Just International

The Prisoner Down the Road: Palestine, Pakistan, and Prophetic Politics

By Prof. Junaid S. Ahmad

There is a strange and revealing theatre in the politics of the Muslim world: Gaza burns, capitals convene, communiqués appear, banquets proceed, Jerusalem is invoked, alliances are announced, and somehow the great machinery of “resistance” keeps moving without ever quite arriving where the oppressed need it most. It is not simple hypocrisy; that would be too easy, too crude, too morally lazy an explanation. It is something more intricate and more consequential: a polished choreography of grief and caution, sympathy and restraint, sacred language and strategic hesitation — a politics in which Palestine is loved sincerely by the people, honored ceremonially by the state, and too often left waiting at the gates of power.

Into this theatre came Dr. Sami Al-Arian, a man whose life is inseparable from sacrifice for Palestine. Few have paid more dearly in the belly of the American empire for refusing to treat Palestinian freedom as an unspeakable cause. He was persecuted, imprisoned, separated from his family, and ultimately deported because Palestine, in Washington’s catechism, is not a cause but a crime scene whose witnesses must be punished.[1]

For that reason, Dr. Sami deserves not casual criticism but serious, grateful, and respectful engagement. He is not a tourist of resistance, nor a professional flatterer passing through Islamabad for ceremonial applause. He is a Palestinian intellectual and activist who has endured the machinery he denounces. His moral capital is real. His sacrifices are real. His place in the history of Palestine solidarity is secure. Precisely because of that, his words in Pakistan matter.

When Dr. Sami addresses “Pakistan’s elite” and describes Pakistan as a source of strength for Palestine, one wants desperately to believe him.[2] Pakistan is nuclear-armed. Pakistan refuses formal recognition of Israel. Pakistan’s people carry Palestine not as a diplomatic slogan but as a wound. Its mosques, campuses, streets, homes, and hearts have carried Gaza with an intensity no foreign ministry could manufacture. Ordinary Pakistanis understand, with greater moral clarity than those who govern them, that Palestine is not a file in international relations. It is a test of the soul.

But here is the necessary distinction: Pakistan’s elite is not Pakistan. Pakistan’s rulers are not Pakistan’s conscience. Pakistan’s people may indeed be a source of strength for Palestine; its ruling establishment has yet to prove the same. That difference is not semantic. It is the whole matter.

The emerging dream of an “Islamic NATO” suffers from precisely this confusion. Its advocates speak as if Muslim regimes have suddenly discovered sovereignty because Israel has become too reckless even for its quiet partners and anxious neighbors. But Gaza already tested this proposition. Gaza did not happen in darkness. Its hospitals were destroyed in public. Its children were starved in public. Its universities, journalists, doctors, families, and neighborhoods were erased before the eyes of the world. If a meaningful Muslim security bloc existed in substance, Gaza would not have been left to plead with a world order engineered to ignore it.

The reality is more complicated, and more sobering. These states may now be organizing not primarily to protect the masses of the region from Zionism, empire, and domestic repression, but to protect themselves from the widening consequences of Zionist war. Gaza was a catastrophe. Qatar was a warning. Iran is a strategic panic. Saudi recalibration, Pakistan’s renewed military relevance, Turkiye’s possible inclusion, Qatar’s anxiety — all of this may be geopolitically significant. But significance is not the same as emancipation.

A Muslim bloc that defends palaces but not prisoners, borders but not bodies, regimes but not citizens, cannot yet be called a liberation project. At best, it is an unstable experiment in regional self-preservation. At worst, it is containment dressed in civilizational language.

That is why Dr. Sami’s Pakistan remarks are so delicate, and so painful. Not because he praised the Pakistani people; they deserve praise. Not because he imagined Pakistan could matter; it can, and perhaps must. But because he spoke to and through an elite whose domestic conduct sits uneasily beside the prophetic politics that Palestine demands.

Just down the road from where Pakistan’s powerful could be addressed as custodians of Palestine, former Prime Minister Imran Khan remains confined in conditions described by supporters and international advocates as punitive, isolating, and dangerous.[3] One need not be uncritical of Khan, or blind to his contradictions, to grasp the symbolism. One of the most popular political figures in one of the world’s most consequential Muslim countries is imprisoned while the same power structure receives praise for its supposed moral utility abroad.

This is not a side issue. It is the central contradiction.

The international appeal over Khan’s detention drew striking support from Palestinians and South Africans.[3] That is not an accident, nor is it evidence of some exotic “cult” of Khan. Palestinians and South Africans know something about the relationship between sovereignty and humiliation. They know that a people denied political agency are not merely misgoverned; they are disciplined. They recognize in Khan, whatever his limits, a figure through whom tens of millions of Pakistanis have articulated dignity, refusal, and the desire not to live as tenants in their own republic.

Here the contrast becomes unavoidable. The deepest moral pulse of Pakistan’s Palestine solidarity has not come from officialdom. It has come from figures like Senator Mushtaq Ahmad Khan, from the Pak-Palestine Forum, from the Pakistan Rights Movement, from the Haqooq-e-Khalq Party, from students, workers, religious activists, left organizers, and ordinary citizens who see no contradiction between opposing Zionism abroad and authoritarianism at home.[4] Many come from the Islamic movement, yet have rejected the collaborationist Islam of power for a liberation theology of the oppressed: Islam not as courtly perfume, not as protocol language, but as a vocabulary of justice.

If Dr. Sami is to strengthen Pakistan’s role for Palestine, these are the people who most deserve his attention. Not because officials must never be engaged. Politics is not a purity seminar, and Palestinians have often had to speak in difficult rooms with imperfect actors. But there is a difference between tactical engagement and moral endorsement. There is a difference between saying Pakistan could become a source of strength and implying that its present rulers have already behaved as one.

The danger of the current Islamic alliance discourse is that it can allow Muslim rulers to purchase anti-Zionist legitimacy on credit. They need not democratize. They need not release prisoners. They need not address grotesque inequality. They need only speak the language of Palestine with sufficient solemnity, and suddenly the moral ledger appears balanced.

Dr. Sami Al-Arian’s own life is a profound testimony to a better politics. He knows what empire does to those who refuse silence. That is why many who admire him hope his words in Pakistan become sharper, not harsher; more prophetic, not less respectful; more attuned to the people beneath the state. Respecting him means taking him seriously enough to offer a careful and principled challenge.

The Muslim world does not suffer from a shortage of alliances. It suffers from a shortage of justice. Until any “Islamic NATO” can defend not only states from Israel, but peoples from the states that rule them, it will remain what too much official Muslim politics already is: a procession of flags, summits, uniforms, slogans, and sacred vocabulary marching with great ceremony toward the nearest safe compromise.

Endnotes

[1] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/USA_vs._Al-Arian
[2] https://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2026/05/20/pakistan-source-of-strength-for-palestine-says-palestinian-prof-dr-sami
[3] https://muslimviews.co.za/imran-khan-global-coalition-demands-medical-transparency/
[4] https://muslimviews.co.za/from-pakistan-to-gaza-why-senator-mushtaq-ahmad-khan-terrifies-power-and-zionism/

Prof. Junaid S. Ahmad teaches Law, Religion, and Global Politics and is the Director of the Center for the Study of Islam and Decolonization (CSID), Islamabad, Pakistan.

26 May 2026

Source: countercurrents.org

Venezuela Under Siege: Defending the Bolivarian Revolution Against US Imperialism

By Francisco Dominguez and Roger D Harris

In response to recent developments in Venezuela under imperialist siege, international solidarity activists should adopt a stance that does not inadvertently reinforce Washington’s drive for domination. Our central responsibility is not to adjudicate every tactical decision made under siege conditions, but to oppose the imperialist aggression that creates those conditions.

The overwhelming structure of US hybrid warfare against Venezuela remains intact, continuing to suffocate the country’s economic recovery and undermine its sovereignty. Washington continues to exert decisive pressure over the country’s principal source of national revenue, the oil sector. It uses sanctions, financial coercion, and domination of global banking systems, as it has against other targeted states such as Iraq and Syria.

At the same time, the threat of direct military escalation remains ever present, a danger underscored by continuing military deployments, aggressive rhetoric, and repeated threats.

What some may regard as unjustifiable compromises by the Venezuelan government pale in comparison to our obligations as international solidarity activists: defending Venezuela and Cuba against the policies of imperialism. The US continues to intensify blockades, sanctions, destabilization efforts, and military threats against these revolutionary processes while simultaneously waging disinformation campaigns against the Chavista leadership and the Cuban Revolution.

Both Fidel Castro and Hugo Chávez identified US imperialism as the principal enemy of humanity. Our primary political focus should therefore remain opposition to imperialist domination, rather than allowing secondary disagreements to obscure the central contradiction.

The responsibilities of internationalists

First and foremost, the main blow must be directed against US imperialism. Any discussion of shortcomings, compromises, or concessions should be understood within the context of relentless external aggression, destabilization efforts, and military threats.

That is why internationals vigorously campaign both for the safe return to Venezuela of President Nicolá s Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores and for the immediate and unconditional lifting of all sanctions.

The political choices made by the Venezuelan leadership must ultimately be resolved within Venezuela itself. The role of internationalists is to oppose imperialism at home, not to instruct Venezuelans on how to defend their revolution.

Support for Venezuela against US imperialism does not require agreement with every decision taken under conditions of coercion. Understanding political decisions made under such circumstances is to situate them within the realities imposed by imperialist military power. This includes the extradition of Alex Saab.

A longstanding objective of US policy has been to fracture the unity of the Chavista leadership, military, and popular base. Despite immense pressure, that unity has largely held. Attempts to counterpose solidarity with the popular base against solidarity with the leadership, however well intentioned, objectively strengthen imperialist aims.

The conditions facing Venezuela

We do not know the full extent of the pressures exerted on the Venezuelan government, nor the range of alternatives realistically available under present conditions. The Venezuelan leadership operates under severe geopolitical constraints. The US openly threatens Libya- or Iran-style retaliation. Another major military escalation remains entirely possible.

Unlike in earlier periods, Venezuela today lacks strong regional allies, while in the context of the ongoing Gaza genocide, so-called “international law” offers little meaningful restraint on US power.

Given the vast military asymmetry between the two countries, the consequences of direct military confrontation would be catastrophic for Venezuela, potentially including the destruction of vital infrastructure and long-term devastation of the oil industry upon which the country depends.

If the US succeeds in placing the extreme right-wing opposition in power, the likely result would be devastating political repression directed against Chavismo and the popular sectors.

Strategic realities and political continuity

While continuing to rely upon the Chavista base, the government also recognizes the necessity of building a broader patriotic bloc capable of resisting imperialist pressure more effectively.

Even amid forced compromises, the central achievements of the Bolivarian process remain significant: preservation of the revolutionary leadership, survival against destabilization efforts, and avoidance of a full-scale invasion.

Years of sanctions and economic warfare severely degraded Venezuela’s oil infrastructure. Restoring productive capacity, reestablishing trade, and attracting investment have therefore become vital imperatives.

The political transitions from Chávez to Maduro to Rodríguez largely reflect changes in the international geopolitical landscape. Yet there has remained substantial political continuity within Chavismo, evident in continued solidarity with Cuba, the vitality of the communal system, and the endurance of the revolutionary mass movement.

In conclusion, under conditions of economic warfare, military threat, diplomatic isolation, and perpetual destabilization efforts, Venezuela’s contradictions cannot be analyzed abstractly or outside the realities of imperialist power. The primary task of solidarity movements within the imperial centers remains what it has always been: opposing the aggression of our own ruling classes.

Roger D. Harris is a co-founder of the North American-based Venezuela Solidarity Network.

Francisco Dominguez is the national secretary of the UK-based Venezuela Solidarity Campaign.

26 May 2026

Source: countercurrents.org

Regime Change Through Indictment: Raúl Castro and the BTTR Flights

By Dr. Binoy Kampmark

Revealing a steely yet erratic contempt of the law, the US Department of Justice is showing, again, how it became the spear carrier for kooky ideas and vengeful projects. No leader is seemingly safe from an indictment if the personal interest of President Donald Trump is invested. It need not matter if the legal foundations are shoddy to the point of sheer absurdity – the more absurd, the more likely the paperwork will be filed.

The May 20 unsealing of a superseding indictment by the DOJ against Raúl Castro bulks that pile. As brother to the late Fidel Castro and Cuban president from 2008 to 2019, participant in the legendary assault on the Moncada Barracks in July 1953 and founding member of the M-26-7 guerilla outfit, he has been a persistent reminder of failures by the United States to subjugate the island and its government since the revolutionary overthrow of the blood basted regime of Fulgencio Batista. In April 1961, for instance, the Castro brothers ensured the survival of the revolution by defeating the CIA-backed attack at the Bay of Pigs, consisting of 1,400 Cuban exiles. The ill-conceived, error-plagued operation took much lustre off the Camelot that was the Kennedy administration.

The indictment, which also nets five Cuban air force pilots, alleges that aircraft of the ostensibly humanitarian organisation BTTR (Brothers to the Rescue) were fired upon by Cuban MiG aircraft on February 24, 1996. Three had taken off from South Florida heading to Cuba that day. Two unarmed civilian Cessna aircraft were destroyed, allegedly flying outside Cuban territory. Three American citizens and one resident of the US were killed.

The charges include one count of conspiracy to kill US nationals, two counts of destruction of an aircraft and four counts of murder. At the time, Castro was the Minister of Defence overseeing the Cuban Revolutionary Air and Air Defence Force (DAAFAR). He is said to have ordered the five pilots to follow and eliminate the three BTTR aircraft.

The indictment does a superb job in making glaring omissions. There is no mention of the nervous mood of US officials at the time, notably those at the Federal Aviation Administration, State Department and White House. No mention, either, of the compounding recklessness of the BTTR missions. The flights were intended to seek and assist Cubans sailing to the US and imperilled at sea. They were, however, unauthorised and deemed provocative to the Cuban government, not least because they also pursued a propaganda campaign in Cuban airspace. FAA records made available by the invaluable offices of the National Security Archive and used in William LeoGrande and Peter Kornbluh’s Back Channel to Cuba: The Hidden History of Negotiations Between Washington and Havana (2014) are not exactly glowing about the BTTR, led by its obstinate founder, José Basulto.

The book usefully, and rather damningly, reveals the backchannel efforts by the Cuban government, including Fidel Castro, to convince the Clinton administration to ground the BTTR flights. In 1995, protests had been filed by the Civil Aeronautics Institute of Cuba claiming that BTTR aircraft had violated Cuban airspace by overflying populated zones and dropping propaganda material inciting an overthrow of the government. (Hardly a humanitarian enterprise.) The FAA commenced an investigation into the matter, warning Basulto numerous times to cease these “taunting” provocations. On January 11, 1995, for instance, representatives of the Miami Flight Standards District Office (FSDO) met with Basulto, advising him of the consequences arising from the unauthorised penetration of Cuban airspace. He was also warned that any violation of the Federal Aviation Regulations (FAR) or any pertinent international regulations would be investigated, prosecuted and adjudicated. Despite taking steps to suspend his flying license, the agency showed a sufficient degree of weak will in permitting him to fly, despite his persistent habit of filing false flight plans.

On January 22, 1996, FAA official Cecelia Capestany informed her superiors of yet another unauthorised flight that took place two days prior. The State Department was “increasingly concerned about Cuban reactions to these flagrant violations. They are also asking from the FAA what is this agency doing to prevent/deter these actions.” She notes a call made the previous week by Undersecretary of State Peter Tarnoff to Transportation Secretary Federico Peña “to check on our case against Basulto. Worse case scenario is that one of these days the Cubans will shoot down one of these planes and the FAA better have all its ducks in a row.”

That same month, Fidel Castro reached an agreement, or so he thought, with Democratic Rep. Bill Richardson of New Mexico for the release of certain political prisoners in exchange of a promise from President Bill Clinton that the BTTR planes would cease their operations. Richardson’s superficially rich offering, however, was not based on executive fiat but conservations with White House aides who then pressured Secretary Peña to chase up the FAA.

On the penultimate night of February 23, 1996, Richard Nuccio, the White House official overseeing Cuban matters, sent an email to National Security Advisor Sandy Berger informing him that Basulto would be flying the next day. “Previous overflights by Jose Basulto of the Brothers have been met with restraint by Cuban authorities,” he reported. The prescient warning follows. “Tensions are sufficiently high within Cuba, however, that we fear this may finally tip the Cubans toward an attempt to shoot down or force down the plane.” When Nuccio pursued the matter with FAA officials in Miami, instructing them to block the flights, they flatly refused. A tepid warning to Basulto was deemed sufficient.

Despite some concerns voiced by functionaries within the FAA and the agitated airings of the State Department, it took the death of four pilots to force the “cease and desist” order directed at BTTR and Basulto barring “the operation of any civil aircraft within the territorial airspace of the Republic of Cuba without prior authorization from the Cuban Traffic Control Authority.”

This context is excised in the indictment, exonerating the criminal recklessness of Basulto and the conduct of officials in the FAA whose forcefulness was found wanting. BTTR’s flights are described as supporting “anti-Castro, pro-democracy movements in Cuba”, a description that ennobles them. The Castro government is taken to task for infiltrating the BTTR with the La Red Avispa (the Wasp Network) to report on its activities, while much is made about Cuban dissident groups keen on a “peaceful transition”. Surprise that the Cuban military should actually retaliate for threats to the country’s airspace is palpable and puerile. In a statement pouring cold water on the indictment, the Cuban embassy in Washington noted “more than 25 serious, deliberate and systematic violations of the country’s airspace” between 1994 and 1996. “These were not miscalculations, but rather a continuous campaign that jeopardized aeronautical safety.”

The stress from the Trump administration, instead, is on murder. As Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche explained, “Over three decades later, we are committed to holding those accountable for the murders of four brave Americans: Carlos Costa, Armando Alejandre Jr., Mario de la Peña and Pablo Morales.” Far from being brave, they were reckless, indifferent to warnings, waging a version of aerial politics that ended in predictable bloodshed.

The indictment is part of a series of coarse measures intended to wear down the regime and turn the island into a simpering client state. It is an extension of the Maduro-Venezuela formula drawn from gangster politics: ignore the leaders and, if necessary, kidnap them.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, taking liberties with the factual record on Cuba’s economic miseries (he blithely ignores the effects of the US blockade that has prevented oil shipments from Venezuela and other states on pain of crushing tariffs), is offering relief in the form of a US$100 million Trojan Horse: We will provide aid but only to American agents and entities we trust. Blackmail is in the offing. “We in the US are offering to help you not only alleviate the current crisis, but to also build a better future.” The insurgency virus is being readied, and Batista’s ghost rejoicing.

Dr. Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge.

26 May 2026

Source: countercurrents.org

Blocked From Mecca – How Gaza’s Siege Targets the Sacred

By Ranjan Solomon

There is something profoundly barbaric about preventing a besieged people from reaching God. Israel’s blockade of Gaza has now denied Palestinians the Hajj pilgrimage for the third consecutive year – turning one of Islam’s holiest obligations into another casualty of occupation, siege, and war. More than 10,000 Palestinians have been barred from undertaking the sacred journey to Mecca.

Elderly believers who waited decades for this moment now face the possibility of dying without fulfilling one of the central pillars of their faith. More than 70 selected pilgrims already have. This is not merely a restriction on movement. It is the deliberate humiliation of a people’s spiritual existence. They died waiting – not because of fate alone, but because siege and war transformed worship into an impossibility. Some had saved for decades. Others waited years for their names to emerge through the official Hajj selection process. They died carrying unfulfilled prayers.

Israel’s closure of the Rafah crossing and other border points has completely halted religious travel from Gaza, severing Palestinians from one of the deepest expressions of Muslim spiritual life. Families who spent years saving for a once-in-a-lifetime pilgrimage now find themselves trapped amid ruins, displacement camps, starvation, and grief. For many elderly Palestinians, Hajj is not tourism or leisure. It is the culmination of a lifetime of faith, sacrifice, and hope. Many dream their entire lives of standing before the Kaaba even once before death. Today, that dream is dying under siege.

The suffering extends beyond the pilgrimage itself. Gazans have also been unable to perform the traditional Udhiyah sacrifice during Eid al-Adha because Israel’s military assault has devastated the livestock sector while restrictions on imports continue to suffocate civilian life. Sacred seasons that ordinarily bring prayer, charity, communal gathering, and spiritual renewal now arrive amid hunger, displacement, mourning, and fear. Even the rituals through which communities’ express gratitude, remembrance, and solidarity have been shattered by war.

According to Palestinian religious authorities and humanitarian organizations, more than 10,000 Palestinians have now been prevented from performing Hajj over the course of three consecutive years because of Israel’s closure of crossings and its continuing military assault on Gaza. The blockade has effectively imprisoned an entire civilian population, denying them not only freedom of movement but access to one of the holiest obligations in Islam.

A May 2026 study by the Palestinian Center for Political Studies (PCPS), authored by Khaled Abu Amer, describes the destruction of Gaza’s Hajj and Umrah sector as a form of “structural economic genocide.” The report documents the collapse of all 78 licensed Hajj and Umrah travel companies operating in Gaza. Most offices were damaged or destroyed during Israel’s assault, according to Mohammed al-Astal, head of the Association of Hajj and Umrah Companies in Gaza. What has been destroyed is not simply an economic sector, but an entire social and spiritual infrastructure that connected Palestinians to the wider Muslim world.

Yet what is unfolding cannot be understood only in economic or administrative terms. The denial of Hajj represents something deeper: an assault on spiritual dignity, emotional survival, and collective identity. It strikes at the deepest layers of human longing – the desire to stand before God in prayer, repentance, equality, and peace alongside millions of believers from across the world.

For Palestinians in Gaza, religion is not separate from daily survival. Faith sustains dignity amid siege, bombardment, displacement, and grief. Mosques and churches are not only places of worship; they are spaces of memory, refuge, mourning, solidarity, and hope. To deny a population access to worship while simultaneously destroying homes, hospitals, schools, mosques, and churches is to attack both physical and spiritual existence. The siege enters not only streets and borders, but also memory, ritual, mourning, and hope itself.

The story of an elderly Gazan woman Hanan al-Hams sitting in a tent beside the ruins of her destroyed home while mourning both her son and the loss of her pilgrimage captures this tragedy with painful clarity. Israel’s war has not merely reduced infrastructure to rubble; it has invaded the intimate emotional world of Palestinians, severing their connection to sacred rituals, communal belonging, and spiritual healing.

International law is unambiguous on these matters. Freedom of religion or belief is a fundamental human right protected under Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Article 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. These provisions guarantee every person the right to manifest religion through worship, observance, practice, and teaching. Preventing civilians from undertaking Hajj through prolonged siege and border closures is therefore not a simple administrative restriction. It is the denial of a universally protected religious freedom.

The blockade also raises grave concerns under international humanitarian law. Article 33 of the Fourth Geneva Convention prohibits collective punishment and measures of intimidation against civilian populations. No protected people may be punished for offences they did not personally commit. Yet Gaza’s entire civilian population continues to endure restrictions imposed through siege, bombardment, closure, displacement, and deprivation. The collective denial of movement for worship, pilgrimage, education, healthcare, and livelihood reveals the architecture of punishment imposed upon an occupied people.

International humanitarian law also prohibits the destruction of civilian infrastructure except where absolutely required by military necessity. The collapse of Gaza’s Hajj and Umrah institutions, the destruction of mosques and churches, the devastation of livestock necessary for Eid sacrifice, and the obstruction of humanitarian and religious movement collectively point toward a wider process of social destruction. The siege has transformed everyday civilian life into a condition of prolonged humiliation.

But beyond legal violations lies an even more profound moral question about the nature of power itself. Israel repeatedly presents itself internationally as a “Jewish State,” invoking religious identity in political discourse and diplomatic justification. Yet the systematic denial of Muslims’ access to one of Islam’s holiest obligations, alongside repeated attacks on churches, mosques, cemeteries, and religious institutions in Gaza and the West Bank, exposes a dangerous contradiction. A state that invokes faith while humiliating another people’s faith risks transforming religion into an instrument of domination rather than a source of ethical responsibility.

Judaism, like Islam and Christianity, contains deep traditions of justice, mercy, and protection for the oppressed. Many Jewish scholars, rabbis, Holocaust survivors, and human rights defenders themselves have condemned the occupation and the siege precisely because they believe such policies betray Jewish ethical teachings. What is unfolding in Gaza is therefore not a defence of religion, but the political weaponization of religious identity to legitimize exclusion, collective punishment, and domination.

Nor are Muslims alone in this suffering. Palestinian Christians have repeatedly faced restrictions on access to Jerusalem and Bethlehem during Easter and Christmas observances. Churches in Gaza have been struck during military operations, and Christian families, like their Muslim neighbours, endure siege, displacement, fear, and grief. The occupation wounds the shared spiritual fabric of an entire people.

The denial of Hajj must therefore be understood as part of a much larger architecture of dehumanization. A people deprived of worship, pilgrimage, sacred gathering, celebration, mourning, and spiritual continuity are not merely being controlled politically; they are being pushed toward cultural and emotional annihilation. The siege seeks not only to dominate territory, but to exhaust the human spirit itself.

What is happening in Gaza today is not simply the destruction of buildings or infrastructure. It is the systematic erosion of the conditions necessary for human dignity. A people unable to bury their dead properly, unable to gather for prayer, unable to celebrate sacred festivals, unable to travel for pilgrimage, and unable even to secure bread or medicine are being stripped of the rhythms through which humanity sustains itself.

No state that systematically humiliates another people’s faith, blocks their access to sacred obligations, destroys places of worship, and weaponizes siege against civilians can credibly claim moral superiority or civilizational virtue. This is not security policy. It is domination hardened into permanent structure.

A state that bombs mosques and churches, starves civilians during sacred seasons, destroys the means for Eid sacrifice, and imprisons an entire population behind military barriers cannot cloak itself in the language of religious morality while violating the ethical foundations common to Judaism, Islam, and Christianity alike.

What is unfolding in Gaza is not the defence of faith, but the weaponization of faith by a militarized state that invokes Jewish identity while violating the sacred principles of justice, mercy, and human dignity.

The denial of Hajj to Palestinians is therefore more than political repression. It is an assault on the sacred itself. It is an attempt to break not only bodies, but belief.

History will remember this siege not simply as a military campaign, but as a war carried out against the human spirit – against prayer, dignity, mourning, memory, and the right of a people to stand before God in peace.

Ranjan Solomon has worked in social justice movements since he was 19 years of age. After an accumulated period of 58 years working with oppressed and marginalized groups locally, nationally, and internationally, he has now turned author-researcher and freelance writer focussed on questions of global and local justice struggles.

26 May 2026

Source: countercurrents.org

With Hate! Israel Destroys The Palestinian Olive Oil Sector

By Marwan Asmar

Israel’s government, soldiers and settlers destroyed between 13,000 and 14000 olive trees in the occupied West Bank in the first five months of 2026. The figures are based on different Palestinian and Israeli sources.

In May 2026 alone Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich said he had ordered the uprooting and destruction of 3000 trees in northern Palestine. The uprooting of these trees were ordered to be felled in a single day.

In early February, 2006 human rights’ groups reported that over 8000 trees were destroyed and a report by the Palestinian Wall and Settlement Commission (PWSC) released last Mid-May showed that 4,414 had been uprooted, destroyed and/or poisoned.

The uprooting of “Palestinian trees” by Israeli settlers backed by the Zionist army has become a normal state of affairs as it has increased viciously since October 2023 when over 37,200 olive trees were “uprooted”, “broken” and “burned” in conjunction with the Israeli war and slaughter of Gaza.

The situation spelled disaster for Palestinian farmers. In cahoots with Israeli soldiers, settlers would go down on Palestinian villages and towns and start uprooting olive trees out of sheer vandalism.

At the end of last April, this is exactly what happened when settlers from the “Adi Ad” settlement descended on the Turmus Aya village that lies to the north-east of Ramallah in the occupied West Bank and started to destroy and vandalize 400 olive trees.

As they did this, on Saturday night, they were guarded by the Israeli army. This attack came days after the settlers descended on the village and set fire to a house and a car there.

The attack on Turmus Aya is not an isolated incident. The village has been targeted for the past few years. The PWSC, a monitoring organization of such attacks said the Israeli army had been responsible for 1,322 of such attacks while the settlers involved for 497 acts of vandalism on different Palestinian cities with Hebron topping the list at (321), Nablus (315), Ramallah (292) and Jerusalem (203).

Statistics point out that Israel has destroyed between 800,000 and 1 million olive trees in the occupied Palestinian territories from 1967 till now. However, since that year, when Israel effectively occupied all of the Palestinian territories, it destroyed 2.5 million trees.

Besides olives, they included orange (different varieties), lemon, grapefruit and clementine trees. The Palestinian territories are known for their varieties like almond, figs, apricots, peaches and plums trees.

These trees were destroyed by the Israeli occupation for basic military takeover to expand the Palestinian lands with Israeli settlements – about 147 settlements and 224 outposts – and create the required infrastructure and roads for these since some of them resemble big cities.

In the case of the Smotrich announcement for example, and the uprooting of 3000 trees on Palestinian lands in the north West Bank, the purpose there was to expand the Israeli Shaked Industrial Park which is next to the settlement there that has the same name.

Gaza, another story

Gaza is another sad story for the Israeli genocide has affected the whole of the agricultural sector. During the last war on the Gaza Strip, Israel destroyed 1 million trees according to Fayyad Fayyad, head of the Palestinian Olive Council. The destruction literally decimated the agriculture sector of the enclave.

Prior to 7 October, 2023, Gaza had 1.1 million trees roughly producing 50,000 tons of olives every year but no more. About 98 percent of Gaza’s tree cropland has been destroyed.

Dr Mazen Qumsiyeh, a biologist at Bethlehem University, calls the destruction in Gaza an “ecocide” as statistics show that over the past two years and more, Israel has destroyed between 500,000 to 700,000 non-olive trees.

Today in Gaza everything has been razed to the ground. There had once been 35 olive oil presses in the Strip but most of these have been destroyed with only five left as of the end of last year.

The loss of a million olive trees is a $50-million-plus-loss since the total olive oil sector (West Bank and Gaza) contributed between $160 and $190 million to the Palestinian national economy as a direct result of exports to regional and international markets.

The olive oil sector accounts for roughly five percent of the Palestinian GDP and 20 percent of the agricultural sector. Further olive oil production sustains 100,000 families in the Palestinian territories.

Marwan Asmar is a writer from Amman and blogs for crossfirearabia.com

25 May 2026

Source: countercurrents.org

Israel Has Killed 42 Palestinian Police Personnel in Gaza Since Ceasefire: Ministry

By Quds News Network

Gaza (QNN)- Israeli attacks across the Gaza Strip have killed 42 Palestinian police personnel since the so-called ceasefire took effect, according to the Palestinian Interior Ministry, which added that Israel is waging a “systematic campaign aimed at dismantling civil order and governance structures in the Strip and spreading chaos and insecurity.”

On Saturday, seven people were killed in an Israeli attack on a police post west of Gaza City, including a 13-year-old child and five police officers.

The Interior Ministry confirmed the “massacre” which comes in a “deliberate attempt to spread chaos and undermine public order within Palestinian society.”

It said Israel’s ongoing targeting of the police and civilians in the Gaza Strip “constitutes a clear violation of the ceasefire agreement and a flagrant breach of all international norms and conventions.”

It also blamed the mediators and the international community over their “silence on the ongoing crimes against the police and civilians in the Gaza Strip.”

There has been a spike in Israeli attacks in the war-torn Strip despite the ceasefire, particularly on police.

Israel has violated the ceasefire which took effect in October more than 2,800 times, killing hundreds and blocking the entry of much-needed aid.

Israeli forces have killed more than 870 Palestinians since the ceasefire, including over 300 children, women, and the elderly.

Over 72,700 Palestinians have been killed in Israeli attacks since the war began on October 7, 2023.

United Nations human rights chief Volker Turk condemned Israel’s recent attacks in the Gaza Strip, saying that “the unrelenting pattern of killings” reflects Israel’s “sweeping impunity”.

“Palestinians are still being killed and injured in what is left of their homes, shelters and tents of displaced families, on the streets, in vehicles, at a medical facility and a classroom,” Turk said.

The Interior Ministry noted that the repeated Israeli attacks targeting police facilities and striking police officers and personnel “constitute a war crime and a blatant violation of international humanitarian law, as police facilities are civilian protection institutions safeguarded under international law and must not be targeted.”

Hamas slammed the attacks as a “continuation of the crimes and terrorism against our people to perpetuate the state of lawlessness, sow chaos, and hinder any efforts to recover and restore normalcy to Gaza.”

It called on the international community, mediators, and guarantors of the ceasefire agreement to “impose an end to the occupation’s aggression and daily violations.”

The group also called for “providing the necessary protection and relief to the Palestinian people.”

According to Palestinians and rights groups, such attacks are part of Israel’s ongoing genocide against Palestinians, as it seeks to dismantle the enclave’s security and justice structures by undermining public order and spreading chaos and insecurity.

25 May 2026

Source: countercurrents.org

28,500 Days: The Long Genocide

By The Wire

20 May 2026 – On 15 May, Palestinians around the world commemorated the 78th anniversary of the Nakba, when Zionist militias expelled 750,000 Palestinians from their homes, killed thousands, and destroyed hundreds of villages and cities between 1947-1949.

This is the mass displacement upon which the state of Israel was established in 1948. But the Nakba isn’t an event that began and ended 78 years ago. It is a century-long crusade to annihilate Palestinian life: the long genocide.

The day before Nakba commemorations is the Israeli flag march — a yearly “celebration” of the illegal Israeli occupation of East Jerusalem. Thousands of Israelis rampaged through the Muslim quarter of Jerusalem’s Old City, attacked passersby, and chanted about killing Arabs and burning their villages. Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir was captured on video storming the Al Aqsa mosque courtyard with a group of Israeli settlers, dancing and waving an Israeli flag as Israeli police looked on.

The dispossession of Palestinians isn’t just a racist rallying call for Israeli extremists: It is a daily reality for Palestinians across historic Palestine, one that is baked into the Israeli state’s treatment of Palestinians at every level.

The day Ben Gvir and thousands of Israelis tore through Jerusalem, Israeli forces shot and killed 16-year-old Fahd Zidan Owais. A day before, the Israeli military shot and killed 16-year-old Yusef Ali Kaabnah while he tried to defend his family’s sheep from a mob of Israeli settlers. In Gaza, the Israeli military has killed over 72,000 Palestinians and forced over two million to flee their homes. An American Jew from Brooklyn told +972 at Thursday’s “flag march” that he hoped Palestinians currently being displaced would never be able to return home: “It’s very sad to me that after the [1967] war Arabs were allowed back — that was a big mistake, and I hope they won’t make those mistakes in Gaza and in Lebanon.”

Recognizing that the Nakba never ended, last Thursday Rep Rashida Tlaib — the only Palestinian American in Congress — reintroduced a resolution that acknowledges Israel’s ongoing dispossession of Palestinians:

“Today, the Israeli apartheid regime is committing genocide in Gaza, violently erasing entire communities across the occupied West Bank and Jerusalem, and bombing Palestinian refugee camps in Lebanon. It is a campaign to erase Palestinians from existence.”

Digging through the rubble with bare hands

While tens of thousands are forced to flee their homes in the West Bank due to settler and Israeli military incursions, millions in Gaza fight to survive the ongoing genocide, unclear if they will ever be allowed to return to their homes.

With heavy equipment still blocked from entering Gaza, Palestinians like Mahmoud Khilla have been forced to dig through the rubble with their bare hands in the hopes of retrieving the bodies of their loved ones. Khilla’s entire family was killed in an Israeli strike on his apartment building in 2023, nearly 30 months ago. Today, his hands are bloody as he methodically breaks away at packed concrete, using broken shovels, sledgehammers, and his own hands.

During the course of the genocide, the Israeli military killed and imprisoned hundreds of medical professionals and deliberately destroyed dozens of hospitals, leading to a complete collapse of the healthcare system. Today, 12-year-old Jana Al-Hajj, paralyzed from the waist down, is losing hope of recovery. Now unable to walk, Jana’s father pushes her on a bicycle to go to physical therapy appointments. But without a single functioning MRI machine left in Gaza, Jana’s doctors are out of answers — and in the absence of a proper diagnosis, Jana will never be allowed to seek medical treatment abroad, a privilege afforded to a lucky few.

Despite these horrors, Palestinians are choosing to rebuild with the resources at their disposal. Amid the intentional destruction by Israel of nearly all of Gaza’s cultural centers, libraries, and universities, last month Palestinians in Gaza opened the aptly-named “Phoenix library” in Gaza City, now a refuge for college students whose university libraries have been reduced to rubble:

“Luckily, we were able to retrieve books from under the rubble of private and university libraries. Other books belonged to people who were martyred during the war and were donated to us by their families.”

Rebuilding on quicksand

As land theft and Israeli violence only escalate, Palestinians are rebuilding their lives on quicksand, facing down a genocidal Israeli state that has been trying to erase them from existence for the last 100 years.

In March, the Israeli government quietly approved 34 illegal Israeli settlements — the largest number of illegal settlements ever approved at one time. That’s in addition to the 60+ illegal settlements that the current Israeli government has approved in the last three years. In the 30 years before the current administration took power, a mere six settlements were approved by various Israeli governments.

In an instant, land painstakingly cultivated and defended for years by Palestinians was formally handed over to Israeli settlers. Now, Mustafa Badaha of Deir Ammar can no longer step foot on the land where he once built a summer home for his family to gather, nor can he access the rows of olive trees he spent years caring for.

““Everything is legal—I have permits—but it makes no difference. A settler comes and simply says, ‘This is my land. You have no place here.’”

Thousands of miles away, two NYC synagogues hosted the “Great Israeli Real Estate Event” on May 5 and 11 for the purpose of auctioning off stolen Palestinian land. This is a blatant violation of international law. It’s also not the first event of its kind; similar “expos” have been hosted in Baltimore and New Jersey — and another is scheduled to take place in Manhattan later this month.

__________________________________________

Jewish Voice for Peace, with roughly 750,000 members, supporters, and participants, is the largest progressive Jewish anti-Zionist organization in the world; a national, grassroots, multiracial, cross-class, intergenerational movement of U.S. Jews working towards Palestinian freedom and Judaism beyond Zionism. We envision a world where all people live in freedom, justice, equality, and dignity and believe that through organizing, we can and will dismantle the institutions and structures that sustain injustice.

25 May 2026

Source: transcend.org

The UAE Is Financing and Arming Genocide in Sudan

By Nesrine Malik

The Gulf country tries hard to keep its reputation spotless. But with the war in Sudan, how can it? Outrage is mounting about its complicity in Sudan’s catastrophic civil war – and it might be starting to hit them where it hurts.

13 May 2026 – There are certain states whose reputations in the global community are tainted. For habitual violations of international law, they are shunned, boycotted or slammed with economic sanctions. Reading these words, perhaps you’re thinking of Russia, Israel, Iran or North Korea. But there is one country that is rarely considered an outlaw, even if its actions increasingly fit the bill.

The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is belatedly starting to draw some scrutiny over mounting evidence that it is backing the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) that have been terrorising Sudan for years. Since the beginning of the civil war in 2023, which was triggered by a contest for power between the RSF militia and the Sudanese army, the RSF has been accused of ethnic cleansing and sexual violence. A United Nations fact-finding mission concluded that its assault on non-Arab populations in the west of the country carried “the hallmarks of genocide”.

Over the course of the war, evidence has been found of the UAE providing arms to the RSF, smuggling weapons and drones to them via Chad, and backing Colombian mercenary forces that are providing critical support to the militia. The UAE continues to deny all these charges, saying it is a neutral party in the war. But this has become an almost comical performance of outraged innocence in the face of common knowledge. The act seemed to be working, though, as the UAE broadly managed to weather the allegations of its complicity without consequences.

But something is beginning to turn. Last week, in quick succession, two blows landed. In the first, the human rights organisation FairSquare called on the UK’s Foreign Office to investigate Sheikh Mansour bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the deputy prime minister of the UAE and owner of Manchester City, and sanction him over his alleged role in the UAE government’s backing of the RSF.

The complaint, submitted to the UK government, stated that “there is an abundance of evidence from multiple credible sources, including the UN panel of experts on the Sudan, that the UAE has been providing weapons, ammunition and other supplies to the RSF since June 2023”. The complaint argues that Mansour’s alleged links to the RSF should be investigated. It points out that should the UK decide to sanction him, he would be disqualified from ownership of a football club under Premier League rules. (FairSquare say they offered Mansour an opportunity to respond to their complaint but did not receive a response. I have also reached out to his office but have had no reply).

It’s a big swing for an investigation into the UAE to name an individual member of the Emirati government; it also frames inaction against the UAE not only as a matter of poor principle, but a potential violation of the integrity of the UK’s domestic institutions. Mansour is also not just a remote owner of a football club, but a royal whose private equity company owns swathes of Manchester itself, notably after a deal with the city council that saw land sold for a fraction of its value according to a 2022 report (the council disagreed with the report’s findings, saying that it got the best deal it could for each site).

But an even bigger swing against the entire UAE government has come from the US. Two congressmen, the co-chairs of the bipartisan Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission, sent letters two weeks ago to the Walt Disney Company, the National Basketball Association and the National Football League, urging them to “take a position of moral leadership” and end all associations with the UAE, which include sponsorships and joint ventures, in response to its role “in abetting genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing in Sudan by arming one faction in that country’s civil war”.

Such calls – which detail not just the UAE’s complicity in the Sudan war, but the extent of the country’s involvement in the economies and entertainment and sporting industries of the west – inflict serious reputational damage. The UAE is clearly sensitive on the issue: in 2024, when a Sudanese representative accused the UAE of supporting the RSF at a UK-sponsored UN meeting, the UAE reacted by cancelling ministerial meetings with Britain to punish the country for not responding vociferously enough as the UAE was “defamed”. As the Americans say, a hit dog will holler.

UAE’s reputation has been anchored in Dubai, a cosmopolitan safe haven of sunny holidays and luxurious lifestyles. Less attention is paid to the capital, Abu Dhabi, and its royals – the Al Nahyans, who hold the presidency of the UAE and govern it in federal constitutional partnership with Dubai’s royal family, the Al Maktoums. For years they have been a destabilising force in the region and Africa, backing separatist groups in Yemen against the Houthis, as well as Gen Khalifa Haftar in Libya against the internationally recognised government. In its regional operations, the UAE’s goal appears to be to anoint leaders it can do business with and prevent the rise to power of forces hostile to it. Sudan has precious port territory across the Red Sea and a trade route that the UAE covets in order to consolidate what has been described as its “archipelago of influence” in the region.

Sudan is also rich in gold, most of which since the war began has ended up in Dubai, one of the world’s largest retail gold markets. But more broadly, beyond assets and geostrategic clout, the UAE has been on a campaign since the Arab spring 15 years ago to erect proxy powers, considering nascent Muslim Brotherhood forces as the enemy of established regimes and monarchies. Its ambitions for regional power have broken the UAE from its Gulf partners – most recently in leaving the oil cartel Opec, in what was seen as a rejection of Saudi Arabia’s dominance within the organisation. It has also pursued a normalisation policy with Israel. This week it was revealed that the UAE diverged from the non-retaliatory approach of Saudi and Qatar and had secretly launched a major attack on Iran before the April ceasefire.

The UAE’s efforts to establish itself as a regional player have left war and devastation in its wake, most calamitously in Sudan. But it has been supported in that by the US and the UK, not only political allies but financial beneficiaries. At a parliamentary reception in the House of Lords last month, an Emirati official boasted about the UK and the UAE’s multibillion investment partnership, the product of “deep institutional trust”. And last year, days before Donald Trump’s inauguration, the UAE signed a $500m (£370m) investment in the Trump family’s cryptocurrency venture. When so much money is involved, is it any wonder that both countries have gone to farcical lengths to express concern over the war in Sudan while avoiding any mention of the UAE?

Both the US and UK have sanctioned the senior leadership of the RSF and several UAE-based companies linked to the leadership of the RSF, without naming the UAE as a sponsor. “The world must not look away [from Sudan],” said the foreign secretary, Yvette Cooper, in reference to sexual violence in the country, when the truth is that successive British governments have studiously looked away from one of the primary sponsors of the Sudan calamity.

But now the calls are getting louder, demanding that governments say what they have yet to say: that the UAE has earned its place among the ranks of the world’s outlaws.

This article was amended on 13 and 14 May 2026. An earlier version referred to a $500bn UAE investment in the Trump family’s cryptocurrency venture; this has been corrected to $500m. Similarly, the conversion to £370bn has been amended to £370m. Also Donald Trump’s second inauguration was last year, not this year.

Nesrine Malik is a Guardian columnist.

25 May 2026

Source: transcend.org

The Horrors of AI-driven Military Targeting from Gaza to Iran

By Andy Worthington

18 May 2026 – Anyone paying attention knows that, since 7 Oct 2023, when the State of Israel began carpet-bombing the Gaza Strip on a scale so grotesque that it can only realistically be compared to the impact of the atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945, all sense of proportionality in warfare has been eviscerated, and has been normalized to such an extent that Israel, and its lapdog the US, are now engaged in similarly disproportionate attacks on Iran, and with Israel also extending its depravity to Lebanon.

While some of this blatant violation of international humanitarian law can be traced to Israel’s relentless contempt for any attempts to restrain its military actions, dating back decades, the truly shocking and soul-shredding intensification of its military actions over the last 29 months, in which the US has finally moved from being Israel’s main backer to being a fully-fledged partner, has primarily been facilitated through both countries’ embrace of military targeting powered by AI (artificial intelligence), which has both promised and delivered military targets on a scale that is hundreds or thousands of times faster than what was previously possible, although, crucially, with little or no human oversight to address profound problems with the accuracy of the targeting.

To provide some necessary background, proportionality in warfare seeks to minimize the loss of civilian life during military operations, and its key definition comes from the 1977 Additional Protocol to the 1949 Geneva Conventions, which sought to apply rules governing warfare in the aftermath of the horrors of the Second World War. The Additional Protocol specifically addressed the protection of civilians, and, in Article 51, established protections against indiscriminate attacks on civilian populations, providing two particular examples of attacks that “are to be considered as indiscriminate”, which have subsequently provided a benchmark for assessments of proportionality.

The first of these is “an attack by bombardment by any methods or means which treats as a single military objective a number of clearly separated and distinct military objectives located in a city, town, village or other area containing a similar concentration of civilians or civilian objects”, and the second is “an attack which may be expected to cause incidental loss of civilian life, injury to civilians, damage to civilian objects, or a combination thereof, which would be excessive in relation to the concrete and direct military advantage anticipated.”

Noticeably, however, neither Israel nor the US have ratified the protocol, and in fact, long before Israel began carpet-bombing the Gaza Strip, it had already codified a military doctrine that laid waste to the protections enshrined in the Geneva Conventions, making clear its existence as a rogue state committed to the evisceration of all laws governing its military actions.

The Dahiya Doctrine

That doctrine is the Dahiya Doctrine, named after the suburb of Beirut, which is currently under attack once more, and which, 20 years ago, was where Hezbollah, the Shiite political party and armed resistance movement, had its headquarters.

During Israel’s month-long war on Lebanon in 2006, the Dahiya Doctrine was introduced as a policy aimed at causing as much indiscriminate damage as possible to civilian areas in which militants were active so that the population would turn against them.

That, at least, was the theory that was eventually put forward in public, although, as Paul Rogers, emeritus professor of peace studies at Bradford University, explained in an article for the Guardian in December 2023, in practice the use of disproportionate force “extend[ed] to the destruction of the economy and state infrastructure with many civilian casualties, with the intention of achieving a sustained deterrent impact.” One contemporary report described how “around a thousand Lebanese civilians were killed, a third of them children. Towns and villages were reduced to rubble; bridges, sewage treatment plants, port facilities and electric power plants were crippled or destroyed.”

In 2008, when Gadi Eisenkot, then the head of the IDF’s Northern Command, publicly explained the Dahiya Doctrine, he stated, “What happened in the Dahieh quarter of Beirut in 2006 will happen in every village from which shots will be fired in the direction of Israel. We will wield disproportionate power and cause immense damage and destruction.”

Crucially, he also stated, “From our perspective, these are military bases”, adding, “Every one of the Shiite villages is a military site, with headquarters, an intelligence center, and a communications center. Dozens of rockets are buried in houses, basements, attics, and the village is run by Hezbollah men. In each village, according to its size, there are dozens of active members, the local residents, and alongside them fighters from outside, and everything is prepared and planned both for a defensive battle and for firing missiles at Israel.”

As Paul Rogers explained just two months into the Gaza genocide, the Dahiya Doctrine had been “used in Gaza during the four previous wars since 2008, especially the 2014 war.” In those four wars, as he proceeded to explain, “the IDF killed about 5,000 Palestinians, mostly civilians, for the loss of 350 of their own soldiers and about 30 civilians. In the 2014 war, Gaza’s main power station was damaged in an IDF attack and half of Gaza’s then population of 1.8 million people were affected by water shortages, hundreds of thousands lacked power and raw sewage flooded on to streets. Even earlier, after the 2008-9 war in Gaza, the UN published a fact-finding report that concluded that the Israeli strategy had been ‘designed to punish, humiliate and terrorize a civilian population.’”

Article 51 of the 1977 Optional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions explicitly prohibits the use of terror as a weapon of war, stating, unequivocally, “Acts or threats of violence, the primary purpose of which is to spread terror among the civilian population, are prohibited.” However, as noted above, Israel has nothing but contempt for international humanitarian law. Article 54 of the same protocol — “Protection of objects indispensable to the survival of the civilian population” — stipulates that “Starvation of civilians as a method of warfare is prohibited”, and yet that is exactly what Israel has also been inflicting on the Palestinians of the Gaza Strip for the last 29 months.

“A mass assassination factory”: the use of AI in Gaza since Oct. 7, 2023

While Paul Rogers was correct to highlight Israel’s post-Oct. 7 genocide in Gaza as a monstrous escalation of the Dahiya Doctrine, it was not until Israel’s +972 Magazine published, at the same time, a revelatory article, ‘A mass assassination factory’: Inside Israel’s calculated bombing of Gaza (which I wrote about here), that it became apparent how the use of AI for military targeting was, essentially, hiding the screamingly disproportionate and arbitrary illegality of the implementation of the Dahiya Doctrine behind new technology systems that cloaked mass extermination policies with a veneer of legitimacy.

+972 Magazine’s first revelatory article about Israel’s use of AI-driven military targeting in Gaza, published on November 30, 2023.

As the article explained, seven current and former members of Israel’s intelligence community explained that, after Oct. 7, Israel massively “expanded authorization for bombing non-military targets”, while “loosening constraints regarding expected civilian casualties”, and also relying on “an artificial intelligence system to generate more potential targets than ever before.”

It was not Israel’s first use of AI. In 2021, Israeli intelligence officials had proudly declared that an 11-day bombing campaign against Hamas was their “First AI War”, but that was a mere skirmish compared to the unbridled, AI-facilitated mass slaughter that was to come.

The “non-military targets” identified by +972 Magazine specifically included “private residences as well as public buildings, infrastructure, and high-rise blocks”, which were defined as “power targets”, a re-branding of the Dahiya Doctrine that, as “intelligence sources who had first-hand experience with its application in Gaza in the past” explained, was “mainly intended to harm Palestinian civil society: to ‘create a shock’ that, among other things, will reverberate powerfully and ‘lead civilians to put pressure on Hamas.’”

This of course, was the core of the Dahiya Doctrine, but with Gaza, from October 2023 onwards, “because the Israeli government has files on the vast majority of potential targets in Gaza — including homes”, the sources explained that the army’s intelligence units knew, before carrying out an attack, roughly how many civilians were “certain to be killed”, also stating that, in one case, involving “an attempt to assassinate a single top Hamas military commander”, the Israeli military command “knowingly approved the killing of hundreds of Palestinian civilians.”

Chillingly, as one source explained, “Nothing happens by accident. When a 3-year-old girl is killed in a home in Gaza, it’s because someone in the army decided it wasn’t a big deal for her to be killed — that it was a price worth paying in order to hit [another] target. We are not Hamas. These are not random rockets. Everything is intentional. We know exactly how much collateral damage there is in every home.”

However, behind this targeting involving human assessment, the sources also explained that the widespread use of an AI system called “Habsora” (“The Gospel”), was generating targets “almost automatically at a rate that far exceeds what was previously possible.” One former intelligence officer memorably, and sickeningly, described it as facilitating a “mass assassination factory.”

In a follow-up article, the Guardian noted that, when AI was used in attacks on Gaza in 2021, Aviv Kochavi, then the head of the IDF, stated admiringly that, “in the past we would produce 50 targets in Gaza per year. Now, this machine produces 100 targets in a single day.” One official, however, explained to +972 Magazine how expanding the targets to alleged “junior Hamas members” — which had not happened previously — had caused so much death. “That is a lot of houses,” the official said, adding, “Hamas members who don’t really mean anything live in homes across Gaza. So they mark the home and bomb the house and kill everyone there.”

+972 Magazine noted that the sources added that military activity was not being “conducted from these targeted homes”, and cited one particularly critical source who added, “I remember thinking that it was like if [Palestinian militants] would bomb all the private residences of our families when [Israeli soldiers] go back to sleep at home on the weekend.”

Another source explained that, because a senior intelligence officer had told his officers that the goal was to “kill as many Hamas operatives as possible,” the result was that “the criteria around harming Palestinian civilians were significantly relaxed”, so that, for example, there were “cases in which we shell based on a wide cellular pinpointing of where the target is, killing civilians”, which was “often done to save time, instead of doing a little more work to get a more accurate pinpointing.”

The result of the speed with which AI could generate targets, coupled with the deliberate increase in the definition of targets regarded as militarily appropriate meant that the destruction of Gaza that we all saw and were sickened by in those first few months was, essentially, indistinguishable from carpet-bombing, the reviled policy of total destruction that, after its widespread use in the Second World War, and in the Korean War and the Vietnam War, had largely been outlawed as a war crime since the introduction of the Optional Protocol to the Geneva Conventions in 1977.

“Lavender” and “Where’s Daddy?”

In April 2024, in a follow-up article, ‘Lavender’: The AI machine directing Israel’s bombing spree in Gaza (which I wrote about here), +972 magazine exposed the existence of another AI program, “Lavender”, which was “designed to mark all suspected operatives in the military wings of Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), including low-ranking ones, as potential bombing targets.”

+972 Magazine’s second article about Israel’s use of AI-driven military targeting in Gaza, published on April 3, 2024.

Six Israeli intelligence officers, “who have all served in the army during the current war on the Gaza Strip and had first-hand involvement with the use of AI to generate targets for assassination”, explained how, “especially during the early stages of the war”, the AI program’s “influence on the military’s operations was such that they essentially treated the outputs of the AI machine ‘as if it were a human decision’”; in other words, human scrutiny was completely removed from a system which, in just a few weeks, “clocked as many as 37,000 Palestinians as suspected militants — and their homes — for possible air strikes.”

Noticeably, that figure — 37,000 — was more than the entirety of Hamas’s military membership, according to official Israeli statements.

As the article spelled out, excruciatingly, “During the early stages of the war, the army gave sweeping approval for officers to adopt Lavender’s kill lists, with no requirement to thoroughly check why the machine made those choices or to examine the raw intelligence data on which they were based. One source stated that human personnel often served only as a ‘rubber stamp’ for the machine’s decisions, adding that, normally, they would personally devote only about ’20 seconds’ to each target before authorizing a bombing — just to make sure the Lavender-marked target is male. This was despite knowing that the system makes what are regarded as ‘errors’ in approximately 10 percent of cases, and is known to occasionally mark individuals who have merely a loose connection to militant groups, or no connection at all.”

It should be apparent that even these claims about error rates may well be a massive underestimate, because, as the sources admitted, the system was used with almost no scrutiny or oversight at all.

This article also revealed the existence of “additional automated systems”, including one, repulsively called “Where’s Daddy?”, which “were used specifically to track the targeted individuals and carry out bombings when they had entered their family’s residences.” As the article explained, the army “systematically attacked the targeted individuals while they were in their homes — usually at night while their whole families were present — rather than during the course of military activity”, because, “from what they regarded as an intelligence standpoint, it was easier to locate the individuals in their private houses.”

As one source explained, “We were not interested in killing [Hamas] operatives only when they were in a military building or engaged in a military activity. On the contrary, the IDF bombed them in homes without hesitation, as a first option. It’s much easier to bomb a family’s home. The system is built to look for them in these situations.”

The sources also explained that, “when it came to targeting alleged junior militants marked by Lavender, the army preferred to only use unguided missiles, commonly known as ‘dumb’ bombs (in contrast to ‘smart’ precision bombs), which can destroy entire buildings on top of their occupants and cause significant casualties.” As one source described it, “You don’t want to waste expensive bombs on unimportant people — it’s very expensive for the country and there’s a shortage [of those bombs].”

Crucially, as the article revealed, the “Lavender” program analyzed “information collected on most of the 2.3 million residents of the Gaza Strip through a system of mass surveillance”, then assessed and ranked the likelihood of activity in the military wing of Hamas or PIJ, assigning “almost every single person in Gaza a rating from 1 to 100, expressing how likely it is that they are a militant.”

Having learned “to identify characteristics of known Hamas and PIJ operatives, whose information was fed to the machine as training data”, the program then located similar “features” amongst the general population. Those with “several different incriminating features” would “reach a high rating”, and would automatically become “a potential target for assassination.”

Alarmingly, however, as I described it at the time, “These ‘features’ might include ‘being in a Whatsapp group with a known militant, changing cell phone every few months, and changing addresses frequently’ — even though the former is no guarantee of militancy, and the latter two might well involve no militancy whatsoever. As the sources explained, the AI program ‘sometimes mistakenly flagged individuals who had communication patterns similar to known Hamas or PIJ operatives — including police and civil defense workers, militants’ relatives, residents who happened to have a name and nickname identical to that of an operative, and Gazans who used a device that once [unknowingly] belonged to a Hamas operative.’”

Furthermore, as one source explained, when “Lavender” was set up, the programmers “used the term ‘Hamas operative’ loosely,” so that “employees of the Hamas-run Internal Security Ministry, whom he does not consider to be militants,” were included. The source added that, “even if one believes these people deserve to be killed, training the system based on their communication profiles made Lavender more likely to select civilians by mistake when its algorithms were applied to the general population.”

The result of all of the above, as one of the sources explained, was that, “In practice, the principle of proportionality did not exist.”

In addition, in pursuing “high-value” targets, unheard-of rates of “collateral damage” were justified. One, early on, involved “the killing of approximately 300 civilians” in an attack aimed at one individual, a figure that appalled an international law expert at the US State Department, who told the Guardian that they had “never remotely heard” of even “a one to 15 ratio being deemed acceptable.”

Last year, the extent of Israel’s contempt for proportionality — and of the need for human oversight of AI programs — was revealed when +972 Magazine and the Guardian released their analysis of an official IDF document establishing that, according to their own analysis, 83% of those killed in Gaza since Oct. 7, 2023 were civilians, which the reporters described as “an extreme rate of slaughter rarely matched in recent decades of warfare”, even when “compared with conflicts notorious for indiscriminate killing, including the Syrian and Sudanese civil wars.”

In my own analysis, I suggested that the true total might be closer to 95%.

The involvement of a roll call of US companies

Although +972 Magazine’s investigations didn’t reveal any of the companies involved in creating Israel’s AI-driven kill programs, subsequent investigations revealed the dirty fingerprints of a roll call of US tech and AI companies.

On February 18, 2025, the Associated Press reported that, after months of investigations, three of its reporters had established that Microsoft, OpenAI, Google and Amazon were all heavily implicated in Israel’s AI targeting. 14 current and former employees of these companies spoke to the reporters, mostly on an anonymous basis “for fear of retribution”, and the reporters also spoke to “six current and former members of the Israeli army, including three reserve intelligence officers.”

The Associated Press article about US tech and AI companies’ involvement in Israel’s genocide in Gaza, published on February 18, 2025.

Absurdly, even after +972 Magazine’s revelations, Israeli officials “insist[ed] that, even when AI plays a role, there are always several layers of humans in the loop.”

Both Microsoft and OpenAI (for which Microsoft is its largest investor) made huge profits after Oct. 7, via advanced AI models provided by OpenAI, using Microsoft’s Azure cloud platform. Microsoft also signed a three-year contract with the Israeli Ministry of Defense in 2021, which “was worth $133 million, making it the company’s second largest military customer globally after the US.”

The AP also noted that “Google and Amazon provide cloud computing and AI services to the Israeli military under ‘Project Nimbus’, a $1.2 billion contract signed in 2021 when Israel first tested out its in-house AI-powered targeting systems.”

The AP added, “The [Israeli] military has used Cisco and Dell server farms or data centers. Red Hat, an independent IBM subsidiary, also has provided cloud computing technologies, and Palantir Technologies, a Microsoft partner in US defense contracts, has a ‘strategic partnership’ providing AI systems to help Israel’s war efforts.”

As the AP article also explained, “The Israeli military uses Microsoft Azure to compile information gathered through mass surveillance, which it transcribes and translates, including phone calls, texts and audio messages”, which “can then be cross-checked with Israel’s in-house targeting systems and vice versa.”

“Typically”, the AP noted, “AI models that transcribe and translate perform best in English”, adding that “OpenAI has acknowledged that its popular AI-powered translation model Whisper, which can transcribe and translate into multiple languages including Arabic, can make up text that no one said, including adding racial commentary and violent rhetoric”, as was exposed in October 2024. Israeli officials also conceded that, whether using translating services or not, the AI programs frequently make errors, which go unnoticed unless human beings are closely monitoring the target lists.

Earlier, in April 2024, James Bamford, writing for The Nation, had focused in particular on the complicity of the US National Security Agency (NSA), which had first been exposed by the whistleblower Edward Snowden, who noted how “one of the biggest abuses” he saw while working at the NSA was how it “secretly provided Israel with raw, unredacted phone and e-mail communications between Palestinian Americans in the US and their relatives in the occupied territories”, who, as a result, were “at great risk of being targeted for arrest or worse.”

As Bamford proceeded to explain, “with Israel’s ongoing war in Gaza, critical information from NSA continues to be used by Unit 8200” — Israel’s equivalent of the NSA, which “specializes in eavesdropping, codebreaking, and cyber warfare” — to “target tens of thousands of Palestinians for death — often with US-supplied 2,000-pound bombs and other weapons.”

Bamford also explained the critical role played by Palantir, led by the morose Peter Thiel and the histrionic Alex Karp — both deeply troubling individuals — which he described as “one of the world’s most advanced data-mining companies, with ties to the CIA”, noting that “it is extremely powerful data-mining software, such as that from Palantir, that helps the IDF to select targets.”

Bamford added that, “While the company does not disclose operational details, some indications of the power and speed of its AI can be understood by examining its activities on behalf of another client at war: Ukraine.” As Karp has described it, “Palantir is responsible for most of the targeting in Ukraine”, and as was explained by Bruno Macaes, a former senior Portuguese official who was given a tour of Palantir’s London HQ in 2023, “From the moment the algorithms set to work detecting their targets until these targets are prosecuted [i.e., killed] no more than two or three minutes elapse. In the old world, the process might take six hours.”

In December 2025, it was also reported that Palantir played a key role in Israel’s targeting of Hezbollah leaders, and the barbaric Israeli pager attacks in Lebanon in September 2024, when, as Middle East Eye described it, “42 people were killed and thousands wounded, many left with life-altering injuries to the eyes, face and hands.”

The attacks used pagers and walkie-talkies, into which explosive devices had been planted at the manufacturing phase, and were purportedly aimed at Hezbollah members. However, many, if not most of those who were killed or suffered horrific injuries had no connections whatsoever to any kind of militant activity, and in any case, as UN experts explained, the attacks were a “terrifying” violation of international law.

Karp had bragged about Palantir’s involvement to the author Michael Steinberger, for his book, The Philosopher in the Valley: Alex Karp, Palantir, and the Rise of the Surveillance State, in which he wrote, “The company’s technology was deployed by the Israelis during military operations in Lebanon in 2024 that decimated Hezbollah’s top leadership. It was also used in Operation Grim Beeper, in which hundreds of Hezbollah fighters were injured and maimed when their pagers and walkie-talkies exploded (the Israelis had booby trapped the devices).”

The situation now: total warfare and total control

Fast forward to now, and the horror stories aired by +972 Magazine and other news outlets paying attention are clearly at play in the US’s first direct application of AI-driven targeting in its “war”, with Israel, against Iran.

As the FT reported on March 12, in an article entitled, “The AI-driven ‘kill chain’ transforming how the US wages war”, “Systems from Palantir and Anthropic are helping to turn torrents of battlefield data into thousands of strikes.”

Noting that, in the first four days of the war, the Pentagon said that “it struck more than 2,000 targets”, the FT’s reporters pointed out that it was using “Palantir’s Maven Smart System, which, alongside Anthropic’s Claude model, forms a real-time data analysis dashboard for operations in Iran”, marking “the first battlefield use of ‘frontier’ generative AI models, with AI tools widely used by civilians — from office workers to doctors and students — helping commanders interpret data, plan operations and provide real-time feedback during combat.”

Louis Mosley, the head of Palantir in the UK and Europe, and the grandson of Oswald Mosley, the leader of the British Union of Fascists, claimed, “The reason the frontier models are so important — the technological shift in the last year and a half — is they have moved from summarization to reasoning.” He added, as the FT described it, that “this ability of AI models to reason — or to consider a problem step by step — had enabled” what he called a “big jump in the volume of decisions and the speed at which [military personnel] can take those decisions during complex warfighting operations.”

Mosley’s claims are undoubtedly seductive for those who believe in the “reasoning” capacities of AI, but they are fundamentally unreliable, as experience, and alarming academic reports and investigations, suggest that AI systems are all fundamentally and dangerously flawed, routinely involving deceit, deception and hallucinations, and clearly requiring constant human oversight.

A clear example of this is the bombing, on the very first day of the “war” on Iran, of the Shajareh Tayyebeh elementary school in Minab, in southern Iran, in which at least 168 people were killed, most of them children, girls aged seven to 12.

Some of those killed in the US strike on a school in Minab, in Iran, on the first day of the US-Israeli “war” on Iran, on February 28, 2026.

As was explained in a Guardian article by Avner Gvaryahu, a DPhil researcher at the Blavatnik School of Government at University of Oxford, and a former executive director of the Israeli NGO Breaking the Silence, “The weapons were precise. Munitions experts described the targeting as ‘incredibly accurate’, each building individually struck, nothing missed. The problem was not the execution. The problem was intelligence. The school had been separated from an adjacent Revolutionary Guard base by a fence and repurposed for civilian use nearly a decade ago. Somewhere in the targeting cycle, it seems that fact was never updated.”

Speaking to the FT, a former senior defense official for the US military, who asked not to be identified, said, “The girls’ school [bombing] feels to me like the building was on a target list for years. Yet this was missed, and the question is how? A machine? A human? I would like to believe AI can point out flaws like this, in theory. Unfortunately combat is never as pristine as the technology is designed to be.”

Jessica Dorsey, a researcher in the use of AI and international humanitarian law at Utrecht University, pointed out that, “If we look at the campaign against Isis, the coalition struck around 2,000 targets in the first six months of the campaign in Iraq and Syria. Now compare that with reports about this campaign, where the same numbers of strikes [by the US] occurred within just the first four days. That illustrates the scale and speed of target execution.”

Dorsey added that, although AI “has potentially already been involved in identifying exponentially more targets than in previous wars”, the basis for these decisions is alarmingly opaque. “Those targets could have existed beforehand — or they could have been generated quickly by AI systems, creating a serious concern about how carefully these have been vetted as required by law”, she said, adding, “How do you lift the veil on a system making 37 million computations per second? How on earth would you even be able to even trace that back in any way? Are you going to meaningfully exercise context-appropriate human control and judgment over decisions that are generated by these systems?”

For Avner Gvaryahu, although “the exact role of AI in the strike on Minab has not been officially confirmed”, he was adamant that “what is known is that the targeting infrastructure in which those systems operate has no reliable mechanism for flagging when the underlying intelligence is a decade out of date.”

As he added, “Whether or not an algorithm selected this school, it was selected by a system that algorithmic targeting built. To strike 1,000 targets in the first 24 hours of the campaign in Iran, the US military relied on AI systems to generate, prioritize, and rank the target list at a speed no human team could replicate. Gaza was the laboratory. Minab is the market. The result is a world in which the most consequential targeting decisions in modern warfare are made by systems that cannot explain themselves, supplied by companies that answer to no one, in conflicts that generate no accountability and no reckoning. That is not a failure of the system. That is the system.”

What do we do now?

Where we go from here is, perhaps, the most pressing question facing those of us who are not — or not, as yet — threatened with death raining down from the skies via AI systems that are both unaccountable and unreliable, and working at a speed that increasingly demands human oversight that, the faster it gets, is increasingly abandoned.

When the internet revolution began, and particularly with the rise of social media, it seemed to me, perhaps naively, to be primarily used by the big tech companies to enrich themselves via advertising revenues, through targeting us with personalized ads. By 2015 and 2016, with the Brexit vote in the UK and the election of Donald Trump in the US, it moved towards changing people’s minds, locating vulnerable people who would fall for targeted ads supporting both Brexit and Trump, as well as ramping up division and distracting from the realities of oligarchic control through the demonization of immigrants. More recently, however, and especially since the start of Israel’s genocide in Gaza, and that malignant state’s concerted efforts to suppress all criticism of its actions as antisemitic, it has moved into even more alarming territory, focused on surveillance and control.

If the threat we pose is deemed intolerable, as the unfolding AI-driven wars are showing us, this technology, which once promised us a better world, will now kill us without a second thought. Palantir may be the most obviously evil company in the entire tech and AI sector, but all of them now pose an unprecedented threat to all of us.

On the eve of the launch of the “war” on Iran, for example, Pete Hegseth, the US’s absurd “Secretary of War”, ordered Anthropic, which has a $200 million contract with the Pentagon, to drop two particular guardrails from its Claude program — one preventing the total surveillance of all US citizens and everyone present in the US, and the other preventing the use of fully autonomous weapons without any human oversight.

In response, Claude’s CEO, Dario Amodei, refused to drop the guardrails, which prompted Hegseth to designate the company as a “supply chain risk” and to order a six-month phase-out of the use of its systems from all DOD infrastructure. However, as Shanaka Anslem Perera reported on March 16, the US military is still using Anthropic’s AI, even as other US companies — Lockheed Martin and Boeing — are “currently purging” Anthropic AI “from their commercial contracts to comply with the Hegseth order.”

Anthropic is currently challenging Hegseth in court, with Perera noting that “designating a company as a supply chain risk while simultaneously depending on its technology for active combat operations creates a constitutional and procurement paradox that no court has previously adjudicated.”

Executives from Google, Amazon, Apple and Microsoft are publicly supporting Anthropic, but, in reality, how can we trust that any of them fundamentally agree with Anthropic that, as Microsoft described it, AI tools “should not be used to conduct domestic mass surveillance or put the country in a position where autonomous machines could independently start a war”?

More probable, as Microsoft also stated, is that they are worried that the government’s behavior could cause “broad negative ramifications for the entire technology sector”; in other words, restraining them in any meaningful sense, when they all, quite clearly, believe that they should be allowed to operate without any restraint.

On March 16, Mehdi, a tech analyst on X, wrote, “I genuinely believe Palantir was never just a government contractor; it was always designed, from day 1, to embed itself so deep inside the intelligence and defense apparatus that ripping it out would be like trying to remove the nervous system from a living body.”

His words surely apply to all the big tech and AI companies, who, despite public ruptures like that between Hegseth and Anthropic, are also seeking to embed themselves into governments and government departments so thoroughly that they can’t actually be extracted, and who will continue to work, with those within government structures who support them, to redefine not only war, but also peace; a peace that will not exist unless everyone in the countries they control live lives of quiet and docile obedience, with no dissent allowed.

Our leaders are not our friends. Increasingly, they view most of us as a threat, and AI promises to deliver the means to control us like never before. We should — we must — revolt, depose all our leaders, tear all these AI systems down, and reclaim our lives for ourselves.

If we don’t, anyone who can, in any way, be regarded as a threat will face death, or unjust imprisonment, or life-threatening exclusion from a world of dystopian control and oppression, for which Israel’s genocide in Gaza provides the most alarming template.

Andy Worthington is a freelance investigative journalist, activist, author, photographer (of a photo-journalism project, ‘The State of London’, which ran from 2012 to 2023), film-maker and singer-songwriter (the lead singer and main songwriter for the London-based band The Four Fathers, whose music is available via Bandcamp).

25 May 2026

Source: transcend.org

Israel’s ‘Intolerable’ Abuse of Gaza Flotilla Abductees

By Brett Wilkins

21 May 2026 – More than 15 countries, including Italy, France and Canada, have summoned Israeli ambassadors over the “unacceptable” treatment of the Global Sumud Flotilla participants, 87 of whom have reportedly gone on a hunger strike.

A growing number of countries — and even Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu — have condemned far-right Israeli National Security Minister Ben-Gvir’s humiliation of people violently abducted in international waters from the latest Global Sumud Flotilla as it attempted to break the illegal blockade of Gaza.

Ben-Gvir posted a video on social media yesterday showing him joyfully waving an Israeli flag as he walked among detained activists, journalists and others who were mostly kneeling with their hands tied behind their backs and their foreheads forced to the ground.

“They came with a lot of pride, as great heroes; look at what they look like now,” Ben-Gvir says with glee. “No heroes, nothing. Terrorism supporters. I tell Netanyahu, give them to me for a long, long time.”

The video shows one female detainee shouting, “Free, free Palestine!” as Ben-Gvir walks by. She is grabbed roughly by the head and forced into a squatting position.

[https://twitter.com/itamarbengvir/status/2057046925417824697]

Senior officials in countries including Bangladesh, Brazil, Canada, Colombia, France, Indonesia, Italy, Jordan, Libya, the Maldives, the Netherlands, Pakistan, Portugal, Slovenia, South Korea, Spain, and Turkey decried the treatment of their citizens and others seized from the flotilla off the coast of Cyprus.

Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni — whose strong support for Israel has tempered amid the Gaza genocide and slaughter in Lebanon— called the video “unacceptable.”

“It is inadmissible that these demonstrators, including many Italian citizens, are subjected to this treatment that violates human dignity,” she said. “The Italian government is immediately taking, at the highest institutional levels, all necessary steps to secure the immediate release of the Italian citizens involved.”

“Italy further demands an apology for the treatment reserved for these demonstrators and for the total contempt shown toward the explicit requests of the Italian government,” the right-wing leader added. “For these reasons, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation will immediately summon the Israeli ambassador to request formal clarifications on what has occurred.”

Portugal’s Foreign Ministry called Ben-Gvir’s behavior “intolerable” and “a humiliating violation of human dignity.”

[https://twitter.com/AnitaAnandMP/status/2057156689598849058]

South Korean President Lee Jae Myung accused Israeli forces of illegally abducting his country’s citizens from the flotilla, a move he called “way out of line.”

Speaking Wednesday at a meeting of his Cabinet in Seoul, Lee noted the International Criminal Court (ICC) arrest warrants issued in 2024 for Netanyahu and former Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant for alleged crimes against humanity and war crimes in Gaza. The ICC is also believed to be seeking the arrest of Ben-Gvir and Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich in connection with the ethnic cleansing and settler colonization of the illegally occupied West Bank.

“Almost all European countries have issued arrest warrants for Netanyahu and announced plans to arrest him if he enters their territories. We should also consider this,” Lee said. “There are minimum international norms, and Israel is violating them all. They must adhere to principles; we have tolerated this for too long.”

“What is the legal basis for Israel seizing or sinking ships, including those carrying our citizens, who are volunteering for Gaza? Isn’t Israel’s invasion and occupation of Gaza illegal under international law?” Lee asked.

When National Security Adviser Wi Sung-lac countered that “the conflict began with Hamas attacking Israel” on Oct. 7, 2023, Lee retorted by asking whether Gaza is Israeli territory.

When Wi conceded that it is not, Lee added: “Shouldn’t we protest? Even during combat, can third-country ships be seized? This is a matter of basic common sense, not just law, right?”

“There are minimum international norms, and Israel is violating them all.”

Israel maintains that the San Remo Manual allows for the interception and seizure of flotilla vessels attempting to reach Gaza on the high seas.

However, numerous international and maritime law experts note that San Remo isn’t a legally binding treaty. Critically, the document also prohibits blockades that cause “excessive” civilian harm and that result in the inadequate provision of “food and other objects essential” for survival.

Israel’s “complete siege” of Gaza has fueled famine and diseaseand is the basis for the ICC arrest warrant for Gallant.

Meanwhile, United Nations treaties and resolutions, the Fourth Geneva Convention, the ICC Rome Statute and the Genocide Convention — on which the genocide case against Israel filed by South Africa and backed by nearly 20 countries is based — prohibit or limit Israel’s blockage of humanitarian aid.

Netanyahu and Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar — who is also a member of the prime minister’s Likud party — surprised many international observers by condemning Ben-Gvir’s behavior.

[https://twitter.com/gidonsaar/status/2057074273592689103]

“Israel has every right to prevent provocative flotillas of Hamas terrorist supporters from entering our territorial waters and reaching Gaza,” Netanyahu said. “However, the way that Minister Ben-Gvir dealt with the flotilla activists is not in line with Israel’s values and norms.”

Israeli forces have been accused of physically and psychologically torturing past flotilla abductees, without protest from Netanyahu. In 2010, Israeli troops killed nine activists aboard one of the first-ever Gaza flotillas, including Turkish-American teenager Furkan Dogan.

In a statement that followed Netanyahu’s remarks, French Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot said, “The actions of Mr. Ben-Gvir toward the passengers of the Global Sumud Flotilla, denounced by his own colleagues in the Israeli government, are unacceptable.”

“I have requested that the Israeli ambassador to France be summoned to express our indignation and obtain explanations,” he added. “The safety of our compatriots is a constant priority. Whatever one thinks of this flotilla — and we have indicated on several occasions our disapproval of this initiative — our compatriots who are participating in it must be treated with respect and released as quickly as possible.”

Some critics also noted that Ben-Gvir was convicted in 2007 of incitement to racism and supporting the Jewish terror group Kach after he advocated the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians.

Others warned against pointing the finger at individual Israeli leaders.

“There is an attempt to portray Ben-Gvir and his treatment of the activists as the entire issue, as if it were an individual act,” Palestinian journalist Reda Yasen said on X in a post with video showing Israeli forces opening fire on one of the flotilla vessels.

“It must be emphasized that this matter is connected to full-scale state terrorism practiced by an occupying power and its army,” he added. “It begins with genocide, the blockade, maritime piracy, the hijacking of ships, firing at participants, the use of skunk water cannons, deliberate ramming, beatings and other violations.”

Some observers highlighted incendiary remarks about flotilla members made by other Israeli officials, including Likud Transport Minister Miri Regev, who posted a video of her reveling in the detainees’ treatment.

Knesset Member Keti Shitrit, also Likud, said during an interview on far-right Channel 14 that the activists “must be dealt with” like terrorists — who are typically killed by Israeli forces, often along with their families.

[https://twitter.com/warfareanalysis/status/2057081483634893059]

Responding to Ben-Gvir’s video, the Israel-based Palestinian legal aid group Adalah said that “Israel is employing a criminal policy of abuse and humiliation against activists seeking to confront Israel’s ongoing crimes against the Palestinian people.”

“The international community must take urgent measures to protect the flotilla members against this brutal and illegal conduct by Israeli officials,” the group added.

Palestinians marched in Gaza on Wednesday in support of the detained activists, at least 87 of whom have reportedly begun a hunger strike “in protest of their illegal abduction and in solidarity with the over 9,500 Palestinian hostages held in Israeli dungeons,” according to flotilla organizers.

Brett Wilkins is a staff writer for Common Dreams.

25 May 2026

Source: transcend.org