers was very simple… The average Mohammedan carried his religion with him and never felt himself hemmed in by the restrictions and regulations of an established church” (The Story of Mankind, p.141).

This paper, by adhering to the rigorous documentation of Bipan Chandra, Bertrand Russell, and Rajmohan Gandhi and other luminaries, provides an unassailable archive for dispelling Islamophobia. It proves that the history of Islam is a history of social equality, scientific progress, and political synthesis. As Maulana Azad stated, the unity of Hindus and Muslims is a “noble edifice” without which the structure of India is incomplete.

Bibliography

Chandra, Bipan, et al. Svatantryasamaram [Freedom Struggle]. New Delhi: National Book Trust, 1996.

Chandra, Satish. Medieval India: From Sultanat to the Mughals. New Delhi: Har-Anand, 2007.

Draper, John William. A History of the Intellectual Development of Europe. London: Bell and Daldy, 1863.

Gandhi, Mahatma. The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi. Vol. 25. Ahmedabad: Navajivan, 1924.

Gandhi, Rajmohan. Understanding Muslim Mind. New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2000.

Irving, Washington. The Life of Mahomet. London: Henry G. Bohn, 1850.

Nehru, Jawaharlal. The Discovery of India. New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2012.

Radice, William, ed. Swami Vivekananda and the modernisation of Hinduism. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1998.

Russell, Bertrand. A History of Western Philosophy. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1945.

Russell, Bertrand. Human Society in Ethics and Politics. London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1954.

Van Loon, Hendrik. The Story of Mankind. New York: Boni & Liveright, 1926.

Vivekananda, Swami. The Complete Works of Swami Vivekananda. Vol. 4. Calcutta: Advaita Ashrama, 2016.

Watt, William Montgomery. Muhammad at Medina. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981.

V.A. Mohamad Ashrof is an independent Indian scholar specializing in Islamic humanism. With a deep commitment to advancing Quranic hermeneutics that prioritize human well-being, peace, and progress, his work aims to foster a just society, encourage critical thinking, and promote inclusive discourse and peaceful coexistence.

15 Jun 2026

Source: countercurrents.org

The Invisible Struggle of Women Farmers

By Vikas Parashram Meshram

When the word “farmer” is spoken, what image comes to mind? For most people, it is a man holding a plough and gazing hopefully at the sky. This image is so deeply ingrained that even when women toil in the fields day and night, they are rarely recognised as farmers. They sow seeds, pull weeds, pick cotton, tend livestock, and store grain, yet their identity remains confined to that of a “labourer” or a “helper.” This is not merely a social oversight; it is a long-standing injustice, and the price is being paid by the nation’s food security.

Anthropologists tell us that the origins of agriculture can be traced to women. Thousands of years ago, women identified, preserved, sowed, and nurtured seeds, laying the foundations of agricultural civilisation. Today, millions of women in India carry forward that legacy. Nearly 80 percent of rural women are engaged in agriculture, performing around 70 percent of all agricultural tasks. Their contribution accounts for 75 percent of crop production, 79 percent of horticulture, and as much as 95 percent of animal husbandry and fisheries.

According to the Periodic Labour Force Survey 2024, women now constitute more than 42 percent of India’s agricultural workforce. In 2017, the figure was only 24.8 percent, meaning that the number of women working in agriculture has nearly doubled in less than a decade. Yet this growing participation has not translated into recognition. Responsibilities have increased, but identity has remained elusive.

Only 12.8 percent of landholdings in India are registered in women’s names, while nearly half of all women working in agriculture receive no remuneration. Over the past eight years, the number of unpaid women workers in agriculture has risen from 2.36 crore to 5.91 crore. This is not merely alarming; it reflects a profound national failure.

The situation in Maharashtra is particularly stark. As many as 88.46 percent of rural women in the state work in agriculture—the highest proportion in the country. Yet more than 90 percent of them do not own any agricultural land.

A survey conducted by the Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR) across nine states found that women perform nearly 75 percent of agricultural activities, including sowing, weeding, harvesting, livestock care, grain processing, and seed preservation. Yet they hold less than 14 percent of agricultural land. According to the Agricultural Census 2015–16, women owned 13.87 percent of landholdings, and a decade later, the figure has barely changed. Policies come and go, speeches are made, and announcements are issued, but land rights remain largely beyond women’s reach.

Even in Telangana, which records the highest share of women landholders in southern India, women own only 21.5 percent of agricultural land. In western, central, and eastern India, the proportion falls below 13 percent.

Without land ownership, there is no 7/12 extract, and without a 7/12 extract, access to government schemes becomes difficult. This vicious cycle traps millions of women. Of the 9.35 crore beneficiaries registered under PM-KISAN, only 2.15 crore are women. Crop insurance requires land records, bank loans demand proof of ownership, and access to many forms of government assistance depends on official registration. Women are often excluded at the very first stage.

Banks frequently insist on a man’s signature for loans, insurance schemes require land certificates, and access to market information depends on networks and resources from which women are systematically excluded.

The wage gap adds another layer of inequality. According to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), women agricultural labourers earn only 78 paise for every rupee earned by men. In India, women agricultural workers often receive barely ₹200 per day. Whether under the scorching summer sun, in the monsoon mud, or during freezing winter mornings, women remain constantly at work, yet their labour is consistently undervalued.

Even among the 13–14 percent of women who own land, only about half derive income from farming. For many others, their labour is effectively assigned no value.

Social anthropologist A.R. Vasavi of Karnataka has described the gendered division of agricultural labour with clarity. Men generally perform tasks such as ploughing, sowing, and spraying, while women undertake labour-intensive work such as harvesting and livestock care. Since Independence, technological innovations—tractors, irrigation systems, and mechanisation—have largely focused on reducing men’s labour. Little attention has been paid to easing the burden of tasks traditionally assigned to women, such as weeding, transplanting, and cotton picking. Women’s labour has long been treated as if it does not exist.

Soma K.P., founder of the Mahila Kisan Adhikar Manch (MAKAAM), points out that even when men migrate to cities for employment, ownership and decision-making powers over agricultural land often remain with them. Women may single-handedly manage farms, but they are still denied recognition as farmers. When crops fail or drought strikes, compensation is often paid in the name of men who may no longer even reside in the village. Widows who continue farming after the death of their husbands frequently struggle to access government support.

Women spend an average of 14 hours each day combining agricultural work with household responsibilities. During harvest seasons, this rises to 16 hours. Much of this labour remains invisible in economic calculations. Globally, unpaid domestic labour performed by women and girls contributes an estimated $10.8 trillion to the economy, yet it receives neither wages nor recognition. Because agricultural work is intertwined with household and care responsibilities, surveys often fail to capture women’s actual contribution accurately.

Climate change has added another burden. Women-led farming households lose an estimated $37 billion annually due to heat stress and another $16 billion because of floods. For every one-degree Celsius increase in temperature, the income of women-headed households declines by 34 percent compared with male-headed households.

Research among paddy farmers in Kerala’s Palakkad district found that women face skin diseases, heat stress, and waterborne illnesses because of prolonged exposure to harsh working conditions. The impacts of climate change fall disproportionately on women because they often lack access to protective technologies, insurance, and institutional support.

According to the World Bank, women farmers are 20 to 30 percent less productive than men. However, this difference reflects unequal access to irrigation, technology, and extension services rather than differences in ability or skill.

India’s Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act of 2005 granted daughters equal rights in ancestral property. But laws on paper do not automatically translate into rights in practice. Social pressure, family expectations, and fears that land may pass to “outsiders” often compel women to surrender their claims. Even when land is registered in women’s names, the holdings are generally smaller and of poorer quality than those owned by men.

In 2012, Prof. M.S. Swaminathan introduced the Women Farmers’ Rights Bill in the Rajya Sabha, proposing the issuance of Women Farmer Certificates. However, the bill lapsed in April 2013. Organisations such as the Mahila Kisan Adhikar Manch and the Gorakhpur Environmental Action Group campaigned for years, but their demands received little attention from policymakers.

The United Nations has declared 2026 the International Year of Women Farmers. According to Máximo Torero, Chief Economist of the FAO, progress in women’s empowerment has stalled, and the cost of inaction is immense. The initiative focuses on four pillars: land ownership, access to credit, technology, and training.

Against this backdrop, Maharashtra has offered a measure of hope. Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has announced that the Maharashtra Women Farmer Empowerment Bill, 2026, will be introduced during the monsoon session of the state legislature. The proposed legislation seeks to provide women with independent legal recognition as farmers and improve their access to credit, technology, markets, and government services.

Fadnavis noted that women contribute more than 81 percent of agricultural labour in Maharashtra, yet most policies remain male-centric and many welfare benefits are tied to land ownership. The bill is expected to cover landless women farmers, tenant farmers, agricultural labourers, livestock keepers, and migrant workers.

If enacted effectively, the legislation could represent a historic shift. For the first time, women could obtain legal recognition as farmers even without possessing a 7/12 extract. Such recognition would improve their access to institutional credit, water rights, insurance, and government support. In households devastated by farmer suicides, women often shoulder the entire burden of survival. For them, a farmer certificate would not merely signify justice; it would be a necessity.

Yet legislation alone will not be enough. The distance between laws and implementation remains wide. Women’s names must find their place in land records, gram panchayats, banks, and agricultural offices. At the heart of the problem lies a persistent assumption—that women’s labour is auxiliary rather than primary.

This assumption must be rejected. The mother, sister, and wife who works in the fields is not merely helping a farmer; she is a farmer. She deserves the same rights, recognition, and dignity accorded to any male cultivator. Only then can the immense value of her labour finally be acknowledged.

Vikas Parashram Meshram is a journalist

15 Jun 2026

Source: countercurrents.org

Israeli Defense Chief Says Forces Will Remain in Gaza, Lebanon and Syria “Indefinitely”

By Quds News Network

Occupied Palestine (QNN)- Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said that the forces will remain in Lebanon, Syria, and Gaza “indefinitely” following the announcement of a ceasefire between the US and Iran, adding that the areas under Israeli control will be “cleared of local residents” and that “houses will be destroyed”.

“Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and I are leading a clear policy that determines that the Israeli forces will remain in the security zones in Lebanon, Syria, and Gaza, without any time limit,” Katz said in a statement.

He added the “security zones” will be “cleared of local residents” and the “houses in the contact-line villages.. will be destroyed.”

Katz said Israel opposes the “withdrawal from Lebanon, despite all the existing pressures and those that will still come.”

“Prime Minister Netanyahu made these points clear to US President Trump and to other senior American officials, and I also made this clear yesterday to US Secretary of War Pete Hegseth,” he said.

Katz confirmed that the ceasefire between Israel and Iran does not include Lebanon, saying “if Iran attacks Israel because of events in Lebanon, we will strike it with full force.”

Israeli deadly strikes and threats of forced displacement have continued across Lebanon despite a newly announced US-brokered ceasefire between Lebanese and Israeli officials.

The Israeli attacks have pushed the number of casualties higher, with Lebanon’s Ministry of Public Health reporting that at least 3,526 people have been killed and 10,733 wounded in Israeli attacks since March 2.

Israel is also deepening its invasion of south Lebanon and threatening to resume large scale attacks in Beirut.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu two weeks ago ordered the Israeli military to expand “its ground manoeuvre in Lebanon”. Hezbollah said Israel violated the ceasefire and declared the ⁠right to resist Israeli occupation.

He also announced that Israeli forces had advanced beyond the Litani River, which runs around 30km north of the Lebanon-Israel border.

“Our forces have crossed the Litani and advanced to controlling positions,” he said.

More than 1 million people have been displaced by Israel’s assault in Lebanon, which has flattened entire towns, caused extensive damage to infrastructure and worsened the humanitarian situation.

Lebanon was drawn into the US-Israeli assault, which started on February 18, on March 2 after Hezbollah launched attacks on Israel in retaliation for Israel’s killing of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on the first day of the war, on February 28, as well as Israel’s near-daily violations of a ceasefire it agreed to in Lebanon in November 2024.

Countries across the world have slammed Israel’s escalation of its offensive on Lebanon. French President Emmanuel Macron said “nothing justifies” it.

Iranian officials had warned that Israel’s escalating attacks on Lebanon and ongoing attacks in Gaza threaten to derail the ceasefire negotiations with the US.

Last night, the US and Iran reached a memorandum of understanding to end the Israeli-US assault on Tehran, and the document is to be signed in Switzerland on Friday.

The secretariat of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council said the deal with the US includes the immediate suspension of attacks on all fronts, including Lebanon.

“Based on the agreements reached, the war and military operations on all fronts, including Lebanon, will end immediately and permanently as of tonight.”

Pakistan’s Sharif also said on X that both sides have declared the “immediate and permanent termination of military operations on all fronts, including in Lebanon”.

[https://twitter.com/CMShehbaz/status/2066268332832194810]

The US president, speaking with The New York Times after announcing the deal with Iran, has slammed Netanyahu for mounting attacks on Lebanon.

“He’s a very difficult guy,” Trump said of Netanyahu. “And to be honest with you, he should be very thankful to us for doing this. Because if Iran had a nuclear weapon, Israel wouldn’t be around for two hours.”

Israeli officials have also slammed the US-Iran ceasefire

Yair Golan, the leader of the centre-left Democrats, called the deal “the culmination of many years of failure,” adding that Netanyahu is “ending his tenure with Israel’s enemies stronger, Israel weaker, and the deterrence built with the blood of our fighters eroding before our eyes.”

Far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir said Israel is

“We are not partners to this agreement that does not ensure our security, and it does not bind us in any way.. we must not withdraw from any territory that our fighters have captured.”

Far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich said the US-Iran agreement “is bad for Israel and for the entire free world”.

15 Jun 2026

Source: countercurrents.org

Trump, Iran announce ceasefire agreement

By Andre Damon

The United States and Iran announced a ceasefire agreement Sunday, suspending, for now, a war that the Trump administration began on February 28 and that has killed thousands of people. “The Deal with the Islamic Republic of Iran is now complete,” President Donald Trump wrote on Truth Social, ordering the lifting of the US naval blockade of Iran and the reopening of the Strait of Hormuz. “Ships of the World, start your engines,” he wrote. “Let the oil flow!”

While the terms of the settlement remain undisclosed, this much is already clear: The Trump administration achieved none of the aims for which it went to war. It set out to overthrow the Iranian government, destroy its nuclear program, break its military and seize the Strait of Hormuz. It accomplished none of this.

Trump responded to the failure by denying he had ever sought to overthrow the Iranian government. “As far as regime change, I never cared about regime change,” he told the Wall Street Journal on Sunday.

In reality, his administration had spent the entire year trying to bring the government down. Early on, it funded and armed protesters inside Iran. “We sent guns to the protesters, a lot of them,” Trump said in April.

When this failed, the United States and Israel turned to assassination. The opening strikes on February 28 killed Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, Revolutionary Guard commander Mohammad Pakpour and Defense Minister Aziz Nasirzadeh, along with much of the military command. The government did not collapse. Khamenei’s son Mojtaba succeeded him, and it was the younger Khamenei’s national security council that approved Sunday’s deal.

There followed a bombing campaign across Iran that has killed at least 3,468 people, by the Iranian health ministry’s count, and a naval blockade imposed on April 13. American warplanes destroyed water reservoirs in Sirik that supplied more than 20,000 people and fired on oil tankers running through the blockade, killing three Indian sailors aboard the Settebello this week. After two months, the blockade failed to force Iran’s surrender, and the Strait of Hormuz remained shut by Tehran’s decree until Sunday.

No agreement with American imperialism is worth the paper it is written on. In 2015, the Obama administration signed the nuclear accord known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), under which Iran accepted strict limits on enrichment and intrusive inspections. Iran kept to its terms—the International Atomic Energy Agency certified as much in report after report—but in May 2018 Trump tore the agreement up anyway, calling it a “horrible, one-sided deal.” Obama, who signed that accord, said Sunday it was “doubtful that any agreement that arises is going to be significantly different or a significant improvement from the deal that we had in the first place… before we, the United States, pulled out of it.”

The pattern was repeated last year. Trump announced a “Complete and Total CEASEFIRE” in June 2025 to end the Twelve-Day War between Israel and Iran. That truce held until February 28, when the United States and Israel broke it, launching the war that has now been paused.

Even as he proclaimed peace on Sunday, Trump threatened to resume the war. The New York Times reported that in a phone call he said he would “restart military attacks on Tehran” if Iran failed to reach a final nuclear accord, or else make the United States “the guardian of the Middle East” in exchange for 20 percent of the region’s revenues.

The agreement is a 60-day ceasefire, to be signed Friday in Geneva by Vice President JD Vance and Iranian officials. The future of Iran’s nuclear program and the lifting of US sanctions are left to negotiations over those 60 days, and the text has not been released.

Trump’s claims about the settlement were as hollow as his account of the war. He boasted that the Strait of Hormuz would be “permanently toll free,” but the memorandum suspends tolls for only 60 days. Iran charged no tolls before the war—the deal restores the prewar status quo. Trump said the inspection of Iran’s nuclear material could wait: “We’ll get the nuclear dust later on when we’re ready to go in and do it… there’s no rush.”

The agreement nominally covers Lebanon, where Israel has waged a parallel war that has killed more than 3,700 people. Hours before the announcement, Israel bombed the southern suburbs of Beirut, killing three, in a strike that nearly wrecked the deal. Trump said Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had shown “no judgment” and told all sides to “stand down.” Israel, which was not a party to the talks, has not endorsed the agreement, and Israeli politicians across the spectrum denounced it.

The Democrats’ response to Trump’s moves toward an agreement with Iran centered on the accusation that he had failed to secure the interests of US imperialism. Democratic Representative Seth Moulton of Massachusetts called the emerging terms “basically a surrender document from Donald Trump to the supreme leader of Iran.”

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, on NBC’s “Meet the Press,” complained that the war had left the United States worse off: “Things aren’t better for us. They’re worse. In fact, Iran is stronger right now.”

A warning must be made. Whatever the failures and setbacks of the past four months, American imperialism will only redouble its efforts to dominate the Middle East and the world by military force.

Originally published in WSWS.ORG

15 Jun 2026

Source: countercurrents.org

Ceasefire And Defeat: Iran Won The War  

By Abdul Bari Atwan

Finally, after 100 days of aggression into which Benjamin Netanyahu dragged the US president into, Donald Trump realized he couldn’t not win the war against Iran, and the chances of defeat were far greater than the chances of victory. Therefore, he decided to surrender and raise the white flag, seeking a way out to minimize losses and save face.

He found what he was looking for in the hands of his Pakistani allies, who offered him a lifeline in the form of a “Memorandum of Understanding” leading to a ceasefire, preventing a regional war of attrition, and forcing him to reluctantly acknowledge Iranian-Omani sovereignty over the Strait of Hormuz.

Trump then turned his arrows toward those who had deceived him—the Israeli occupation state—after beginning to awaken from his stupor and the great deception he had suffered.

Trump might sign this “memorandum” with the leaders of the country whose current Islamic regime he waged war to overthrow, replacing it with a puppet regime, stripping Iran of its nuclear ambitions and more than 460 kilograms of highly enriched uranium—enough to produce 10 nuclear bombs—and, most importantly, acknowledging the unity of the battlefields, thus yielding to Iranian demands the ceasefire encompass all fronts, especially the Lebanese front.

Now the decisions on contentious issues are being postponed, particularly the Iranian nuclear file, and referring them to negotiations that will begin immediately after the ceasefire, along with the gradual lifting of sanctions on Iran for a period of two months, and the unfreezing of tens of billions of dollars of its assets.

These are all concessions reflecting the first fruits of the success of the astute Iranian administration, coupled with a swift military deterrent against any American or Israeli strikes in or around the Strait of Hormuz, and ignoring all of Trump’s empty threats to destroy Iran, wipe it off the face of the earth, and unleash hell upon it.

***

For over two years, Iran negotiated with the United States and European countries regarding its nuclear program and the sensitive issue of uranium enrichment in several capitals, from Vienna to Muscat, Oman, and finally Geneva. It made no concessions whatsoever. Ironically, the head of its negotiating team was Abbas Araqchi, who adhered to the leadership’s ‘yes, but’ approach, which is based on another principle: “We welcome and study” any proposals presented at the negotiating table. As a reward, he was promoted to lead Iranian diplomacy as Foreign Minister in both the previous and current governments.

The Iranian regime possessed many cards, which it used intelligently to counter this Israeli-American aggression. These included the nuclear card and military preparedness based on self-sufficiency in the production of missiles and highly advanced drones. However, one of the most important cards was the unity of the battlefields, support for resistance factions, and the expansion of the conflict into a regional war of attrition.

All these cards yielded results, forcing Trump to resort to the current agreement in a humiliating manner to end the war as quickly as possible. Regardless of whether this memorandum of understanding holds or not, the biggest loser is the Israeli occupation state. This isn’t because it wasn’t consulted or involved, even though it is the true architect and instigator of this war.

Netanyahu, who was reprimanded and labeled insane by his former protégé and “rebellious” servant, Trump, was completely oblivious, searching for information in newspaper reports, television broadcasts, and social media. How things change!

The unity of the battlefields, which embodies one of Iran’s most prominent strategic achievements, and the leadership’s insistence on a complete ceasefire in Lebanon, were the most significant blow to the occupation state.

The American recognition of this unity in the proposed memorandum legitimizes Hezbollah’s existence as a resistance movement, just as it criminalizes the Israeli occupation and its destructive raids. Netanyahu’s acceptance, or rather his acquiescence, to this agreement is a major defeat, while his rejection of it means a direct confrontation with America and its president, and the possibility of being left to act alone in aggression, which would signify an even greater existential defeat.

Netanyahu deceived Trump, leading him into this war like a sheep, convincing him that Iran would collapse as soon as it was bombarded with the first salvo of joint American and Israeli missiles. He led him to believe that tens of millions of Iranians would take to the streets, dancing in celebration of this aggression and demanding the overthrow of the regime.

Yet, the war has dragged on for 100 days, and the results are the opposite. The Iranian Islamic regime is growing stronger and more resilient, reinforcing both territorial and popular unity, and embodying both nuclear and regional sovereignty.


We say it without hesitation, with complete frankness and clarity: Trump has been defeated, and the Israeli occupation state is rapidly heading towards collapse, becoming increasingly isolated and hated, especially by its strategic American ally—both the American people and government—who have fallen into the trap of its lies, fabricated information, and blackmail.

This serves Israel’s interests and its racist, terrorist schemes at the expense of America’s own interests, its people, its standing as a superpower claiming leadership of the free world, and the values of justice, democracy, human rights, and global security and stability.

Trump has led America to defeat, whether this agreement holds or not, and this defeat will be clearly confirmed in the American midterm elections next November. We do not rule out that he and his deceiver, Benjamin Netanyahu, will end up behind bars, as prominent symbols of stupidity, criminality, and failure… Time will tell.

Abdul Bari Atwan is the Chief Editor of the Arabic Al Rai Al Youm and his latest article has appeared in the English crossfirearabia.com English website.

15 Jun 2026

Source: countercurrents.org

Jihad in the Quranic Perspective

By V.A. Mohamad Ashrof

This paper offers a comprehensive hermeneutical analysis of the concept of Jihad as it appears in the Quran, interpreted through an enlightened, humanistic, universalistic, inclusive and interreligious framework. It moves decisively beyond reductive translations prevalent in both polemical and extremist discourse, restoring the term to its rich linguistic, ethical and spiritual roots: striving in the path of God.

The central argument advanced here is that Jihad, when interpreted through a modern inclusive lens informed by the Quran’s own overarching moral vision, is not a call to perpetual conflict but a dynamic and multifaceted imperative for personal moral growth, social justice, intellectual endeavour and the protection of universal human dignity. Armed struggle constitutes only the most narrowly delimited and strictly conditioned expression of this far broader ethical commitment.

By examining the transition from the Meccan to the Medinan phases of revelation, engaging with classical juridical ethics, and drawing upon contemporary humanistic and interreligious scholarship, this paper demonstrates that Jihad is a multi-layered concept aligned with the highest ideals of humanism, compassionate religion and interreligious cooperation. It is a concept capable of functioning as a bridge of solidarity across communities rather than a source of fear and division.

This analysis further identifies the systematic misappropriation of Jihad by extremist movements as a profound theological distortion, and proposes a set of hermeneutical principles by which the Quranic concept may be recovered in its authentic moral grandeur: as a call to self-transformation, to social justice, to intellectual courage and to peaceful coexistence, with armed resistance representing an exceptional, last-resort response to oppression, bounded at every stage by the demands of mercy, proportionality and human dignity.

Etymological and Linguistic Foundations

Any serious engagement with the concept of Jihad must begin with its linguistic roots, for it is precisely at the level of language that the most consequential distortions have occurred. The term Jihad derives from the Arabic tri-literal root j-h-d, which fundamentally conveys the notions of effort, exertion, strain and earnest striving. The primary meaning is rooted in purposeful endeavour and endurance rather than in hostility or combat. Classical Arabic lexicons such as the Lisan al-Arab define the related noun juhd as the utmost expenditure of one’s capacity towards a worthy goal. It is worth noting that this same root gives rise to ijtihad, the process of independent intellectual reasoning that lies at the heart of Islamic jurisprudential renewal, itself a term denoting rigorous effort rather than violence.

The Quran employs derivatives of this root approximately forty-one times across its six thousand two hundred and thirty-six verses, and a careful study of these occurrences reveals a semantic range far exceeding the boundaries of armed conflict. The text speaks of striving with the Quran itself as an instrument of moral persuasion (25:52), of striving against one’s own lower impulses, of striving in the cause of God with one’s wealth and person, and of striving in the service of justice for the oppressed. In each instance, the quality of the effort, its orientation towards the divine will and the common good, determines its character as Jihad.

This lexical breadth is not merely academic. The Arabic language possesses entirely distinct and precise vocabulary for armed conflict: harb denotes war in the generic sense, and qital refers specifically to the act of fighting or combat. The Quran employs these terms when referring to warfare. The persistent conflation of Jihad with qital in both extremist propaganda and Western popular discourse represents not a translation difficulty but a deliberate or uninformed distortion, one that strips the concept of its moral and spiritual substance and reduces it to a single, narrow application that the Arabic language itself distinguishes from the broader term.

A humanistic hermeneutic therefore takes this linguistic evidence as the starting point for interpretation. Striving is an irreducibly human experience, common to every tradition and every culture: the struggle for self-mastery, the exertion on behalf of justice, the effort to improve oneself and one’s community, the courage to speak truth in the face of power. These are universal human goods, and it is within this broad horizon of shared human endeavour that the Quranic Jihad first and most fundamentally belongs.

Methodological Premises: Humanistic and Interreligious Hermeneutics

The hermeneutical framework employed in this paper is both humanistic and interreligious in character, and it is important to clarify what each of these commitments entails before proceeding to the analysis of specific Quranic material.

A humanistic Quranic hermeneutic begins from the conviction that the divine message aims fundamentally at the protection and flourishing of human life, dignity, conscience and justice in this world, and not only at ritual correctness or the assertion of doctrinal boundaries. Such an approach is grounded in the Quran’s own stated purposes: it declares itself to be a guidance for humanity (2:185), a mercy to the worlds (21:107), and a book that calls people to reflect upon its signs with reason (38:29). Verses are not read in isolation but in light of the overarching Quranic values of mercy (rahma), justice (adl), the doing of good (ihsan) and the dignity of the human person (karama).

Contemporary discussions of Islamic humanist hermeneutics consistently identify several core features: moral intentionality, whereby interpretation asks what ethical purpose a verse serves; contextual reading, which situates verses within their historical circumstances; the prioritisation of universal ethical principles over contingent legal applications; and critical engagement with inherited interpretations that may reflect the assumptions of past eras rather than the permanent moral vision of the text. In such approaches, the Quran’s overarching ethical orientation serves as the standard against which any particular interpretation is measured.

The higher objectives of Islamic law, the maqasid al-sharia as articulated by classical scholars and developed by modern reformers, provide a practical framework for humanistic interpretation. These objectives include the preservation of life, intellect, faith, lineage and property. Any reading of Jihad that leads to the destruction rather than the protection of these goods cannot claim to represent the authentic Quranic vision.

An interreligious hermeneutic adds a dialogical horizon to this framework. It seeks understandings of Jihad that can be articulated coherently and honestly in conversation with Jews, Christians, Buddhists, humanists and all who share a commitment to human dignity and the common good. Rather than defending Islamic claims apologetically, it aims to clarify both convergences and genuine differences with, for example, the Christian tradition of just war theory as developed by Augustine and Aquinas, or the Jewish concept of resistance to injustice, or the universalist ethical frameworks of secular humanism.

The goal is not to flatten these traditions into artificial sameness, but to illuminate Jihad as one particular tradition’s articulation of a nearly universal ethical tension: how to resist evil and promote justice without betraying the human and divine demands of mercy and restraint. Such a hermeneutic makes Islamic ethical thought accountable to the conversation of humanity as a whole, and in doing so enriches both the Islamic tradition and the broader global dialogue.

South African scholar Farid Esack has provided a compelling model for this approach, developing a hermeneutical method with liberationist keys grounded in God-consciousness, human solidarity, the cause of the oppressed, and the shared pursuit of justice. In this framework, interreligious cooperation is not merely permissible but actively encouraged by the Quranic text, and Jihad is reframed as the struggle for justice in solidarity with all who suffer oppression, regardless of their religious identity.

Historical Contextualisation: Meccan and Medinan Revelations

A sound hermeneutic demands attention to the Quran’s historical unfolding. The Quranic revelation was delivered over a period of twenty-three years, and the circumstances in which particular verses were revealed profoundly shaped their emphasis and application. A cardinal error of both extremist and polemical readings is the flattening of this chronology, treating verses revealed under conditions of persecution, siege and armed conflict as if they were timeless commands applicable to all human situations. The discipline of recognising the occasions of revelation (asbab al-nuzul) is not an apologetic retreat but an essential tool of sound interpretation.

During the first thirteen years of the prophetic mission, from approximately 610 to 622 of the Common Era, the early Muslim community existed as a persecuted minority in Mecca, facing economic boycotts, physical torture, social ostracism and existential threat at the hands of the ruling oligarchy. Throughout this period, physical retaliation was explicitly prohibited. The Quranic discourse of this phase is dominated by themes of patience, steadfastness and non-violent endurance, and it is within these Meccan chapters that the foundational understanding of Jihad as spiritual and moral striving was articulated.

The Meccan revelation of Surah al-Furqan commands: “So do not obey the disbelievers, but strive against them with the Quran, a great striving” (25:52). Here the instrument of striving is the revelation itself: ethical truth, rational discourse, moral persuasion. This is Jihad as intellectual and moral courage, the courage to remain faithful to truth in the face of hostility and social pressure, to resist despair and moral compromise and to persevere in bearing witness to justice. The term used, a great striving, anticipates what later tradition would identify as the greater Jihad.

From a humanistic perspective, this Meccan emphasis foregrounds non-violent resistance as the primordial form of Jihad, aligning it with what we might today call conscientious objection, principled endurance and civil resistance. An interreligious reading finds important bridges here: The New Testament’s calls to patient endurance in the face of persecution, the rabbinic valorisation of sanctifying God’s name through faithful suffering, the Gandhian tradition of non-violent resistance. Patient moral struggle is, in this light, a shared Abrahamic and indeed human ideal.

The migration to Medina in 622 CE transformed the situation of the Muslim community. From a persecuted minority, it became the nucleus of an autonomous, multi-religious polity governed by the Constitution of Medina, which encompassed Jewish, Arab pagan and Muslim communities under a framework of mutual obligation and shared civic life. It was within this new political reality, facing military aggression and the threat of annihilation from external coalitions, that the Quran introduced the conditional permission to fight.

The transition is marked by the revelation of Surah al-Hajj: “Permission has been given to those who are being fought because they were wronged, and indeed, God is competent to give them victory. Those who have been expelled from their homes wrongfully, only because they say: Our Lord is God” (22:39-40). The hermeneutical markers here are unambiguous: permission is grounded in the objective reality of being wronged, being expelled unjustly, being targeted for violence. Armed resistance entered the Quranic paradigm not as an instrument of expansion, domination or religious compulsion, but as a narrowly delimited and contextually justified response to aggression and persecution.

Crucially, the verse immediately extends the purpose of this permission beyond the Muslim community: “For had it not been that God checks one set of people by means of another, monasteries, churches, synagogues and mosques, wherein the name of God is much mentioned, would surely have been pulled down” (22:40). The justification for armed resistance includes the protection of Christian monasteries and churches and Jewish synagogues alongside Muslim mosques. This universalist scope reveals that even the conditional permission for armed Jihad in the Quran is oriented towards the protection of the plural sacred landscape of humanity, not the imposition of a single religious order.

The Quranic Semantic Field of Jihad

Standard reference works consistently stress that Jihad in the Quran is fundamentally a struggle or striving, the precise meaning of which depends on context and which encompasses a wide range of human activities, from internal moral discipline to external social action. The Quran and subsequent Islamic scholarship place multiple modalities of Jihad under the broad rubric of striving in the path of God: with the heart as inner moral struggle, with the tongue as speaking truth and moral advocacy, with the hand as constructive action and service, with wealth as charitable giving and economic justice, and with the sword as armed defence, but only as a final and strictly regulated resort.

This multi-layered semantic field is not a later apologetic invention but is firmly rooted in the Quranic text itself and in the earliest Islamic scholarship. Classical jurists developed this understanding into an elaborate doctrinal framework, and modern Islamic scholars have continued to elaborate it. What is historically significant is that the reduction of Jihad to armed warfare represents a radical narrowing of the concept, one that gains traction primarily in periods of political crisis and ideological manipulation, and that misrepresents the mainstream of the tradition.

A humanistic reading of this semantic field notes that each modality of Jihad corresponds to a universal human capacity deployed in service of the good: the inner struggle calls upon moral and psychological discipline; the Jihad of speech requires intellectual courage and communicative skill; the Jihad of constructive action demands creative engagement with social realities; the Jihad of wealth requires economic generosity and a commitment to structural justice; and even the most conditional dimension, armed resistance, requires the moral courage to face mortal danger in defence of the vulnerable. In each case, the defining characteristic of Jihad is not violence but effort, purposefulness and moral orientation.

The Greater Jihad: Inner Moral and Spiritual Striving

Within the broader Islamic tradition, the internal dimension of Jihad has occupied a central and, in many accounts, primary place. The concept of Jihad al-nafs, the struggle against the self, its destructive impulses, its egoism, its tendency to cruelty, greed and self-deception, is deeply rooted in the Quranic portrayal of the human person as a moral being endowed with both constructive and destructive tendencies.

The Quran depicts human nature in terms of several dimensions of the self: the commanding self that inclines towards evil (12:53), the self-reproaching conscience that holds the person morally accountable (75:2), and the tranquil soul that has found peace through alignment with the divine (89:27). The movement from the commanding self to the tranquil soul is itself a form of Jihad, a sustained moral struggle that requires discipline, honest self-examination, cultivation of compassion and the continuous effort to resist the temptation to reduce others to instruments of one’s own will. The Quran declares: “Whoever strives, strives only for himself” (29:6), placing moral self-development at the very heart of spiritual life.

Classical Islamic thinkers consistently affirmed that this internal struggle is the indispensable foundation for any legitimate external action. Scholars such as Ibn al-Qayyim and modern reformers like Muhammad Abduh established that Jihad al-nafs is the absolute prerequisite for ethical social engagement. Without the transformative discipline of inner striving, any external struggle inevitably degenerates into a pursuit of power, vengeance and tribalism, the very antithesis of Quranic justice. A soldier who has not first fought and restrained the Pharaoh within himself risks becoming a different kind of Pharaoh.

From a humanistic and interreligious perspective, this internal Jihad offers one of the richest points of convergence with other traditions. The Christian tradition of spiritual warfare against sin and egoism, the Buddhist discipline of mindful resistance to craving and hatred, the Jewish struggle for covenantal righteousness against the evil inclination, the Stoic practice of self-mastery, the Gandhian insistence that inner non-violence is the foundation of outer non-violence: all of these traditions recognise that the deepest battlefield of human moral life is the human heart itself. The Quranic concept of greater Jihad can therefore be understood as part of humanity’s shared spiritual heritage, a particular articulation of a near-universal insight into the nature of moral development.

Contemporary psychological and philosophical frameworks lend additional support to this reading. The Quran’s insistence that authentic virtue must be achieved through struggle rather than assumed as a given resonates with modern understandings of moral development, character formation and the ongoing human work of resisting tribalism, prejudice and the abuse of power. An enlightened hermeneutic sees in the greater Jihad not a parochial religious doctrine but a profound account of what it means to become more fully human: more compassionate, more just, more honest and more genuinely committed to the dignity of every person.

The Lesser Jihad: Ethical Engagement and Just Defence

When Jihad manifests in the physical arena, whether through advocacy, active service or, in the most extreme circumstances, armed resistance, the Quran subjects it to a framework of strict ethical conditions that closely parallel and indeed predate modern international humanitarian law and classical Western just war theory. This framework operates across two axes: the conditions under which force may be justified, and the ethical constraints governing its exercise.

The Quran is unambiguous that the primary trigger for armed resistance is defensive: “Fight in the way of God those who fight you, but do not transgress. Indeed, God does not love transgressors” (2:190). The operational condition is those who fight you, establishing the strictly defensive character of legitimate armed Jihad. Unprovoked aggression, pre-emptive expansionism and violence directed against peaceful populations are explicitly classified as transgression and thereby stripped of any claim to religious legitimacy.

Several important corollary conditions emerge from the broader Quranic discourse. The permission to fight is grounded in concrete injustice: being expelled from one’s home, being subjected to persecution, being targeted for violence on account of one’s faith (22:39). The cause must therefore be objectively defensible, not merely claimed. Furthermore, the Quran envisages fighting as a response to active aggression rather than as preventive war or ideological expansion. The notion of a divinely mandated offensive war against humanity as such finds no genuine support in the Quranic text.

The Quran also commands an immediate disposition towards peace: “But if they incline towards peace, then incline to it also and rely upon God” (8:61). This verse establishes that the presumption of the Quranic ethic favours reconciliation over continued conflict. The Quran further declares: “God commands you to return trusts to those to whom they are due, and when you judge between people, to do so with justice” (4:58), suggesting that even in conditions of conflict, the governing framework must be justice rather than victory.

The Conduct of Warfare: Jus in Bello

The Quranic discourse on warfare, supplemented by prophetic practice and early caliphal ordinances, establishes a rigorous matrix of ethical constraints governing the conduct of conflict. These constraints reflect the Quran’s overarching commitment to mercy and the protection of human dignity even in the most extreme circumstances.

Non-combatants are explicitly protected. The prophetic tradition, derived from and consistent with Quranic principles, strictly prohibited the targeting of women, children and the elderly. Monks, priests and individuals engaged in worship within their sanctuaries were not to be harmed. Non-combatant labourers, farmers and civilians were similarly protected. Places of worship were to be respected rather than destroyed. Even ecological assets, the felling of fruit trees, the poisoning of water sources, the unnecessary destruction of the built environment, were prohibited.

Proportionality and the prohibition of cruelty were equally central. The Quran commands: “If you punish, then punish only to the extent that you were made to suffer; but if you are patient, it is better for those who are patient” (16:126). This command simultaneously permits proportional response and commends the greater virtue of restraint. Torture, mutilation and the desecration of the dead were explicitly condemned in prophetic practice. Prisoners of war were to be treated humanely.

By binding physical struggle to these stringent ethical parameters, the Quranic framework transforms any legitimate armed action from an anarchic expression of tribal survival into a highly regulated ethical instrument designed strictly to restore equity and minimise human suffering. Any armed action that violates these conditions does not merely fall short of the ideal; it ceases to be Jihad in any Quranic sense and becomes instead transgression (i’tida’), which the Quran explicitly condemns.

Jihad as Comprehensive Ethical Struggle

Beyond the binary of inner spiritual striving and the ethics of armed resistance, the Quranic concept of Jihad encompasses a broad range of social, intellectual and civic dimensions that are essential to any complete understanding. Contemporary Islamic scholarship increasingly emphasises that the full scope of Jihad as striving in the path of God includes sustained efforts to establish justice, promote social reform, fight poverty, advance education, defend human rights and oppose all forms of structural injustice through peaceful, constructive means.

The Quran consistently encourages critical reasoning, careful reflection, observation of the natural world and intellectual inquiry. It repeatedly condemns blind imitation and the suppression of thought. In Surah al-Furqan, as noted above, the great Jihad is commanded through the Quran itself, meaning through the deployment of moral and rational argument against oppression and ignorance. The pursuit of knowledge, the courage to speak truth to power, the effort to challenge dehumanising ideologies and to foster critical consciousness: these constitute forms of Jihad in a deeply Quranic sense.

Philosopher Jurgen Habermas’s concept of communicative action offers a productive parallel here. An enlightened reading of Jihad shifts the emphasis from instrumental action, the use of force to achieve predetermined goals, to communicative action, the use of reasoned dialogue to reach mutual understanding and shared ethical commitments. The prophetic narration that describes the best Jihad as a word of truth spoken to a tyrant is entirely consistent with this framework. It identifies moral courage in speech as the highest form of striving, the unforced force of the better argument deployed against the abuse of power.

In the contemporary context, intellectual Jihad manifests in the work of scholars, educators and journalists who challenge extremist narratives, engage honestly with difficult questions, resist the temptation to simplify complex realities for political ends, and contribute to a culture of rigorous, humane and critical inquiry. The pen, the classroom, the laboratory and the public forum may embody the Quranic spirit of Jihad more authentically than any battlefield.

The Quran places immense emphasis upon defending the oppressed, feeding the hungry, protecting orphans, liberating the enslaved and establishing social justice. Striving against poverty, inequality, racism, patriarchy and authoritarianism constitutes a deeply Quranic mission rooted in the explicit commands of the text (2:177, 4:75, 9:60). The early Quranic revelations emerged in a society marked by profound economic inequality and social exclusion; they challenged these structures and affirmed the equal dignity of all human beings.

Contemporary applications of social Jihad include work for refugee protection, access to healthcare and education for marginalised communities, environmental sustainability, women’s empowerment, labour rights and peacebuilding initiatives. The Quranic command that whoever can change an evil with their hand should do so, and failing that with their tongue, and failing that at least with their heart, establishes a graduated but universal obligation of moral engagement that encompasses every dimension of social life.

The Quran identifies the human being as the steward (khalifa) of the earth (2:30), entrusted with the care of the created world. The ecological dimensions of this stewardship have profound implications for contemporary ethical life. Preserving the cosmic balance, the mizan established by God in creation (55:7-9), and resisting the forces of ecological destruction and unsustainable consumption represent an essential modern expression of Jihad, serving to protect the shared earthly home of all humanity and all living beings.

The Ethics of Jihad: Mercy and Justice

The Quranic discourse on Jihad is governed by two inseparable ethical principles: mercy and justice. These are not peripheral additions to the concept but its moral heart. Mercy keeps struggle from becoming vengeance, while justice prevents mercy from becoming moral passivity in the face of oppression. Together they define the framework of legitimate restraint, proportionality and protection of human dignity within which any authentic Jihad must operate.

Mercy in the Quran is not sentimentality or softness in the face of wrongdoing; it is a moral orientation that seeks to limit harm, preserve life and leave room for reconciliation. The Quran opens every chapter except one with the invocation of God as the Compassionate, the Merciful, and the Prophet Muhammad is described as a mercy to all the worlds (21:107). This pervasive emphasis on mercy is not incidental but constitutive: it shapes the entire ethical framework within which all Quranic commands, including those related to struggle and resistance, must be understood.

A merciful reading of Jihad therefore prioritises non-violent striving wherever possible: speech, moral witness, patient reform, education and the gradual transformation of unjust structures. Even when conflict is unavoidable, mercy requires the protection of non-combatants, the rejection of cruelty and excess, the humane treatment of prisoners and the genuine openness to peace. The Quranic injunction to repel evil with what is better (41:34) establishes mercy as the hermeneutical principle that governs the entire range of Jihad’s expressions.

Justice, adl, is among the supreme values of the Quranic moral universe. It is commanded absolutely, even against oneself and one’s nearest kin (4:135). It is the standard by which all claims of Jihad must be judged, and the condition to which armed resistance must remain accountable at every stage. A just Jihad is not driven by hatred, tribal loyalty, political ambition or the desire for domination, but solely by the restoration of right order, the protection of the vulnerable and the refusal to allow injustice to prevail unchecked.

The verse that is perhaps most challenging in this regard is the one that makes Jihad an explicit obligation in the face of oppression: “And what is the matter with you that you do not struggle in the path of God and for the oppressed among men, women and children who cry out: Our Lord, rescue us from this land whose people are oppressors?” (4:75). This verse locates authentic devotion to God in concrete solidarity with those who are wronged, particularly civilians, families and children trapped under violence and dispossession. Supporting the oppressed is not a political option in the Quranic framework; it is a moral obligation rooted in the demands of justice.

The deepest Quranic insight is that mercy and justice are not opposites in Jihad discourse but mutually correcting principles. Justice without mercy hardens into brutality; mercy without justice collapses into moral passivity. The Quranic ethic demands both simultaneously. In practical terms, this means that any legitimate struggle must be defensive, proportionate, ethically bounded and genuinely open to peace when peace becomes possible. It means that the protection of non-combatants is not negotiable even under extreme conditions. It means that the purpose of any armed resistance is always the restoration of justice and dignity, never the satisfaction of vengeance or the imposition of domination.

This ethical framing is especially important for correcting the extremist misuse of the term. When mercy and justice are restored to the centre of the concept, Jihad becomes intelligible as a moral struggle for human welfare and dignity, not a licence for terror. The extremist who targets civilians, glorifies cruelty, ignores proportionality and dismisses the possibility of peace has not merely misunderstood Jihad but has inverted it, replacing its moral substance with its exact opposite.

Interreligious Parallels and Shared Ethical Vocabulary

An interreligious hermeneutic of Jihad does not seek to dissolve the genuine specificities of the Islamic tradition into a homogeneous global ethics, but to identify genuine convergences with other traditions’ attempts to navigate the same fundamental moral tensions. The questions of when resistance to evil is justified, how it should be conducted, and what moral limits must be maintained even in the face of grave injustice are universal ethical questions that every major religious and philosophical tradition has wrestled with, and the Quranic tradition’s answers to these questions can be placed in productive dialogue with those of other traditions.

In Christian theology, the tradition of just war theory developed from Augustine through Aquinas and into the modern period offers a series of criteria that bear a striking structural resemblance to the Quranic conditions for legitimate armed Jihad: just cause, right intention, last resort, proportionality, non-combatant immunity, and a reasonable prospect of success. Both traditions began with a presumption against violence and sought to specify the narrow conditions under which armed resistance could be morally justified. Both traditions have also been misused to bless aggressive wars of expansion and conquest, and both have resources for self-correction when this occurs.

At the level of spiritual struggle, the parallel is equally striking. The Christian tradition of warfare against sin, the devil and the ego, classically articulated in the letters of Paul and developed through the monastic tradition, closely parallels the Quranic concept of the greater Jihad as the struggle against the lower self. Both traditions understand that authentic external action in the world requires prior internal moral transformation, and both warn against the danger of self-deception whereby external religious activity masks internal corruption.

The Jewish tradition offers comparably rich parallels. Classical debates over obligatory and discretionary wars in rabbinic literature grappled with questions of legitimate force, proportionality and the protection of civilian life that mirror the Quranic discussions of qital. The prophetic tradition’s insistence on justice for the poor and the stranger, its fierce denunciation of exploitation and its willingness to speak truth to power, resonates deeply with the Quranic obligation to strive on behalf of the oppressed. The concept of tikkun olam, the repair of the world through ethical action, provides a comparable framework for understanding social Jihad as a form of sacred obligation.

Beyond the Abrahamic traditions, Buddhist teachings on non-violent resistance to suffering and the cultivation of inner compassion offer a profound interreligious parallel to the greater Jihad. The Buddhist understanding that violence emerges from internal states of craving, aversion and delusion, and that genuine liberation requires addressing these roots, resonates with the Quranic insistence that the inner struggle is prior to and more fundamental than the outer. Hindu traditions of dharmic action, particularly as interpreted by Gandhi, provide a further parallel: the insistence that inner non-violence is the foundation of authentic ethical engagement with the world, and that the struggle for justice must be conducted in a spirit of truth rather than hatred.

These interreligious convergences are significant not because they reduce all traditions to the same position, but because they reveal that the fundamental ethical tensions that Jihad addresses, between resistance and mercy, between action and restraint, between solidarity with the oppressed and the avoidance of new cycles of violence, are part of the shared moral inheritance of humanity. The Quranic tradition’s particular answers to these tensions can contribute constructively to the ongoing global conversation without either claiming a monopoly on moral insight or surrendering its own distinctive perspective.

Deconstructing Extremist Misreading

Contemporary extremist ideologies have conducted a systematic and deliberate narrowing and distortion of the Quranic concept of Jihad, collapsing it into perpetual offensive warfare and sacralised violence. Understanding how this distortion operates is essential not only for intra-Muslim theological renewal but also for interfaith trust and effective counter-extremism work.

Extremist readings characteristically operate through a set of hermeneutical moves that violate the basic canons of sound Quranic interpretation. They detach individual verses from their historical context, reading commands addressed to specific historical actors in specific emergency situations as timeless universal obligations. They systematically ignore the ethical constraints that the Quran places on armed resistance, treating permissions as commands and conditions as irrelevancies. They invert the tradition’s presumption of peace by treating permanent conflict as the normal condition of Muslim existence, when the Quranic default is coexistence, cooperation and justice.

The so-called sword verse of Quran 9:5 is the most frequently misused example. Extremists cite this verse as a universal command to fight all non-Muslims everywhere and always. But a contextual reading immediately reveals its historical specificity: it was revealed in connection with particular Arab polytheist tribes who had repeatedly and flagrantly violated the Treaty of Hudaybiyyah and actively conspired to destroy the Muslim community. The immediately following verse, which extremist literature consistently suppresses, commands: “And if any one of the polytheists seeks your protection, then grant him protection so that he may hear the words of God. Then deliver him to his place of safety” (9:6). An absolute command to kill cannot be logically reconciled with an explicit mandate to grant asylum, provide moral education and guarantee safe passage. The contextual and literary evidence decisively refutes the extremist reading.

Extremist ideologies also characteristically suppress the priority of the greater Jihad as inner moral and spiritual striving. By reducing Jihad entirely to armed warfare, they strip it of its most fundamental dimension. This suppression is not accidental: an ideology that depends on the mobilisation of violence cannot afford to acknowledge that the tradition its claims to represent identifies the struggle against one’s own ego, hatred and lust for domination as the primary form of religious striving. The recovery of the greater Jihad is therefore not merely a theological correction but a direct challenge to the psychological foundations of extremist recruitment.

Extremist readings further ignore the Quran’s explicit affirmations of religious plurality, freedom of conscience and the worth of righteous people of all faiths. The declaration that there is no compulsion in religion (2:256) is a foundational Quranic principle that cannot be abrogated by any conditional permission to fight specific aggressors in specific historical circumstances. The affirmation that God has made humanity into diverse peoples and tribes that they may know one another (49:13) describes human diversity as divinely intended rather than as a problem to be solved by conquest. The acknowledgement that righteous Jews, Christians and Sabians will receive their reward from their Lord (2:62) provides a structural framework for salvific pluralism that is entirely incompatible with a Jihad aimed at religious domination.

Exposing these distortions requires the kind of rigorous, contextual and humanistic hermeneutics that this paper has sought to provide. Classical Islamic scholarship never regarded Jihad as unrestricted violence; the development of elaborate rules emphasising justice, restraint, proportionality and the protection of non-combatants was precisely a response to the danger of such distortions. Recovering this classical wisdom and demonstrating its Quranic roots is the work of authentic Islamic renewal in the contemporary context.

Universalistic and Inclusive Dimensions

The Quran addresses humanity in its broadest sense, repeatedly using the phrase “O humankind” (ya ayyuha al-nas) rather than addressing Muslims exclusively. It presents Islam as the culmination and continuation of a long series of divine revelations to human communities, and it insists that the moral truths it proclaims are not the exclusive property of any single community but belong to the shared heritage of rational and ethical human life. This universalistic dimension of the Quranic message has profound implications for the understanding of Jihad.

The objectives of Islamic law, as classically articulated, are not the protection of Muslim interests alone but the preservation of the five goods, life, intellect, faith, lineage and property, for all human beings. A Jihad that destroys rather than protects these goods, whatever community they belong to, is by definition a violation of Islamic law rather than an expression of it. The protection of Christian churches, Jewish synagogues and places of worship of all communities that the Quran explicitly identifies as a purpose of legitimate armed resistance (22:40) makes clear that the scope of Jihad’s concern is universal rather than tribal.

This universalistic character provides the foundation for a vision of Jihad as humanity’s collective struggle towards moral civilisation. Muslims, Christians, Hindus, Buddhists, Jews, secular humanists and all people of conscience can, in principle, participate in shared ethical striving against ignorance, oppression, poverty, environmental destruction and violence. The Quran’s command to cooperate in righteousness and justice (5:2) provides a Quranic basis for this kind of interfaith solidarity, and a humanistic reading of Jihad provides the conceptual vocabulary for articulating it.

Jihad, Pluralism and the Ethics of Coexistence

An inclusive hermeneutics of Jihad must take seriously the Quran’s affirmations of religious pluralism and freedom of conscience, for these affirmations are not peripheral to the concept of Jihad but integral to it. The same revelation that permits armed resistance in defence of the oppressed also insists that there is no compulsion in religion, that God has deliberately made humanity diverse, and that righteous people of all faiths have their reward with their Lord. These affirmations are not in tension with the concept of Jihad properly understood; they define the moral horizon within which Jihad must always operate.

Properly understood, Jihad is not a mandate to impose any religious or political order upon humanity. It is a commitment to struggle for a just and peaceful order in which diverse communities can live, worship and flourish freely. The Constitution of Medina, the earliest Quranic-inspired political compact, established precisely such an order: a multi-religious polity bound by mutual obligation, shared civic responsibility and genuine respect for the religious practices of each constituent community. This historical precedent provides a model for understanding Jihad as compatible with, and indeed generative of, pluralist constitutional orders and universal human rights frameworks.

Such an understanding supports Muslim participation in the broad global project of building just, pluralist and rights-respecting societies. Jihad in this context becomes a language for ethical exertion on behalf of the oppressed and the marginalised, regardless of their religious identity, and for the construction of social orders in which the dignity of every human being is genuinely protected. This transformation of Jihad from a term of confrontation to a vocabulary of shared ethical struggle represents not a departure from the Quranic tradition but a recovery of its deepest aspirations.

Contemporary Relevance and Applications

In the contemporary world marked by extremism, nationalism, widening inequality, environmental crisis and civilisational polarisation, recovering the authentic Quranic spirit of Jihad is both a theological and a humanitarian necessity. A concept that has been weaponised for violence must be reclaimed as a resource for justice and peace. This reclamation is not apologetic but prophetic: it insists that the tradition’s most powerful resources are those that serve the flourishing of humanity rather than its destruction.

At the individual level, the greater Jihad remains as urgent as ever. The cultivation of compassion over contempt, of honest self-examination over self-justification, of commitment to truth over tribal loyalty, of service over domination: these are the perpetual demands of inner Jihad, and they are as relevant in the twenty-first century as in any previous era. In a social environment saturated by social media tribalism, algorithmic outrage and the constant temptation to dehumanise those who differ from us, the Quranic call to struggle against one’s own lower impulses acquires a particular contemporary urgency.

The work of reclaiming Jihad from extremist misappropriation is itself a form of Jihad in the truest Quranic sense: the use of speech, reason and moral persuasion to challenge a dehumanising ideology. Muslim scholars, educators and community leaders who engage in this work, whether through rigorous scholarship, community education, pastoral engagement with young people at risk of radicalisation, or public advocacy for a more accurate and nuanced understanding of Islamic ethics, are performing an act of Jihad that is entirely consistent with the Quran’s deepest values.

Educational initiatives that present Jihad as a multi-layered concept, spiritual, ethical, social and only in the most constrained circumstances military, have been shown to change perceptions significantly. Such initiatives are most effective when they do not treat Jihad as a problem to be explained away but as a resource to be reclaimed: as a powerful vocabulary for ethical engagement with the challenges of contemporary life.

In interreligious contexts, an accurate and humanistic presentation of Jihad opens rather than closes doors. When non-Muslim dialogue partners come to understand Jihad as an all-encompassing ethical struggle in which armed conflict is the most narrowly delimited and strictly regulated final resort, they frequently recognise parallels with their own traditions’ ways of navigating the same fundamental moral tensions. This recognition does not erase genuine differences but creates the shared ethical vocabulary that makes productive dialogue possible.

Initiatives such as A Common Word, the Cambridge Inter-faith Programme, and Scriptural Reasoning forums, where members of different traditions study their sacred texts together and explore both convergences and differences, provide models for this kind of dialogue. In these contexts, Jihad can be discussed honestly, in all its complexity and richness, in a spirit of mutual respect and shared commitment to the common good.

Gender Jihad: An Inclusive Dimension

A genuinely inclusive hermeneutics of Jihad must engage with the dimension of gender justice, for the struggle for the equal dignity of women is among the most important contemporary expressions of Jihad’s social dimension. Scholars such as Amina Wadud have developed the concept of gender Jihad as a hermeneutical effort to return to the Quran’s original egalitarian spirit, one that affirms the full moral agency and spiritual equality of women alongside men.

The Quran’s foundational declarations of human dignity apply without distinction of gender: “O humankind, We have created you from a male and a female and made you peoples and tribes that you may know one another. Indeed, the most noble of you in the sight of God is the most righteous of you” (49:13). Righteousness, not gender, is the measure of human worth in the Quranic vision. The struggle to ensure that this principle is genuinely embodied in Islamic interpretation, legal practice and community life constitutes a form of Jihad that is both deeply Quranic and urgently contemporary.

This struggle takes multiple forms: scholarly work to recover the original egalitarian impulses of early Quranic interpretation, pastoral and educational engagement with communities where gender-based injustice persists, legal advocacy for women’s rights within both Islamic and secular frameworks, and the empowerment of women to participate fully in religious leadership, scholarship and community governance. Each of these represents a dimension of the struggle for justice that lies at the heart of the Quranic concept of Jihad.

Humanistic Principles Emerging from Quranic Jihad Discourse

When the Quranic discourse on Jihad is read through a humanistic lens attentive to the text’s overarching moral project, several foundational principles emerge that are of enduring relevance for ethics, politics and interreligious relations:

•          Protection of human life and dignity: All commands and prohibitions related to fighting aim fundamentally to safeguard life, honour, property and the environment, and to prevent cruelty and corruption. Any interpretation that leads to the destruction rather than the protection of these goods betrays the Quranic vision.

•          Justice and opposition to oppression: The permissibility of armed struggle is tied exclusively to resistance against oppression, expulsion and persecution, and is framed as a means to restore justice rather than to impose domination. Jihad on behalf of aggressors is a contradiction in terms.

•          Mercy and restraint: The Quran warns repeatedly against excess in warfare and enjoins mercy, forgiveness and openness to peace. The preference for reconciliation over continued conflict is not a counsel of weakness but a reflection of the divine character as Compassionate and Merciful.

•          Universal moral concern: The Quranic concept of legitimate struggle is concerned not only with Muslim interests but with broader human values, including the protection of non-combatants, the preservation of religious sites of all communities, and the well-being of all who are vulnerable.

•          Priority of non-violent striving: The greater Jihad of inner moral development, and the various forms of non-violent social, intellectual and ethical striving, take precedence over armed resistance in the Quranic framework. Violence is exceptional, conditional and always subject to strict moral constraints.

•          Freedom of conscience: No invocation of Jihad can override the Quran’s foundational principle that there is no compulsion in religion. Faith achieved through coercion has no moral or spiritual value.

•          Openness to peace: The Quran commands Muslims to incline towards peace when the other party inclines towards it, and to place their trust in God rather than in the continuation of conflict. Peace is the telos of Jihad, not an interruption of it.

Towards an Enlightened, Universalistic Hermeneutic of Jihad

Bringing together the threads of this analysis, an enlightened, universalistic hermeneutic of Jihad in Quranic perspective involves seven interconnected commitments:

First, the primacy of ethical universals. All verses about struggle and war must be interpreted in light of the Quran’s overarching commitments to justice, mercy, human dignity and the protection of life. Any reading that contradicts these overarching values must be treated as hermeneutically suspect, regardless of its apparent surface plausibility.

Second, contextual and historical sensitivity. War-related verses must be situated within the concrete circumstances of early Muslim persecution, migration and defence, and must resist abstraction into timeless commands for aggression. The occasions of revelation are not a convenient apologetic device but an essential tool of responsible interpretation.

Third, the centrality of the greater Jihad. The concept of Jihad must be re-centred on inner moral and spiritual striving, as well as on peaceful social and intellectual efforts for reform, with armed struggle treated as strictly secondary, conditional and exceptional.

Fourth, the strict limitation of the lesser Jihad. Any legitimate armed Jihad must meet rigorous ethical conditions: a defensive cause, last resort character, proportionality in execution, non-combatant immunity and genuine openness to peace. Violations of these conditions do not diminish the legitimacy of a Jihad; they nullify it entirely.

Fifth, interreligious accountability. Interpretations of Jihad should be formulated in ways that can be articulated and defended in conversation with other faith traditions and secular moral philosophies, seeking convergence on shared principles of just peace and human rights while honestly acknowledging genuine differences.

Sixth, critical engagement with extremist misuse. The systematic distortions of Jihad perpetrated by extremist movements must be explicitly and rigorously refuted, drawing on both classical scholarship and contemporary humanist critiques. This refutation is itself an act of Jihad in the truest Quranic sense.

Seventh, commitment to pluralism and shared struggle. Jihad must be reframed as a commitment to struggle alongside others, Muslim and non-Muslim alike, against injustice, poverty, environmental destruction and tyranny. This transformation recasts a misunderstood term as a shared ethical horizon for all who are committed to the dignity and flourishing of humanity.

Jihad as a Universal Call to Human Excellence

The concept of Jihad, when examined through an enlightened, humanistic, universalistic, inclusive and interreligious hermeneutical lens, reveals itself as one of the most profound and enduring ethical concepts in the Quranic moral universe. Its reduction to warfare represents not a clarification of its meaning but its most fundamental betrayal, stripping away the moral substance that gives the concept its genuine force and transforming a comprehensive call to human excellence into a licence for destruction.

The Quranic Jihad, recovered in its fullness, is a comprehensive ethical framework encompassing the inner struggle against egoism, cruelty and self-deception; the intellectual struggle against ignorance, dehumanising ideologies and the suppression of critical thought; the social struggle against poverty, inequality, racism and the abuse of power; and the political struggle for just institutions, genuine pluralism and the protection of human dignity. Armed resistance occupies only the most narrowly delimited place within this framework: the last resort of those who have been unjustly attacked and who have no other means of defending their dignity and the freedom of worship of their communities.

This recovery of authentic Jihad is not a modern innovation imposed upon an unwilling tradition. It is a retrieval and re-centring of emphases already present in the Quran itself, in the classical tradition of Islamic juridical ethics, and in the long heritage of Sufi spiritual wisdom and humanistic Islamic scholarship. It represents fidelity to the text rather than departure from it.

For the Muslim community, this understanding offers an authentic and morally serious path forward: one that takes the demands of faith with full seriousness while engaging honestly with the complexity of contemporary life. It refuses both the quietism that abandons the oppressed and the moral nihilism that excuses unlimited violence. It calls for the cultivation of inner integrity as the foundation of authentic public engagement, and for solidarity with all who suffer injustice as the expression of genuine devotion to God.

For the broader human community, this understanding offers a resource for dialogue and cooperation rather than a source of fear. When Jihad is understood as the striving for justice, the struggle against ego, the effort to build a more humane world, it becomes recognisable as part of humanity’s shared moral heritage rather than as an alien and threatening force. The convergences with Christian just war theory, Jewish traditions of resistance to oppression, Buddhist disciplines of inner transformation, and secular humanist commitments to justice and dignity are genuine and significant, and they provide a basis for the interfaith solidarity that the contemporary world so urgently needs.

In the deepest Quranic sense, Jihad is not war against humanity but striving for the liberation, dignity and moral elevation of humanity itself. It is the eternal human struggle to ensure that mercy, that defining attribute of the Divine which the Quran invokes over three hundred times, remains the governing principle of human civilisation. When religion is disconnected from compassion and reason, it degenerates into tribal ideology and violence. When it is interpreted through justice, wisdom and mercy, as an enlightened hermeneutics of Jihad seeks to do, it becomes a transformative force for peace and human flourishing, offering not division and fear but the hope of a shared moral future for all the children of humanity.

Bibliography

Esack, Farid. Quran, Liberation and Pluralism: An Islamic Perspective of Interreligious Solidarity against Oppression. Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 1997.

Wadud, Amina. Inside the Gender Jihad: Women’s Reform in Islam. Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2006.

V.A. Mohamad Ashrof is an independent Indian scholar specializing in Islamic humanism.

1 Jun 2026

Source: countercurrents.org